著者

トロッパー ヨーゼフ

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.36, no.1, pp.140-148, 1993-09-30 (Released:2010-03-12)

著者

井本 英一

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.29, no.1, pp.1-16, 1986-09-30 (Released:2010-03-12)

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Eiichi IMOTO, Abandonment of Infants and their Rebirth: Infants were abandoned in the mountains or on the water. They were never slain but reared up by men, animals or birds, and eventually returned to their native place.For example, Cyrus the Great, in his babyhood, was given to a cowherd at the foot of a mountain. Dara, a son of Humay, was, according to the Shahnama of Firdausi, abandoned by the water and found by a washerman. When he grew into a boy, Dara realized that he was of royal descent. He came home and was enthroned.Thus, infants were supposed to go to the world of totems and return to their native place endowed with a supernatural power.

著者

下山 伴子

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.42, no.2, pp.129-145, 1999 (Released:2010-03-12)

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Kitab al-naqd is a polemic work that Imami-Shi'i 'Abd al-Jalil Qazvini refutes the Sunni contender's accusations against Imami-Shi'i with almost word-for-word quotes from those accusations. It has been valued for the information about religious situations around Ray in the first half of the 12th century. Because of its polemical nature, however, its usability as a historical source has been questioned. The present paper intends to examine the logical framework of this text in order to get better position to evaluate it as a historical source. By “the logical framework” I mean each contender's standpoint and the structure of his way of thinking.Each contender brings forwards his arguments emphasizing advantageous aspects for him in the complicated situations of conflicts and alliances among several sects and schools (legal and theological) of both Sunni and Shi'i sides in Ray, as it follows.The arguments of the Sunni contender are based on the premise that the religious conflict in Ray exists only between “Sunni” and “Imami-Shi'i” . But 'Abd al-Jalil refers to another opposition between “Usuli” and “Jabli” sects to refute the above premise. “Usuli” is a subsect of Imami-Shi'i sect and “Jabri” is one of the Sunni. He insists that “Usuli” to which he belongs is prevalent and in good term with the Saljuq, while “Jabri”, which practically means Ash'ari theological school, is a minority and the Sunni author belongs to this sect. This insistence is based on the suppression of Ash'ari school by the Saljuq since 537/1142-3. 'Abd al-Jalil emphasizes that “Usuli” endorses the theological viewpoint of the Saljuq and opposes to that of Ash'ari school. Thus he stresses the legitimacy of “Usali” depending on the power of the Saljuq state.

著者

塩野崎 信也

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.57, no.2, pp.41-62, 2015-03-31 (Released:2018-04-01)

参考文献数

80

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It is common knowledge that Muslims living in the south-eastern part of Caucasus, now the Republic of Azerbaijan, were referred to as 'Tatars' without a clear distinction from other Turkic groups under the rule of the Russian Empire. These Muslims were also called 'Turkish people' (Turks) or Caucasian Muslims. In the latter part of the 19th century and during the early 20th century, a feeling of nationalism emerged among them and they began calling themselves 'Azerbaijanis'. However, no study clearly explains the reason they claim to be Azerbaijanis. The author scrutinised manuscripts, printed books, journals and newspapers written in several languages and discovered that 'Azerbaijan', the name of the nation, is not directly derived from the name of a geographical location, but from the name of a language. Around 1840, Kazem-bek, a professor at Kazan University, named the language spoken by Muslims in the South Caucasus as 'Azerbaijani Turkish'. Muslim intellectuals who lived in Tiflis, the centre of the South Caucasus in the 19th century, adopted the language name in the 1880s, following which they considered 'people who speak Azerbaijani Turkish' as a single nation called 'Azerbaijani'. The name of this nation initially appeared in the 115th issue of the literary journal Keshkul (Dervish Bowl), published in Tiflis on 16 November, 1890. Two major reasons for why Muslim intellectuals in Tiflis called themselves Azerbaijanis instead of Tatars, Turkish people and Caucasian Muslims are as follows : First, they wanted to avoid a name based on a religious belief, such as 'Muslim', because they thought that a nation must not be defined by its religion, but by its culture, customs and language. Second, they considered their culture, customs and language to be different from those of the Tatars in the Volga region and Crimean Peninsula, or Turkish people in the Ottoman Empire.

