著者

高橋 寿光

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.60, no.2, pp.184-195, 2018-03-31 (Released:2021-04-01)

参考文献数

27

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This paper aims to examine the pottery dating to the reign of Amenhotep III in a layer of limestone chips which had accumulated above the tomb of Userhat, Overseer of King’s Private Apartment under Amenhotep III, at al-Khokha area in the Theban necropolis, Egypt, in order to understand how the pottery was used at the tomb. The chisel marks on the limestone suggest that the layer of limestone chips above the tomb of Userhat had been deposited as debris from the tomb construction. Furthermore, the location and direction of the layers show that the limestone chips originated from surrounding tombs constructions, the most probably from the tomb of Userhat. Therefore, the pottery from this layer is assumed to be related to the tomb construction activities. The pottery vessels from the limestone chips layer are classified into two groups: the vessels associated with the actual construction of the tomb, such as plaster containers and lamps, and the vessels related to the tomb construction rituals, such as red slipped lids and dishes, white washed bowls with burned traces and a blue painted pottery jar. It has been generally recognized that the ritual pottery vessels from tombs were used in funerary rituals or in cults carried out subsequently at the tomb. However, the pottery above the tomb of Userhat is related to the tomb construction activities, hence, it seems that those pottery vessels were used in the tomb construction rituals. Little is known about tomb construction rituals at private tombs so far, and the study of pottery above the tomb of Userhat has revealed new possibilities of tomb construction rituals.

著者

井本 英一

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.35, no.1, pp.83-96, 1992-09-30 (Released:2010-03-12)

著者

清水 嘉隆

出版者

The Society for Near Eastern Studies in Japan

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.19, no.2, pp.53-68,201, 1976 (Released:2010-03-12)

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Of 114 paragraphs of the Middle Persian epic literature, Ayadgar i Zarerdn, 1-50 have here been translated into Japanese. In spite of the penetrating treatment by H. S. Nyberg: A Manual of Pahlavi II, Wiesbaden 1974, not a few words remain still in doubt.The existence of an older text prior to the text now extant can be inferred from various points of view. Among others, I should like to stress here syntactic inconsistencies shown in §§1-3 and §19. §§1-3: ‘When King Wishtasp with his own sons and brothers, royal families and attendants, accepted from Ohrmazd this Pure Religion of the Mazdayasnians and afterwards came to the Khiyon lord Arjasp the news that King Wishtasp with his own sons, brothers and royal families and attendants had accepted from Ohrmazd this Pure Religion of the Mazdayasnians, then to them (the Khiyons) came heavy displeasure.’ The consistency in this sentence has been interrupted by the preceding passage ‘This Memoirs which they call Zareran was written at that time’, because 'pad 'an gah ‘at that time’ would be out of place without the following phrase ‘when King Wishtasp with his own sons…’. See note (6). §19: ‘There in the Forest of Hutos and Zoroastrian Murw (Merw) which are neither high mountain nor deep lake, at that flat desert…’—In an older text the passage must have been ‘There in the Forest of Hutos and Z. Murw which are neither high nor deep but flat ('be hamon)…’where the correlative !ne …'be ‘not…but’ is still retained. Later, were inserted kofi, war and 'pad 'an dast i, the correlativity of 'ne…'be having been lost sight of. See note (16). My thanks are due to Prof. Gikyo Ito who has kindly placed his latest decipherments at my disposal, for example, §14: wištasp-šah wiheg 'bud ‘In King Wishtasp agitation took place or King Wishtasp became agitated.’ In view of wordformation, wihez-‘move’: wiheg ‘movement, agitation; moved, agitated’ may be treated in parallel with wirez-(wirextan) ‘flee, escape’: wireg ‘flight, escape’. See note (14).

