著者
川久保 剛
出版者
麗澤大学
雑誌
麗澤学際ジャーナル (ISSN:09196714)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.19, no.1, pp.1-14, 2011-03-10

This article examines what Tsuneari Fukuda was interested in in his youth,especially in his primary, lower secondary and high school time according to his new materials.Fukuda got a liberal education - what is called a Taishou liberal education- during his primary and lower secondary schools. In his high-school time, student movements were prevalent among his generation. However, Fukuda was not involved in those movements because his primary concern was drama. At that time, although leftist dramas were very popular, he was not interested in them. Rather, he was interested in dramas of art for arts sake. From this perspective,he sympathized with the theatrical company, Tsukijiza.Mr. Fukuda was also interested in literary criticism at that time. The prominent critic, Hideo Kobayashi's anthology of literary criticism brought Fukuda into this arena.
著者
川久保 剛
出版者
麗澤大学
雑誌
麗澤学際ジャーナル (ISSN:09196714)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.16, no.1, pp.1-21, 2008

This paper focuses on the ideas of Tsuneari Fukuda (Japanese thinker: 1912-1994) in the early 1940s [Showa 20 to 25].). Specific attention is given to Fukuda's thinking vis a vis the discussion of characteristics of the "new men" to be created in post-war Japan that was a popular theme within intellectual circles. Points of opposition between Fukuda's ideas and those expressed by "progressive intellectuals" of that era are elucidated. This paper is an attempt to place Fukuda's thinking within the history of ideas.
著者
大貫 啓行
出版者
麗澤大学
雑誌
麗澤学際ジャーナル (ISSN:09196714)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.14, no.2, pp.99-110, 2006
被引用文献数
1

Despite the failure of communist party rule in the Soviet block countries around 1990, the People's Republic of China has remained a socialist dictatorial country under the rule of the Chinese Communist Party. They have already started dealing in stocks and the market is very active generally. The Chinese at present seem to enjoy a capitalistic money oriented life. As far as money is concerned, they are as free as in capitalist countries. However, in the political field, they are strictry controlled. They have no right to vote and if they try to organize new parties, they are arrested immediately. There have been major changes in the quality of both the State and Society of the People's Republic of China. Focusing on several aspects of present Chinese society, I will try to identify the direction of the change. Following the series of analyses on personalities of Chinese leaders and the recent situations of China-Japan relation, part 6 covers both countries's antagonistic feeling exploded anti-Japan demonstration April 2005. The more economic progress, the wider difference in quality of life in every parts (rich v. poor, city v. country, coast v. inland}. Chinese society seems to have entered into really difficult stage.
著者
松本 健一
出版者
麗澤大学
雑誌
麗澤学際ジャーナル (ISSN:09196714)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.5, no.1, pp.A27-A33, 1997

二十一世紀は「アジアの世紀」だ、といわれる。これは十八、九世紀が「ヨーロッパの世紀」で、二十世紀が「アメリカの世紀」であったことを意識しつつ、「こんどはアジアの隆盛の時代だ」、という期待をこめていわれる言葉である。たしかに、二十世紀末の現在、アジアそれも東アジアは、世界経済のエンジン部分を構成しはじめている。ところが、そのアジアは十九世紀半ばの世界史にあっては、「停滞」のイメージで捉えられていたのである。それがこの一世紀あまりのあいだに、アジアのイメージは「停滞」から「抵抗」へ、そうして今や「発展」へと、百八十度の転換をとげている。これにはむろん、帝国主義の終焉、ならびにその変形としての覇権国家アメリカの衰退(これに対抗したソ連の解体)、という外的な状況が大きく関わっていよう。しかし、アジアがその世界史的イメージを、「停滞」から「発展」へと百八十度の転換するためには、それを可能にしたアジア自身の内的な本質が存在しなければならない。その内的な本質こそ、アジアがその文化、歴史、宗教、民族において多様でありながらも、一様に農耕文明に発する「内に蓄積する力」をもっていた事実が、まず認識されなければならない。しかし、アジアの「内に蓄積する力」としての共質性は、かつてヨーロッパ・アメリカ文明の牧畜文明を基底とした「外に進出する力」のまえに無力であった。ところが、二十世紀半ばに、日本をふくむ帝国主義が終焉した。そして、そのあと覇権国家のテリトリー・ゲームも終わって-これを終わりへと導いたのが、戦後日本のウェルス・ゲームであった-ゆくと、アジア諸国の「内に蓄積する力」が発展へと爆発しはじめたのだった。
著者
堀内 一史
出版者
麗澤大学
雑誌
麗沢学際ジャ-ナル (ISSN:09196714)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.16, no.1, pp.21-45, 2008