著者

岡田 明憲

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.37, no.2, pp.157-169, 1994 (Released:2010-03-12)

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The myths of the people of ancient Iran contain references of many animals and among them the horse is of particular importance. In mythological terms, the horse appears as the symbole of the warrior class. In the beliefs of the people of ancient Iran, the connection between the horse and the warrior was related to the ambiguity of the horse. In the Avesta, this is shown by the use of -aspa (horse) in proper names and in the opposition of the white horse and the black horse.Studies in ethnology show that the horse is frequently connected with deities of the wind. It is not unusual, for example, for a horse to serve as a sacrifice to the deity of the wind. In the Avesta, too, passages hinting at the ties between horses and the wind can be found. In Zoroastrianism, wind possesses opposing qualities. Vayu, the god of wind, presents a clear duality. The twin Mainyus of good and evil reside in Vayu, like Zurvan.Wind is the demarcation between life and death, situated between this world and the after life, as demonstrated in the Haδoxt Nask and the Aogemadaeca. The horse, too, represents the character of being this boundary or being situated in the between. This point can be seen in the horse as a metamorphosis of Verethraghna as well as the Gushnasp fire venerated during the Sassanian dyansty. The proof for the tie with the boundary is the prayer on horseback frequently mentioned in the Avesta.

著者

飯山 陽

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.47, no.2, pp.102-119, 2004 (Released:2010-03-12)

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There have been many studies about maslaha since the early 20th century and they agree that Al-Ghazali (d. 1111, 505A. H.) formulated maslaha as a legal concept. They, however, only discuss maslaha from Al-Ghazali on, so it has remained unclear on what kind of theoretical bases Al-Ghazali formulated his famous maslaha thesis by now. In this paper I present some parts of maslaha theory by Al-Juwayni (d. 1085, 478A. H.) so as to consider how Al-Ghazali innovated former theories of maslaha. The core of Al-Ghazali's maslaha thesis is that he defined it as ‘the purpose of God's law’. Al-Juwayni, in his book Al-Burhan, uses the words ‘the intention of the lawgiver’ When writing abaut maslaha. Although he discussed that both maslaha and ‘the intention of the lawgiver’ were ultimate sources of all legal judgements, he treated them a little differently. Legal theorist before Al-Juwayni had regarded maslaha as God's law itself or compliance with it. Then it can be said that Al-Ghazali could have depended on his master, Al-Juwayni's theory of maslaha, or at least got some crucial ideas from it even if the position as the formulator of maslaha is appropriate to Al-Ghazali.

著者

林 良一

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.16, no.1, pp.25-50_8,202, 1973-10-20 (Released:2010-03-12)