著者

清水 嘉隆

出版者

The Society for Near Eastern Studies in Japan

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.21, no.1, pp.109-125, 1978-09-30 (Released:2010-03-12)

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Japanese rendering of Ayadgar i Zareran, §§51-114. Expressional exaggeration and reiteration, characteristics of epic literature, can be seen not seldom or rather often, see §66, 69; 55/57/59/61, 56/58/60, 67/113, 71/77/97, 72/98, 73/99, 74/100, 79/109, 81/87/108.Prof. G. Ito kindly showed me his recent interpretations, of which here may be cited two instances (§§84 and 93). He interpreted §84thus: ala+darug i gyan-abzand-it 'ke amwašt/ala wiraz padranand ‹i›'to 'ke amwašt/ala+sen+i murwag barag-it 'ke amwaštAlas! Who did take away your medicine which agitates (your) life (cf. candfdan ‘move’)?Alas! Who did take away your combatting mace (cf. NP. guraz a large iron mace')?Alas! Who did take away the Sen which is your bird-like horse? For further details, see pp. 124-5, n. 8. He interpreted w'm'wlt y bwp'y (§93) as nam-xward +e bawai ‘Mayst thou become of brilliant fame!’ In regard to the verbal base Old Ir. *hvar-, Av. xvar-, Old Ind. svar- ‘shine’, see G. Ito: “Gathica XIII, Av. axvar∂ta- xvar∂nah-”, Orient Vol. XI (1975), p. 38ff.

著者

戸田 聡

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.58, no.1, pp.82-86, 2015

著者

石丸 由美

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.32, no.2, pp.14-29, 1989 (Released:2010-03-12)

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Semseddin Sami, a famous journalist and philologist, is recognized as one of the nationalist intellectuals in the modern period of the Ottoman Empire. His activities and ideas are specified by two kinds of national consciousnesses; The one is Albanian identity, the other is Turkish identity.Originally he was an Albanian, born in Frasheri (now the town in Greece) in 1850, and so he was influenced by the Albanian movements for autonomy under the Ottoman rule.He started to develop his ideas of nation (kavim) after the Russo-Turkish war and the Berlin Treaty in 1878. By this treaty, the Albanian people's areas under the Ottoman rule were pressured to be divided by the surrounding Balkan states—Serbia, Montenegro and Greece, thereby he found it necessary to save the weakened Ottoman Empire from the foreign intrusions and then intended to awaken the national consciousnesses among the Ottoman peoples. From this point, we can say that his idea is a sort of Ottomanism.After finishing the high school, he came up to Istanbul and there he continued to undertake the editorial works of various periodicals, including the weekly newspaper Hafta publised in 1881. He gave a great importance to these jounalistic activities in order to enlighten the peoples and then to inform them of the knowledges of the progressive Western civilisation, especially those of modern technology that could save the deceased Ottoman Empire.In Hafta he maintained that each people (ethnic groupes), having their own languages, could become kavim (nation) within the Empire, and could have the political and cultural equality in the Ottoman nationality. He did not give more superiority to the Ottoman Turkish people (language) than to any other peoples (languages) in the Empire. He thought that the cultural development of each kavim by their own written languages would bring political and social stability to the Ottoman Empire. But unfortunately Sami's Ottomanism was not generally accepted by the intellectual elites of that period.

著者

吹田 浩

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.41, no.2, pp.166-180, 1998 (Released:2010-03-12)

