著者

八代 京子 Kyoko Yashiro

出版者

麗澤大学経済学会

雑誌

麗澤学際ジャーナル = Reitaku Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies (ISSN:09196714)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.17, no.2, pp.73-87, 2009-09-30

著者

土井 正 Tadashi Doi

出版者

麗澤大学経済学会

雑誌

麗澤学際ジャーナル = Reitaku Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies (ISSN:09196714)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.17, no.1, pp.27-40, 2009-03-10

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In recent years, the rapid development and penetration of the Internet have brought about convenience to users on one hand, while on the other hand, so-called "black websites" are becoming a social issue. Consequently, there is an increasing numer of incidences where minors can get access to harmful material and consequently become involved in crime. To tackle such illegal and harmful information, the police have set up cyber patrols and are cracking down on those who post illegal information. Also, measures are being carried out by providers and ebulletin board administrators to prevent the sending of illegal or harmful information, and the filtering of information is performed by the receivers of information. But an enormous amount of new information is circulated daily on the Internet, and in addition, there is also data that is stored on servers installed abroad. It is very difficult to shield children from harmful web sites. The Japan Newspaper Publishers and Editors Association, which is the representative of the mass media, opposes any move that would appear to foster government intervention, because it must refrain from making any moves that would restrict the constitutionally-guaranteed freedom of expression. However,they find it unacceptable to help with the circulation of such harmful information. The mass media enterprises in the Internet age should change their business structures and strategies. The study described in this paper examines the influences of the mass media and harmful information on the Internet.

著者

川久保 剛

出版者

麗澤大学

雑誌

麗澤学際ジャーナル (ISSN:09196714)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.19, no.1, pp.1-14, 2011-03-10

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This article examines what Tsuneari Fukuda was interested in in his youth,especially in his primary, lower secondary and high school time according to his new materials.Fukuda got a liberal education - what is called a Taishou liberal education- during his primary and lower secondary schools. In his high-school time, student movements were prevalent among his generation. However, Fukuda was not involved in those movements because his primary concern was drama. At that time, although leftist dramas were very popular, he was not interested in them. Rather, he was interested in dramas of art for arts sake. From this perspective,he sympathized with the theatrical company, Tsukijiza.Mr. Fukuda was also interested in literary criticism at that time. The prominent critic, Hideo Kobayashi's anthology of literary criticism brought Fukuda into this arena.

著者

川久保 剛

出版者

麗澤大学

雑誌

麗澤学際ジャーナル (ISSN:09196714)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.16, no.1, pp.1-21, 2008

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This paper focuses on the ideas of Tsuneari Fukuda (Japanese thinker: 1912-1994) in the early 1940s [Showa 20 to 25].). Specific attention is given to Fukuda's thinking vis a vis the discussion of characteristics of the "new men" to be created in post-war Japan that was a popular theme within intellectual circles. Points of opposition between Fukuda's ideas and those expressed by "progressive intellectuals" of that era are elucidated. This paper is an attempt to place Fukuda's thinking within the history of ideas.

著者

大貫 啓行

出版者

麗澤大学

雑誌

麗澤学際ジャーナル (ISSN:09196714)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.14, no.2, pp.99-110, 2006

被引用文献数

1

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Despite the failure of communist party rule in the Soviet block countries around 1990, the People's Republic of China has remained a socialist dictatorial country under the rule of the Chinese Communist Party. They have already started dealing in stocks and the market is very active generally. The Chinese at present seem to enjoy a capitalistic money oriented life. As far as money is concerned, they are as free as in capitalist countries. However, in the political field, they are strictry controlled. They have no right to vote and if they try to organize new parties, they are arrested immediately. There have been major changes in the quality of both the State and Society of the People's Republic of China. Focusing on several aspects of present Chinese society, I will try to identify the direction of the change. Following the series of analyses on personalities of Chinese leaders and the recent situations of China-Japan relation, part 6 covers both countries's antagonistic feeling exploded anti-Japan demonstration April 2005. The more economic progress, the wider difference in quality of life in every parts (rich v. poor, city v. country, coast v. inland}. Chinese society seems to have entered into really difficult stage.