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The Greek word “rhyton” does not essentially mean “a drinking-vessel in the shape of a horn.” “ρυτον” is the name of a vessel which is derived from a verb “ρεω”. “ρεω” means “to flow out.” Actually, in the Aegean world, the rhyton had the spout at the lower part, which permitted a stream of wine to flow out of the vessel, and probably which was opened and shut by a finger.The so-called rhyta from the ancient Iran are classified into the follow ing five classes by Ghirshman.1. Vessels in the form of an animal.2. Vessels in the form of an animal head.3. Vessels in the shape of a horn with the form of an animal head.4. Goblets with the form of an animal-protome.5. Amphorae.But these contain vessels that do not have the spout, through which stream of liquid can flow out, athough the “rhyton” had originally such a function. Therefore, according to function, we get the following classification:1. Vessels which have an original function of the rhyton.a. Those with the spout at the upper part.… The zoomorphic rhyton: the spout at the animal mouth.… The amphora-rhyton: the spout at the handle.b. Those with the spout at the lower part.… The zoomorphic rhyton: the spout at the breast.… The rhyton with the protome of an animal: the spout at the breast.… The amphora-rhyton: a few spouts at the base.2. Vessels which do not have an original function of the rhyton.… The cup with an animal head.… The cup in the shape of a horn with an animal head.… The goblet with the protome of an animal.So the writer think that the vessel which does not have an original function of the rhyton should not be called a “rhyton” but a “cup in the shape of a horn” and should be distinguished from the rhyton.In the Parthian period long horn rhyta were prevalent, mostly with the protome of an animal or the bust of a woman, though there were also the Greek rhyta with the form of a bull head. In the Sassanian period the form of the old traditional rhyton of the form of an animal or an animal head revived and was used as the real rhyton. There were also amphora-rhyta, and those with the mixed forms of jar and an animal head.The vessels in the form of an animal head which do not have an original function of the rhyton were probably used for drinking with from their circular brim like regular vessels, and seem to have been used at banquets and ceremonies, as is seen in the drinking scene on the relief from Assyria.On the other hand, of vessels which have the function of the rhyton, those in the form of an animal were used for the libation of the religious ceremony. and the same may be true of the amphora-rhyton with the spout at the handle. As for the rhyton with the form of an animal head, especially of a bull head, we should note the Bakchos scene on the silver plate from north-west India (the British Museum) and the silver cup in the Sasanian times (the Cleaveland Museum), in which the hero raises the rhyton high up and drinks from the spout at the bull mouth. Because Dionysos was identified with the spirit of Haoma, these vessels were probably used at the ceremony related to such a faith. It is surmised that the rhyton in the form of a bull head from Deilaman was used for the libation in the rites of Drvaspa, because it has the head of Drvaspa, guardian deity of cattle.The amphora-rhyton is not a drinking-vessel, but may be a pouring-vessel. The amphora-rhyton found in the ancient tomb at Tchertmlik in southern Russia has a sieve at the neck with which to filter dregs of wine, and three spouts through which to pour clear wine into cups. The amphora-rhyton found at Mazandaran shows Anahita, or her servant under the arcade of a grape vine. The Aban Ya

著者

後藤 敦子

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.42, no.2, pp.112-128, 1999 (Released:2010-03-12)

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According to Ibn Khaldun's the Muqqadima, “A sovereign's privileged symbol is his special paraphernalia. There is flag raising, beating of the drums and the blowing of trumpets and horns.” In a broad sense, nawba is the term used to designate a military musical band, but their early instruments were only drums. In other words, “beating drums” can replace nawba.The research in medieval Islamic studies has tended to emphasize not nawba but khutba (the address from the minbar in the mosque) and sikka (coinage). This brief article aims at analyzing chronologically the formation and the development of nawba from the Buwayhid to the Saljuqid period.According to the Encyclopaedia of Islam (New Edition), nawba has the purpose to announce the prayer time by beating a drum in the gateways of governor's palaces and residences. Under the 'Abbasid dynasty, only the caliph had this privilege. In 945 (or 946), when the Buwayhid's sovereign Ahmad (later his title is Mu'izz al-Dawla, d. 967) entered Baghdad, the capital of the 'Abbasid Caliphate, he demanded that drums be beaten in the palaces. As a result, the privilege of nawba was granted to Mu'izz al-Dawla, in the form of the three-fold nawba, excepting madina al-salam (Baghdad). The Buwayhid's sovereigns, that is amir al-umara', bestowed the right of nawba on his subjects, and this nawba became the custom after the Adud al-Dawla (d. 982) period.In 1055, when the Saljuqid's sovereign Tughril-Bek (d. 1063) entered Baghdad, the Caliph bestowed the drum and trumpet upon him. With changes in the times, this right was granted to subjects. They freely beat their drums in the gateways of their residences or military tents to declare control over their domains. After that, in Persian the five-fold nawba (panj nowbat) came to mean insistence upon kingship.In this way, during the medieval Islamic period, the nawba was an important factor in considering kingship.