著者

中田 考

出版者

学術雑誌目次速報データベース由来

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.39, no.2, pp.66-82, 1996

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In the history of Islamic legal thought, al-Juwaini's <i>al-Ghiyathi</i> is a unique work, because he devotes himself in its last chapter to dealing with the possibility of <i>Mappo</i> (borrowed from a Buddhist concept), the era of extinction of the <i>Shari'a</i>, not in an eschatological way but in a juristical way.<br>He says that the knowledge of the fundamentals of <i>Shari'a</i> will be lost among people after the disappearance of its legal authorities, <i>i. e.</i>, <i>mujtahids</i> and transmitters of <i>madhhabs</i>, which will occur after the disappearance of the political authorities, <i>i. e.</i>, caliphs and sultans.<br>According to his understanding, the extinction of the knowledge will happen not because of the lack and decrease of books, but because of the increase of hairsplitting debates and pedantic disputes which occupy so much the minds of people and students as to make them tired at last.<br>al-Juwaini compares Muslims in the era of extinction of the <i>Shari'a</i> with people whom the message of Islam has not reached. He concludes that, besides the beliefs in the unity of God and the prophethood of Muhammad, Muslim's sole obligation in such an era is to make himself ready for observance of the prescriptions of <i>Shari'a</i>, hoping to get to know them someday. Because there is no obligation without receiving the divine commandments according to the Ash'ari school to which al-Juwaini belongs.<br>In his opinion the details of the <i>Shari'a</i> can not be understood without guidance of its authorities. So the utmost which can be hoped in case the legal authorities as well as the political authorities have disappeared, is that individual muslims reconstruct the fundamentals of the <i>Shari'a</i> from the remaining writings on the subject and apply the fundamentals to their own situations.

著者

中田 考

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.33, no.2, pp.79-95, 1990

著者

柴田 大輔

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.49, no.2, pp.22-39, 2006 (Released:2010-03-12)

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The explanation of names of deities played a significant role in the theology of ancient Mesopotamia. The most important example of such an explanation is Enuma eliš VI 121-VII 144, where Marduk is invested with his fifty different names, alongside “explanatory epithets” which interpret each of the names. The significance given to the names and explanatory epithets in the ancient theology can be seen, above all, in commentaries to Enuma eliš.The present article deals with a hitherto overlooked example of such explanatory epithets of Marduk, mentioned in the Sumerian Šuilla-prayer ur-sag úru ur4-ur4, “Hero, Devastating Flood”. In the litany of this prayer Marduk is addressed with names which belong to the fifty names in Enuma eliš. Each name is followed by an explanatory epithet. Based on comparable evidence from explanatory epithets in other texts, the way in which these epithets stem from the names of Marduk will be analyzed. In light of the editorial history of the prayer and the purpose of its recitation in cult, the reason for the mention of the names and epithets of Marduk in the prayer will be further investigated.

著者

松島 英子

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.51, no.1, pp.165-180, 2008-09-30 (Released:2014-03-30)

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Though the “Fifty Names” of Marduk in Enūma eliš (below called Ee) is famous in Babylonian literature, we have not intensively discussed the significance of “fifty” names. VI 123 to VII 136 of Ee contain in fact fifty-one names. However, the epic insists on “fifty”, the number generally attributed to Enlil, the head of the pantheon before Marduk. Ee mentions the number “fifty” for the first time at the birth of Marduk and uses it repeatedly whenever the story takes a new turn. Analyzing the epic, We suspect that the author(s) made use of this number, in order to emphasize that the kingship of the Babylonian pantheon was transfered from Enlil to Marduk. We have two related texts with Neo-Assyrian manuscrips. One, CT 25, 50+ Rm 52 contains the mystical numbers of the gods. Here, the fifty is attributed to Enlil and Ninurta, and ten to Marduk. The tablet was copied by the scribe at the reigns of Sargon and Sennacherib. Another text, CT 13, 32, a commentary on Ee, says on rev.12’ the following “fifty = hansā, fifty is dBE”. dBE generally indicates Enlil, but the texts giving the reading have recently been found. It is thus possible to interprete the rev.12’ as “fifty hansā, fifty is dBE(=Marduk)". This reading seems most probable since the first half of rev.12’ is the same as Ee VII 144. The use as dBE= dBēl dates the copy to the same period as CT 25, 50+ Rm 52. But at that time dBE may still have indicated Enlil as well. Perhaps, the author of CT 13, 32 made use of this double understanding to emphasize that the kingship of the gods had been transtered from Enlil to Marduk.