White evangelical Christians, consisting of 25% of the total voters of the United States of America, have been one of the major constituencies of the Republican Party since the 1980 presidential election which elected Ronald Reagan the 40th President of USA, marking the crescendo, so to speak, of the conservative movement within the Republican Party. The purpose of this paper is as follows: Firstly, to identify some religious factors which made it possible for President George W. Bush to be reelected in the 2004 presidential race and which led to the Republican Party being defeated in the 2006 Mid-term Election. Secondly, to evaluate moral problems (e.g., same-sex marriage and abortion), as opposed to such foreign policy issues (e.g., the Iraq War and terrorism), and economic issues (e.g., unemployment}, as key factors that motivated white evangelical Christians to mobilize other voters in these major elections.
著者
川久保 剛 Tsuyoshi Kawakubo
出版者
麗澤大学経済学会
雑誌
麗澤学際ジャーナル = Reitaku Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies (ISSN:09196714)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.16, no.2, pp.1-36, 2008-09-30

This article examines the thought of Tsuneari Fukuda both before and during World War II. It focuses on his ideas regarding ethics of the common man, and it is an attempt to clarify the place and meaning of Fukuda's thought within the history of ideas.
著者
川久保 剛 Tsuyoshi Kawakubo
出版者
麗澤大学経済学会
雑誌
麗澤学際ジャーナル = Reitaku Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies (ISSN:09196714)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.19, no.1, pp.1-14, 2011-03-10

This article examines what Tsuneari Fukuda was interested in in his youth,especially in his primary, lower secondary and high school time according to his new materials.Fukuda got a liberal education - what is called a Taishou liberal education- during his primary and lower secondary schools. In his high-school time, student movements were prevalent among his generation. However, Fukuda was not involved in those movements because his primary concern was drama. At that time, although leftist dramas were very popular, he was not interested in them. Rather, he was interested in dramas of art for arts sake. From this perspective,he sympathized with the theatrical company, Tsukijiza.Mr. Fukuda was also interested in literary criticism at that time. The prominent critic, Hideo Kobayashi's anthology of literary criticism brought Fukuda into this arena.
著者
中畑 邦夫 Kunio Nakahata
出版者
麗澤大学経済学会
雑誌
麗沢学際ジャーナル (ISSN:09196714)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.19, no.2, pp.75-86, 2011

In this article,I try to interpret Sakaguchi Ango's criticism of the Imperial System from the view point of R. Girard's theory of the system of Sacrifice. I emphasize that in Darakuron and Zoku Darakuron at least, Ango criticized the Imperial System and the Japanese nation that supported it, not the Emperor himself. I think he makes virtually no reference to the Emperor himself. Girard's theory helps us to understand that the Imperial System and the system of sacrifice have an important point in common on the one hand.and to appreciate the uniqueness of the Imperial System on the other hand.
著者
堀内 一史
出版者
麗澤大学
雑誌
麗澤学際ジャーナル (ISSN:09196714)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.14, no.2, pp.49-65, 2006

American politics and society today cannot be fully understood without referring to the religio-political force known as the Religious Right. This religio-political movement organizes the mobilization of white conservative evangelical Christians, especially Christian Fundamentalists, who actively involve themselves in politics in order to protect and preserve the traditional values of American Protestantism. This paper aims to describe the historical process by which the Religious Right became involved in politics, the way in which its members translated their religious values into a political agenda, and finally the current situation which is the result of this process. In its historical analysis of the political formation of the Religious Right, the paper utilizes the last two of the Clyde Wilcox's four-period-division of the movement, which can be outlined as follows: the first period, in which fundamentalist groups criticized evolutionism and propagated creationism in the 1920s; the second, in which fundamentalist groups developed the anti-communist movement in the 1950s; the third, when fundamentalist groups, led by the Moral Majority, mobilized conservative evangelicals to vote for Ronald Reagan in the 1980s; and the fourth, which is characterized by the activities of the Christian Coalition, Focus on the Family and the Home-schooling Legal Defense Association, among others, in the 1990s.
著者
中畑 邦夫
出版者
麗澤大学
雑誌
麗澤学際ジャーナル (ISSN:09196714)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.19, no.1, pp.45-58, 2011-03-10