著者

白木原 和美

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.14, no.2, pp.55-78_7,181, 1971

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In the collection of the Tenri Sank&ocirc;kan Museum, there is a long gold fitted sword (Photo I) and a set of gold fitted decorations for a smaller sword (Photo II).<br>The sword of this type has begun brought in sight recently from Northern Persia, but few in number. The three specimens which Prof. R. Ghirshman introduced in <i>the Artibus Aside</i> Vol. XXVI, 1963) and the beautiful one in the collection of the Metropolitan Museum of Art in New York are especially famous.<br>The handle and scabbard of these swords have distinctive features as follows; (1) the handle has projections for tight holding, (2) no guard or, if there is, very small, (3) there are two wide bands to reinforce the scabbard, one of the two is fitted at the mouth of the scabbard, (4) each band has a golden fish-shaped knot for suspension, (5) the width of the scabbard is neary the same from the tip to the end, (6) the side views of the tip of the handle and the end of the scabbard are the same &ldquo;{&rdquo; shape, (7) the basic pattern of the decoration is somewhat like squamation.<br>The sword of this type is sometimes found on silver dishes in the period from the later half of Sasanian Dynasty to the early Islamic Age in Persia. It was drawn on the wall painting in the districts along the Silk Road. Also it is reported that there have been found many stone-statues which have the sword of this type in Altai, Mongolia and Western China. However, they are all newer than some of the Persian silver dishes. So I presume that this type of sword might have been completed in Northern Persia and its surroundings during the later Sasanian Dynasty.<br>In Japan, the same sort of sword has been used si nce the 8th century. Among them, the most famous sword is the one of the Sh&ocirc;s&ocirc;in Treasures. This sword has the same distinctive features as the above mentioned except in items (5) and (7). Even now, in Japan, a sword of this type is frequently used for ritual purpose. They are brilliant souvenirs showing the introduction of Persian civilization to our country. In addition, I would like to state that it is wrong to support the opinion that the pattern of squamation of the sword expresses the feathers of holy birds.<br>It is clear that in Western Asia, there has long been a tradition to depict bush or trees by swarms of little arcs. And later this method of describing plants seems to be combined with the method of drawing the gathering of parmette. With this assumption, I presume that these patterns of squamation on these swords have similar characteristics as of the fringe of the arch of Taller Grotto, Taq-i-Bustan and so on. This pattern of decoration was transmitted to European countries and, because of its nobleness, was to be used as the decoration of the arches of church entrance and the edgings of church windows etc., I presume.

著者

羽田 明

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.14, no.2, pp.109-124,A184, 1971 (Released:2010-03-12)

参考文献数

10

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Les Arabes musulmans, qui avaient si facilement conquis l'Iran, eurent beaucoup de peine à occuper la Transoxiane (Mawara'n-nahr ou Sogdiane). Ils y mirent presque un siècle. C'est que les indigènes de cette règion, c. -t. -d. Sogdiens renommés pour leur activité commercial, résistèrent délibérément à l'invasion des Arabes de connivence avec les Turcs nomades. Les Arabes redoutaient ceux-ci comme “fléau de Dieu.”Or, à partir du 10 ème siècle, à peu pèrs 2 siècles après la conquête de la Transoxiane par les Arabes, les Turcs nomades, tenus à l'écart au delà du Syr Dariya, commencèrent à se convertir en musulmans. L'accroissement de la puissance de leurs frères, admis au Califat comme esclaves (mamluk), n'y aurait pas été étranger. Toutefois, c'était au fond l'influence venue de la Transoxiane complètement islamisée sous la dynastie indigène Samanides (874-999). Les Turcs, qui avaient subi jadis l'influence plus ou moins forte de la civilisation iranienne par l'intermédiaire des Sogdiens, suivirent à nouveau l'exemple de ces derniers. Basé sur le temoignage de la légende de Satoq Boghra Khan, fondateur de la première dynastie turque en l'Asie centrale, V. V. Barthold signale entre autres l'activité des marchands musulmans de la Transoxiane et la propagande par les mystiques musulmans (sufi)Quoi qu'il en soit, les Qara-khanides occupèrent la Transoxiane au détriment des Samanides et ouvrirent largement la porte au peuple turc. Les tribus turques affluèrent par là les unes après les autres au monde musulman pour y jouer un rôle dirigeant, dont les Seljougides et les Ottomans.Les Turcs étaient presque sans exeption croyants fervants de l'Islam orthodoxe (du sunnisme). Mais, cela ne leur empêchait pas d'hériter du shamanisme, leure propre foi, surtout dans la masse. Le développement remarquable des ordres mysthiques parmi eux trahit certes cette circonstance. Quand ils appellent Allah Tengri, ce ne sera pas dans son sens strict du mot le “Dieu unique” des Arabes, mais le “Dieu suprême” des Turcs. Ce qu'on qualifie du régime sultan-calife des Ottomans pourrait être lui-même un résultat de l'alliance des notions de souveraineté chamanistique et islamique.