著者

吉田 和彦

出版者

学術雑誌目次速報データベース由来

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.40, no.1, pp.24-39, 1997

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There is no positive evidence that Hittite scribes employed the signs including voiced and voiceless stops in a contrastive manner to distinguish between voiced and voiceless values. On the other hand, they probably made consistent use of orthographic single and double stops in intervocalic position to indicate lax and tense qualities or short and long qualities, respectively. From a historical viewpoint single stops continue Proto-Anatolian voiced stops and double stops Proto-Anatolian voiceless stops. The contrast between single and double spellings is generally observed in the case of laryngeals, fricatives and sonorants as well. An immediate question to be raised at this point is whether the same contrast is found between intervocalic single -<i>z</i>- and double -<i>zz</i>-. I will discuss this problem by analyzing the distribution of 3sg. present active endings of <i>mi</i>-conjugation, -<i>Vzzi</i> and -<i>Vzi</i>.<br>As for <i>a</i>-stem and <i>u</i>-stem verbs, the sequence -<i>Vzi</i> is attested side by side with the sequence -<i>Vzzi</i>; e. g., <i>ar-nu-uz-zi</i> "brings" vs. <i>ar-nu-zi</i>. The sequence -<i>Vzi</i> is most naturally explained by the so-called "simplified spellings". Because the signs <i>az</i> and <i>uz</i> are relatively complicated, Hittite scribes must have spelled the ending without <i>az</i> or <i>uz</i> sign. In general the simplified spellings -<i>azi</i> and -<i>uzi</i> are rare in Old Hittite, but outnumber the unomitted spellings in later Hittite. In any event the alternation between <i>z</i> and <i>zz</i> in the sequences of -<i>a</i>(<i>z</i>)<i>zi</i> and -<i>u</i>(<i>z</i>)<i>zi</i> is of no linguistic contrast.<br>In the case of the -<i>IZ</i>-<i>zi</i> sequence, however, scribes had no motivation for omitting <i>IZ</i> because <i>IZ</i> is a very simple three-stroke sign. Nevertheless, there are a small number of examples in -<i>izi</i> or -<i>ezi</i> with <i>z</i> in Old Hittite texts represented by <i>ú-e-mi-zi</i> "finds" KBo VI 2 IV 12 and <i>i-e-zi</i> "does" KBo VI 2 I 60 (both in Old Hittite originals of Law texts). It is noteworthy that these examples all go back to Proto-Anatolian forms characterized by an ending with voiced *<i>d</i>; <i>e. g.</i>, <i>ú-e-mi-zi</i><*<i>au-ém-ye-di</i> and <i>i-e-zi</i><*<i>yéh₁-di</i>. An obvious inference to be drawn from this fact is that both *-<i>ti</i> and *-<i>di</i> underwent assibilation at a pre-Hittite stage; the ending *-<i>Izzi</i> with <i>zz</i> reflects *-<i>ti</i> and -<i>i</i>/<i>ezi</i> with <i>z</i> reflects *-<i>di</i>, just as geminated stops reflect voiceless stops and single stops reflect voiced stops. I would like to argue that these verbs, though limited in number, preserve a notably archaic feature, resisting to generalization of -<i>Izzi</i> with <i>zz</i>.<br>The above result has a further consequence if we are right in assuming that Proto-Anatolian voiced stops as well as voiceless stops got assibilated before *<i>i</i>. Unlike *<i>t</i> and *<i>d</i>, Proto-Indo-European voiced aspirate *<i>dh</i> never got assibilated in Hittite. The non-assibilation of *<i>dh</i> before *<i>i</i> is supported by the 2sg. imperative <i>i-IT</i>(<*<i>h₁í-dhi</i>) "You go!". Consequently, Proto-Indo-European *<i>d</i> and *<i>dh</i> show different outcomes before *<i>i</i> in Hittite. This will be a piece of evidence for a view that Proto-Indo-European *<i>d</i> and *<i>dh</i> had not been merged at the stage of Proto-Anatolian.