Karatani Kojin insists that Sakaguchi Ango's works and thoughts should be interpreted according to the dichotomy not between Leftism and Rightism, but between Enlightenment and Romanticism. This viewpoint is epoch making, because if interpreted either as Leftism or Rightism,as many former researchers did, Ango's thoughts lose their potential, which is much larger than many researchers have supposed. Karatani says that Ango grasped that in Western thought, rationality is based on some irrationality, and irrationality is based on rationality. With such deep insight, Ango criticized superficial social and political theories and moral or ethical thoughts in Japan, especially before and during the last war. Ango pointed out that all social or political systems and morality or ethics,whether they are just in thought or real,from the family system to Cosmopolitanism,are all 'automata' ,or 'karakuri' in Japanese, He also pointed out that human beings will necessarily create automata from the personal to the sociai level, and it is the 'reality of a human being',or, what Ango named 'furusato' in Japanese. Karatani calls Ango's thought his 'Radicalism',and in this respect, Karatani says,Ango is equal to great thinkers in the West such as Hobbers, Kant, and Marx,and in Ango's thought,he see the potential to dissolve nation states and to construct a world federation.Karatani's interpretation is a landmark in the study of Ango, and researchers should take account of, or not make light of, Ango's radicalism. I think,however,that Karatani's interpretation is not as radical as Ango's thought itself, but following Karatani's interpretation,we can comprehend Ango's thougyt more radically. I think that Karatani connects Ango's thought somewhat hastily with social or political thoughts, When Ango referred to the reality of a human being, he considered a human being as a person, not as a part of a social or political system. Ango declared that politics is 'a coarse web' and political thought can never grasp a person in the exact meaning, Ango thought that in the reality of human beings, a person is captured in 'a fine web',and this web is a kind of discourse as argued by M.Foucault. Ango also said that in the reality of a human being, a person should inevitably be moral or ethical. In other words, a person is moral or ethical before he constructs some moral or ethical discourse. I think that folllowing Ango's thought, we should not costruct some social, political, moral or ethical discourses, buy should examine whether such discourses are based on the reality of a human being. Ango donates us a kind of 'test' for such examination, and we can call it 'discourse for morality or ethics',not 'discourse of marality or ethics.'
著者
大貫 啓行
出版者
麗澤大学
雑誌
麗澤学際ジャーナル (ISSN:09196714)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.5, no.1, pp.A73-A84, 1997

私は昨年6月、約30年間の国家公務員生活を経て大学生活に転じた。公務員在職中は、大半を国際情報分野の実務に携わってきた。この経験は我が国の上級職国家公務員としては外交官を除いては極めて例外的なものだといえる。といっても特段の理由があってそうなったわけではない。幾つかの人事上の偶然が重なって、たまたま結果的にそうなったというだけであろう。こうした偶然に、結果的に極めて刺激的で得難い経験の連続であったこともあって、個人的には大変幸せであったと感謝している。その間、実に数々の貴重な経験をさせてもらった。ことの性質上その一一の内容を公表するつもりはない。そうした前提の上ではあるが、一応の区切りをつけるに当たって若干の総括的報告はする義務があるものと考える。本稿はその一環である。結論を先に記せば、公務員としての30年間「日本は国際情報戦線で勝てる体制になっていない」ことを痛感させられ続けたということだ。その結論として、我が国において是非とも国際情報を担当する機関を創設させたいと思う。その為にも既存の関係機関を整備・拡充すると共に、大学などでの国際情報機関の存在意義・実態などに関する教育・研究を充実させていかなければならないと考えている。微力ではあるが私も大学を拠点に、そうした目標に向かって国際情報に関する教育・研究活動を実践していきたいと考えている。
著者
大貫 啓行
出版者
麗澤大学
雑誌
麗澤学際ジャーナル (ISSN:09196714)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.13, no.1, pp.69-81, 2005