著者

春田 晴郎

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.41, no.2, pp.181-193, 1998 (Released:2010-03-12)

参考文献数

22

著者

辻 明日香

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.49, no.2, pp.165-181, 2006 (Released:2010-03-12)

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What were the reasons that provoked the majority of Copts to convert to Islam in fourteenth century Mamluk Egypt? Most modern scholars conclude that non-Muslims lived under coercion during that period. However, the causes and the extent of the pressures are still questionable. This article attempts to analyze the significance of the decree issued by the Mamluks in 1301 which prompted a change of attitudes towards the dhimmis. The decree endeavored to degrade and humiliate the non-believers, thereby ensuring the support of the jurists and the Muslim populace.Although the prescribed terms of the decree were long-established, two notable measures were introduced for the first time in Mamluk Egypt that remained effective throughout the remainder of the era. Firstly, the dhimmis were required to wear colored turbans. Secondly, the legendary Pact of 'Umar was revived as an effective treaty with the dhimmis.Enforcement of the conditions of the decree instigated riots against the dhimmis. The fact that the campaign against the dhimmis did not wane is evident from a riot in the town of Qus in 1307 in which a sufi shaykh justified the attacks by declaring that the Copts were violating the Pact of 'Umar.The implications of the 1301 decree made a huge impact on society. It was not the prevention from serving in the bureaucracy but rather the restrictions in every day life that motivated the Copts to convert. As all strata of Mamluk society willingly accepted the decree and made sure it was in force, this is evidence that the climate surrounding the dhimmis had definitely changed leading to mass conversion in the 1350s.

著者

今澤 浩二

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.56, no.2, pp.65-82, 2014-03-31 (Released:2017-04-03)

参考文献数

72

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This paper attempts to examine the development of the vizierate in the Early Ottoman Empire, through analyzing the origins, careers and activities of the viziers of the period. Initially, the Ottoman vizierate comprised a single individual, but the number seems to have increased during the reigns of Murad I and Yildirim Bayazid. During the earlier period, the vizier had power over both administrative and military affairs. However, it is likely that after the number of viziers increased, the second and third viziers of the military class took charge of military affairs, the military authority held by the Grand Vizier of the ulema class gradually becoming diminished until the title was merely nominal. Although the Grand Viziership was thought to have been held exclusively by the ulema class, this paper makes it clear that individuals from the Turkish military class held the office for an extended period during the reigns of Mehmed I and Murad II. During the reign of Murad II, palace slaves (kuls) assumed the offices of second or third vizier, a few of them concurrently holding the post of Rumeli Beylerbeyi. Owing to the severe and continuous struggle between viziers of kul and ulema backgrounds during this period, viziers other than Grand Viziers changed frequently. Although the limitation of this era is reflected in the fact that the kul viziers could not advance to the Grand Viziership, Fatih Mehmed, who had succeeded to the throne for a time during this period, must have realized the effectiveness of having kul viziers. Thus, after the conquest of Constantinople, he strengthened his position as absolute monarch by appointing kul viziers, such as Zaganos and Mahmud Pashas, to the Grand Viziership. From this standpoint, the reign of Murad II was a quite important era, paving the way for the coming age.