著者

山本 薫

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.49, no.1, pp.39-59, 2006-09-30 (Released:2010-03-12)

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In pre-Islamic Arabia, tribal poets were highly esteemed members of society. They played a crucial role in advocating social norms and values through their poetry, chanting of tribal heroes who embodied those values. In this context, the brigand poets called Sa'alik stand out prominently. Their personalities are recounted in tradition as deviants from tribal society blessed with superhuman ability, as unstoppable plunderers who lived in endless poverty: quite contrary to the ideals of the rich and high-born heroes sung of by tribal poets. In the same way, poems attributed to the Sa'alik show distinctive features compared with the poetic convention of their time.Since my study aims to advance S. P. Stetkevych's argument on the Sa'alik in order to reveal the underlying structure and meaning of their poetry through analyzing its elements in the light of “inversion” (a key notion developed by B. A. Babcock, P. Stallybrass and others), the reversed perception of women and relationship between women and the poets are focused upon in this paper.The main part of this paper analyzes the opening of Ta'abbata Sharran's famous poem compiled into the Mufaddaliyat, the poetic anthology of Arab classics, to see how the conventional poetic motif of the Tayf al-Khayal (demon lover) is shifted and parodied. Furthermore, the perceptions of women in the poems and anecdotes of celebrated Sa'alik like Abu Khirash, 'Urwa b. al-Ward, al-Sulayk b. al-Sulaka and al-Shanfara are examined.This paper concludes that women in Sa'alik poetry are characterized by independence and strength of will, verbal skill, and occasionally physical strength, and that these qualities tend to be connected with an untrustworthy, demonic nature, concealing craftiness and betrayal. This image is sharply different from the sheltered, luxurious women sung of in tribal poems, which placed special emphasis on carnal charm. As for the relationship between women and poets, Sa'alik maintained a constant but unstable relationship, interwoven with controversy, contrasting with the tribal poets who, after showing deep attachment, were destined to break bonds with their mistresses to prove themselves potential tribal heroes. Moreover, this paper points out that these alternative ideas and images proposed by the Sa'alik contain interesting ambiguity and ambivalence, and this observation might reinforce our assertion that the Sa'alik's inversion serves not merely to replace mainstream ideas with peripheral ones, nor heroism with antiheroism, but to threaten the boundaries between opposites and disrupt our sense of values.

著者

今澤 浩二

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.33, no.1, pp.113-123, 1990-09-30 (Released:2010-03-12)

著者

高橋 圭

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.53, no.1, pp.58-81, 2010-09-30 (Released:2014-03-31)

参考文献数

36

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This paper aims to reveal some modern aspects of the criticism of ṭarīqas in nineteenth-century Egypt, by illustrating the abolition of dawsa, one of the most Well-known Sufi rituals in nineteenth-century Egypt, in 1881. The abolition was actually a unilateral measure taken by Khedive Tawfīq with the support of the Europeans, who had repeatedly criticized it as a barbarous and inhuman ritual. While this harsh criticism of dawsa was obviously based on modern Western concepts such as humanism, enlightenment, and laicism, an analysis of the official circular announcing the abolition of dawsa proves that these concepts were also shared by the Egyptian authority. On the contrary, the majority of ordinary Egyptian Muslims had long appreciated dawsa as the manifestation of a miracle; therefore, they were naturally dismayed at its sudden abolition. However, it must be noted that a few Muslim intellectuals supported this measure, and the most well-known among them was Muḥammad ‘Abduh. In his articles on the dawsa issue, ‘Abduh justified its abolition by claiming that it was irreligious in nature and harmful to human dignity. Further, he expressed his conviction that its abolition was a marked occasion for the Egyptian society to get rid of superstitions and to advance into the stage of enlightenment. ‘Abduh’s reasoning indicates that he also shared the Western concepts mentioned above in his criticism, and in this regard, we may locate the modern aspects in the criticism of ṭarīqas in this period. However, this does not indicate that ‘Abduh’s criticism was a mere reflection of the Europeans’ concepts. Actually, he had derived these modern concepts from his own reinterpretation of Islam, and in this respect, we can safely conclude that Islam was the ultimate basis for his criticism.