Despite the failure of communist party rule in the Soviet block countries around 1990, the People's Republic of China has remained a socialist dictatorial country under the rule of the Chinese Communist Party. They have already started dealing in stocks and the market is very active generally. The Chinese presently seem to enjoy a capitalistic money oriented life. As far as money is concerned, they are as free as in capitalist countries. However, in the political field, they are strictry controlled. They have no right to vote and if they try to organize new parties, they are arrested immediately. There have been major changes in the quality of both the State and Society of the People's Republic of China. Focusing on several aspects of present Chinese society, I will try to identify the direction of the change. Part 3 covers the first 2 years of Hu Jin-Tao, as the general secretary after Jiang Ze-Min. Leader of the fourth generation, fully educated under the comunist system. He must fight with several CHAOS planted in the present system. Biggest of them seems to be the rapidly widening differences in every aspect of Chinese society. His generation will decide the fate of the rule of the Chinese Communist Party.
著者
大貫 啓行
出版者
麗澤大学
雑誌
麗澤学際ジャーナル (ISSN:09196714)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.13, no.2, pp.99-111, 2005

第4世代の代表胡綿濤総書記に続いて、そのパートナーになった温家宝首相(国務院総理)と胡の最大のライバルだった曽慶紅の生き方(身の処し方)に焦点を当て、新たな時代の中国の党・国家のリーダーの資質の変化を考察してみたい。次いで、中国のタブーでもある天安門事件の評価を将来変える可能性を視野に民衆に人気の高い指導者だった胡耀邦・趙紫陽の新指導部における扱いの変化(再評価の芽)に注目してみたい。
著者
北川 治男
出版者
麗澤大学
雑誌
麗澤学際ジャーナル (ISSN:09196714)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.5, no.1, pp.A15-A25, 1997

人間は不可避的に老い、そして死ぬ存在である。しかし人間が人間たるゆえんは、掛け替えのない自己自身や他者の生命の減衰と亡減を強く意識し、自覚する存在であるところにある。老年期とは、各人の人生のあらゆる側面において「縮減(リダクション)」が迫られる時期である。縮減とは、身体的諸機能が衰えること、退職、社会的活動や影響力の減少、配偶者との死別などを含む。老年期を迎えるに当たって、我々は「縮減の哲学」をもつことが必要となる。リダクションは、縮小、減少、減力などを意味する言葉で、生産、製造、産出などを意味するプロダクションとは対をなし、その対局に位置する言葉である。老年期を迎えるとき、我々は、生命の発展を期し事物の創造に携わる「生産(プロダクション)」という視点で人生の意味を捉えてきたそれまでの生き方から、かげりゆく生命力や影響力に直面して「縮減(リダクション)」という視点で自己の人生の意味を捉え直し、自己の人生哲学を再構成していくことが迫られるのである。老年期は、縮減における、縮減を通じての「自己成全(セルフ・フルフィルメント)」の時期である。それは生の充実や発展ではなく、生の全局面における縮減を前提にして、自分なりのまとまりのある人生を築き上げていく時期である。我々は老年期において、自己の縮減という自己の有限性の自覚を介して生き方の機軸の転換が求められる。それは同時に、人生の意味の深化でもある。老年期は、より深いところで自己の人生の意味を受け止めていくことのできる時期でもある。老年期には「生産(プロダクション)の哲学」から「縮減(リダクション)の哲学」への転換が求められるが、それは今日の限りない生産と消費の循環という高度産業社会の価値観や信念体系と真っ向から対立するものである。老年期に求められる「縮減の哲学」は、現代社会の哲学と全く相反するものになっているので、現代に生きる我々は、老いと死を受容することが本当に難しくなっている。だからこそ老いと死の受容の問題を生涯学習の中核的な課題に据え直すことは、高度産業社会の価値観や信念体系に基本的な反省を促すうえで必須の課題でもある。今日のように困難になった老いと死の受容のためには、介添えが必要である。老いと死の受容は、老いつつある人・死にゆく人と、当人を取り巻く近しい人々の間に、揺るぎない確固とした信頼関係が成り立っていなければ達成できない。また老いと死の受容を試み、受容にチャレンジする人の真摯な企て・生き方は、身近に居る後続世代の人々に深い形成作用を及ぼす。人間の生を、出生から死にいたるまでのライフ・サイクル全体から捉えれば、「発達(ディベロプメント)」の彼方に横たわる縮減を視野に入れた人間形成論が必要になってくる。この新たな人間形成論は、子供と大人の発達や異世代間の相互規制をも含む人間形成だけではなく、人間の生の必然的契機である縮減を受容することによる自己成全までを考察の対象とするものである。このような人間形成論に基づけば、若い世代も老年世代も、老いと死という人生に不可避の事態をいかに受容していくのかが、生涯学習の必然的な課題となるのである。