著者

渡辺 宏

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.5, no.3-4, pp.31-62, 1962 (Released:2010-03-12)

著者

永田 雄三

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.12, no.3-4, pp.149-168,228, 1969 (Released:2010-03-12)

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Among the principal subjects of interest in 18th-19th century Ottoman history is the political influence exerted on the reform policies of the central government by the local notables known as A'yân and Derebeyi.While Mahmud II came to the throne, they, the local notables, at that time had divided and ruled even Anatolia and the Balkan area, vital parts of the empire.So this time I have studied their political activities after the Russo-Turkish war of 1768-1774, with stress on the “Nizâm-i Cedîd” of Selim III and on the “Sened-i Ittifak” of 1808, and then referred to the policy of Mahmud II for subjugation of the local notables.

著者

横山 彰三

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.35, no.2, pp.72-91, 1992 (Released:2010-03-12)

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The purpose of the present paper is to make a linguistic analysis of Tâleqâni's Osul-e Dastur-e Zabân-e Fârsi which is one of the typical Persian Grammars written on the traditional model. I also intend to criticize some of his grammatical description and his own view of Persian language and grammar in general.Tâleqâni, together with other traditional grammarians, classifies the parts of speech into nine, i. e. nouns, adjectives, verbs, pronouns, adverbs, prepositions, interjections, conjunctions, numerals. In the following discussions I will mainly focus on the noun ('esm) and verb (fe'l) treated in the chapter 2 and 5, which make up most of its volume of the part 1, and comment on his description of them.His grammar, as is the case with his contemporary ones, has the following characteristic features:1)His framework of classification o parts of speech is based on the traditional Latin and Islamic grammars, thus causing confusion of classification criteria.2) No phonological or phonetic descriptions are found. Instead, the rules of orthography in the declentional and conjugational systems are rather minutely stated.3) No distinction between synchronic and diachronic approaches is made. His main interest is directed to the correctness of writing. Correctness, in this case, means that it is modeled on classic writings, not on contemporary writings. Thus his linguistic materials for description are mostly taken from classical writers, such as Sa'di, Hâfiz, Ansari, etc.

著者

西尾 哲夫

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.37, no.2, pp.223-236, 1994 (Released:2010-03-12)

著者

前田 徹

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.41, no.2, pp.154-165, 1998 (Released:2010-03-12)

著者

北川 誠一

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.40, no.2, pp.69-84, 1997 (Released:2010-03-12)

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In 1236, the tamachi army of Chormaghan Noyan began to conquer the Georgian Kingdom. Starting at their traditonal winter encampment in Arran, they proceeded to the North West. Their first victims were the cities and districts of the western branches of the Middle Kur. In the Kazakh canton of the present Republic of Azerbaijan, their course was divided into three directions. The Nothern course led them to the central and eastern provinces of Georgia. To the south they advanced and conquered the cities of Ani, Kars and Surb Mari, and third course overran the territories of South-West Georgia. In this way almost all the territories of the Georgian Kingdom were conquered.In about 1240, the conquerd part of Georgia was divided among the six Georgian generals, called the generals of ten thousands (“tmanis mtavari” in Georgian) by the Mongols.After the coronation of Emperor Monke, the conquered part of Georgia was put under the physical administration of Arghun-Aqa who made a census in 1254, and Georgia's population was counted and the area was divided into nine tümens. Each of these tümens could afford ten thousand soldiers. It was after this census that a new tax system was introduced by Arghun-Aqa.

著者

岡田 恵美子

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.24, no.1, pp.139-150, 1981-09-30 (Released:2010-03-12)

参考文献数

15