著者

中畑 邦夫 Kunio Nakahata

出版者

麗澤大学経済学会

雑誌

麗澤学際ジャーナル = Reitaku Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies (ISSN:09196714)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.21, no.1, pp.55-68, 2013-03-10

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The purpose of this article is to outline the main studies on conversion, which plays an extremely essential role in Christianity. Here, I outline two theories about conversion. One is the study of the psychology of religion by William James, and the other is found in the Catholic theology of Bernard Lonergan. By outlining these two studies, we can find the distinctive characteristics of each theory, which are clearly opposed to each other.That is, James’ theory values personal factors in conversion, while Lonergan’s theory values institutional or communal factors in terms of political theory. So, these two theories diverge as liberalist and communitarian in terms of political theory. I support neither of these two theories. Instead, I suggest a third way which goes beyond then. It is an attempt to construe the process of conversion as one of tragedy in the sense of the thought of Nietzsche. At the end of this article, I give some brief comments on the thought of Simone Weil, who I think expressed her theory of conversion and her own experience of conversion itself as tragedy.

著者

堀内 一史

出版者

麗澤大学

雑誌

麗澤学際ジャーナル (ISSN:09196714)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.14, no.2, pp.49-65, 2006

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American politics and society today cannot be fully understood without referring to the religio-political force known as the Religious Right. This religio-political movement organizes the mobilization of white conservative evangelical Christians, especially Christian Fundamentalists, who actively involve themselves in politics in order to protect and preserve the traditional values of American Protestantism. This paper aims to describe the historical process by which the Religious Right became involved in politics, the way in which its members translated their religious values into a political agenda, and finally the current situation which is the result of this process. In its historical analysis of the political formation of the Religious Right, the paper utilizes the last two of the Clyde Wilcox's four-period-division of the movement, which can be outlined as follows: the first period, in which fundamentalist groups criticized evolutionism and propagated creationism in the 1920s; the second, in which fundamentalist groups developed the anti-communist movement in the 1950s; the third, when fundamentalist groups, led by the Moral Majority, mobilized conservative evangelicals to vote for Ronald Reagan in the 1980s; and the fourth, which is characterized by the activities of the Christian Coalition, Focus on the Family and the Home-schooling Legal Defense Association, among others, in the 1990s.

著者

堀内 一史

出版者

麗澤大学

雑誌

麗沢学際ジャ-ナル (ISSN:09196714)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.16, no.1, pp.21-45, 2008

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White evangelical Christians, consisting of 25% of the total voters of the United States of America, have been one of the major constituencies of the Republican Party since the 1980 presidential election which elected Ronald Reagan the 40th President of USA, marking the crescendo, so to speak, of the conservative movement within the Republican Party. The purpose of this paper is as follows: Firstly, to identify some religious factors which made it possible for President George W. Bush to be reelected in the 2004 presidential race and which led to the Republican Party being defeated in the 2006 Mid-term Election. Secondly, to evaluate moral problems (e.g., same-sex marriage and abortion), as opposed to such foreign policy issues (e.g., the Iraq War and terrorism), and economic issues (e.g., unemployment}, as key factors that motivated white evangelical Christians to mobilize other voters in these major elections.

著者

堀内 一史 Kazunobu Horiuchi

出版者

麗澤大学経済学会

雑誌

麗澤学際ジャーナル = Reitaku Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies (ISSN:09196714)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.21, no.1, pp.1-17, 2013-03-10

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President Barak Obama was reelected in the 2012 U.S. Presidential Election to serve a second four-year term. The major elements that allowed the incumbent to win reelection include the support he received from members of minority groups such as Hispanics and the so-called Millennial generation ─ young adults aged between 18 and 29 ─ that was especially important in such swing States as Ohio, Florida, Pennsylvania, and Virginia. Having provided a systematic analysis of the voting behavior of religious and ethnic groups, age cohorts, and supporters of political parties, this paper will focus on the newly apparent trends revealed by the data examined, such as the decline in numbers of the majority group: the increasing size of ethnic minority groups including African Americans, HispanicAmericans, and Asian Americans; the succession of the generations; and theincreasing number of the so-called unchurched Americans.

著者

松本 健一

出版者

麗澤大学

雑誌

麗澤学際ジャーナル (ISSN:09196714)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.5, no.1, pp.A27-A33, 1997

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二十一世紀は「アジアの世紀」だ、といわれる。これは十八、九世紀が「ヨーロッパの世紀」で、二十世紀が「アメリカの世紀」であったことを意識しつつ、「こんどはアジアの隆盛の時代だ」、という期待をこめていわれる言葉である。たしかに、二十世紀末の現在、アジアそれも東アジアは、世界経済のエンジン部分を構成しはじめている。ところが、そのアジアは十九世紀半ばの世界史にあっては、「停滞」のイメージで捉えられていたのである。それがこの一世紀あまりのあいだに、アジアのイメージは「停滞」から「抵抗」へ、そうして今や「発展」へと、百八十度の転換をとげている。これにはむろん、帝国主義の終焉、ならびにその変形としての覇権国家アメリカの衰退(これに対抗したソ連の解体)、という外的な状況が大きく関わっていよう。しかし、アジアがその世界史的イメージを、「停滞」から「発展」へと百八十度の転換するためには、それを可能にしたアジア自身の内的な本質が存在しなければならない。その内的な本質こそ、アジアがその文化、歴史、宗教、民族において多様でありながらも、一様に農耕文明に発する「内に蓄積する力」をもっていた事実が、まず認識されなければならない。しかし、アジアの「内に蓄積する力」としての共質性は、かつてヨーロッパ・アメリカ文明の牧畜文明を基底とした「外に進出する力」のまえに無力であった。ところが、二十世紀半ばに、日本をふくむ帝国主義が終焉した。そして、そのあと覇権国家のテリトリー・ゲームも終わって-これを終わりへと導いたのが、戦後日本のウェルス・ゲームであった-ゆくと、アジア諸国の「内に蓄積する力」が発展へと爆発しはじめたのだった。

著者

川久保 剛 Tsuyoshi Kawakubo

出版者

麗澤大学経済学会

雑誌

麗澤学際ジャーナル = Reitaku Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies (ISSN:09196714)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.16, no.2, pp.1-36, 2008-09-30

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This article examines the thought of Tsuneari Fukuda both before and during World War II. It focuses on his ideas regarding ethics of the common man, and it is an attempt to clarify the place and meaning of Fukuda's thought within the history of ideas.

著者

川久保 剛 Tsuyoshi Kawakubo

出版者

麗澤大学経済学会

雑誌

麗澤学際ジャーナル = Reitaku Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies (ISSN:09196714)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.19, no.1, pp.1-14, 2011-03-10

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This article examines what Tsuneari Fukuda was interested in in his youth,especially in his primary, lower secondary and high school time according to his new materials.Fukuda got a liberal education - what is called a Taishou liberal education- during his primary and lower secondary schools. In his high-school time, student movements were prevalent among his generation. However, Fukuda was not involved in those movements because his primary concern was drama. At that time, although leftist dramas were very popular, he was not interested in them. Rather, he was interested in dramas of art for arts sake. From this perspective,he sympathized with the theatrical company, Tsukijiza.Mr. Fukuda was also interested in literary criticism at that time. The prominent critic, Hideo Kobayashi's anthology of literary criticism brought Fukuda into this arena.

著者

中畑 邦夫 Kunio Nakahata

出版者

麗澤大学経済学会

雑誌

麗沢学際ジャーナル (ISSN:09196714)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.19, no.2, pp.75-86, 2011

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In this article,I try to interpret Sakaguchi Ango's criticism of the Imperial System from the view point of R. Girard's theory of the system of Sacrifice. I emphasize that in Darakuron and Zoku Darakuron at least, Ango criticized the Imperial System and the Japanese nation that supported it, not the Emperor himself. I think he makes virtually no reference to the Emperor himself. Girard's theory helps us to understand that the Imperial System and the system of sacrifice have an important point in common on the one hand.and to appreciate the uniqueness of the Imperial System on the other hand.

著者

堀内 一史 kazunobu Horiuchi

出版者

麗澤大学経済学会

雑誌

麗澤学際ジャーナル = Reitaku Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies (ISSN:09196714)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.19, no.1, pp.75-90, 2011-03-10

著者

中畑 邦夫

出版者

麗澤大学

雑誌

麗澤学際ジャーナル (ISSN:09196714)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.19, no.1, pp.45-58, 2011-03-10

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Karatani Kojin insists that Sakaguchi Ango's works and thoughts should be interpreted according to the dichotomy not between Leftism and Rightism, but between Enlightenment and Romanticism. This viewpoint is epoch making, because if interpreted either as Leftism or Rightism,as many former researchers did, Ango's thoughts lose their potential, which is much larger than many researchers have supposed. Karatani says that Ango grasped that in Western thought, rationality is based on some irrationality, and irrationality is based on rationality. With such deep insight, Ango criticized superficial social and political theories and moral or ethical thoughts in Japan, especially before and during the last war. Ango pointed out that all social or political systems and morality or ethics,whether they are just in thought or real,from the family system to Cosmopolitanism,are all 'automata' ,or 'karakuri' in Japanese, He also pointed out that human beings will necessarily create automata from the personal to the sociai level, and it is the 'reality of a human being',or, what Ango named 'furusato' in Japanese. Karatani calls Ango's thought his 'Radicalism',and in this respect, Karatani says,Ango is equal to great thinkers in the West such as Hobbers, Kant, and Marx,and in Ango's thought,he see the potential to dissolve nation states and to construct a world federation.Karatani's interpretation is a landmark in the study of Ango, and researchers should take account of, or not make light of, Ango's radicalism. I think,however,that Karatani's interpretation is not as radical as Ango's thought itself, but following Karatani's interpretation,we can comprehend Ango's thougyt more radically. I think that Karatani connects Ango's thought somewhat hastily with social or political thoughts, When Ango referred to the reality of a human being, he considered a human being as a person, not as a part of a social or political system. Ango declared that politics is 'a coarse web' and political thought can never grasp a person in the exact meaning, Ango thought that in the reality of human beings, a person is captured in 'a fine web',and this web is a kind of discourse as argued by M.Foucault. Ango also said that in the reality of a human being, a person should inevitably be moral or ethical. In other words, a person is moral or ethical before he constructs some moral or ethical discourse. I think that folllowing Ango's thought, we should not costruct some social, political, moral or ethical discourses, buy should examine whether such discourses are based on the reality of a human being. Ango donates us a kind of 'test' for such examination, and we can call it 'discourse for morality or ethics',not 'discourse of marality or ethics.'

著者

大貫 啓行

出版者

麗澤大学

雑誌

麗澤学際ジャーナル (ISSN:09196714)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.5, no.1, pp.A73-A84, 1997

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私は昨年6月、約30年間の国家公務員生活を経て大学生活に転じた。公務員在職中は、大半を国際情報分野の実務に携わってきた。この経験は我が国の上級職国家公務員としては外交官を除いては極めて例外的なものだといえる。といっても特段の理由があってそうなったわけではない。幾つかの人事上の偶然が重なって、たまたま結果的にそうなったというだけであろう。こうした偶然に、結果的に極めて刺激的で得難い経験の連続であったこともあって、個人的には大変幸せであったと感謝している。その間、実に数々の貴重な経験をさせてもらった。ことの性質上その一一の内容を公表するつもりはない。そうした前提の上ではあるが、一応の区切りをつけるに当たって若干の総括的報告はする義務があるものと考える。本稿はその一環である。結論を先に記せば、公務員としての30年間「日本は国際情報戦線で勝てる体制になっていない」ことを痛感させられ続けたということだ。その結論として、我が国において是非とも国際情報を担当する機関を創設させたいと思う。その為にも既存の関係機関を整備・拡充すると共に、大学などでの国際情報機関の存在意義・実態などに関する教育・研究を充実させていかなければならないと考えている。微力ではあるが私も大学を拠点に、そうした目標に向かって国際情報に関する教育・研究活動を実践していきたいと考えている。

著者

大貫 啓行

出版者

麗澤大学

雑誌

麗澤学際ジャーナル (ISSN:09196714)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.6, no.2, pp.75-85, 1998

著者

堀内 一史

出版者

麗澤大学

雑誌

麗澤学際ジャーナル (ISSN:09196714)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.10, no.2, pp.35-66, 2002

著者

櫻井 良樹

出版者

麗澤大学

雑誌

麗澤学際ジャーナル (ISSN:09196714)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.3, no.2, pp.21-55, 1995

著者

大貫 啓行

出版者

麗澤大学

雑誌

麗澤学際ジャーナル (ISSN:09196714)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.13, no.1, pp.69-81, 2005

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Despite the failure of communist party rule in the Soviet block countries around 1990, the People's Republic of China has remained a socialist dictatorial country under the rule of the Chinese Communist Party. They have already started dealing in stocks and the market is very active generally. The Chinese presently seem to enjoy a capitalistic money oriented life. As far as money is concerned, they are as free as in capitalist countries. However, in the political field, they are strictry controlled. They have no right to vote and if they try to organize new parties, they are arrested immediately. There have been major changes in the quality of both the State and Society of the People's Republic of China. Focusing on several aspects of present Chinese society, I will try to identify the direction of the change. Part 3 covers the first 2 years of Hu Jin-Tao, as the general secretary after Jiang Ze-Min. Leader of the fourth generation, fully educated under the comunist system. He must fight with several CHAOS planted in the present system. Biggest of them seems to be the rapidly widening differences in every aspect of Chinese society. His generation will decide the fate of the rule of the Chinese Communist Party.