著者

前田 君江

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.54, no.2, pp.123-126, 2012-03-31 (Released:2015-04-01)

著者

福島 小夜子

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.23, no.2, pp.99-116, 1980 (Released:2010-03-12)

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Treaties, concluded by Japan for the first time with foreign countries during the years of 1854-58, were unequal treaties including such stipulations as consular jurisdiction, tariff rate by agreement and unilateral most favored-nation clause.One of the most important tasks of Meiji new government was to negotiate with each country for the revision of these unequal treaties. For this accomplishment, the government modernized the Japanese legal system. Japanese codification was based chiefly up on the model of French and German laws, under the leadership of foreign advisers, such as Dr. Boissonade. On the other hand many practical jedges came into contact with foreign laws especially English law by going through the consular courts. And, during the process of negotiation Japan had known several Middle East legal institutions. For instance, at Constantinople, Egyptian Foreign Minister Nubar Pasha gaved useful advice about mixed court to a member of Iwakura Mission in 1873. And Egyptian rules for mixed courts were translated into Japanese in 1874. At the same time Japanese jurists asked for Dr. Boissonacle's lectures concerning the history of consular jurisdiction and Islamic law.When Japan demanded the revision of the treaty to each country, Great Britain made decision to set up a mixed court for Japan as like Egypt. The Conference for the Revision of the Treaty was held in 1886, and “Draft of the Treaty for Jurisdiction” was proposed by Great Britain and Germany, which asked for Japan to adopt foreign judges. In those days the movement against the Revision of the Treaties arose in all over Japan. At that time Dr. Boissonade's opinion was known to Japanese, and it made the movement more violent. He insisted that the adoption of foreign judges by an independent state meant a loss of independence of its judicial power, and would lead subsequently to the national independence. Japanese government could not help postponing the negotiation for the revision of the treaty by the time when the codification had been concluded. Japan had strived for the Europeanized legislation, therefore the research on Egyptian or Islamic laws were discontinued. As Japanese constitution was promulgated in 1890 and many laws followed it, Japan assumed the form of a modern state. Thus, consular courts in Japan were abolished in 1899.

著者

永井 正勝

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.43, no.1, pp.19-39, 2000-09-30 (Released:2010-03-12)

参考文献数

27

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The main subject of Middle Egyptian studies should be to seek its “langue” through careful analysis of the instances of “parole.” But many Egyptologists, such as Erman, Sethe, and Gardiner, did not fully recognize the importance of the “langue” of Middle Egyptian, instead they paid great attention to the study of morphological differences in the instances of “parole” themselves, and adapted the Semitic system to these differences. From the point of linguistics, however, morphological studies that are separated from the “langue” may possibly lead to misunderstandings of language.It was the linguist Hans Jakob Polotsky who first established the Middle Egyptian “langue” system through the analysis of grammatical categories and syntax. The German scholar Friedrich Junge also developed his grammatical study based on syntax and the “transformationsgrammatik” of Chomsky. By so doing, Polotsky and Junge disproved of the old-fashioned method of the Egyptologists' “Morphological Grammar, ” but there are also differences in the understanding of Middle Egyptian sentence system between Polotsky and Junge. Despite these differences, Leo Depuydt combined these two distinct studies and gave them the label “Standard theory.” Nowadays many scholars regard Polotsky's Idea as “Standard theory” according to Depuydt's terminology. It must be noted, however, that such a label is quite unsatisfactory since “Standard theory” does not equal to Polotsky's Idea, and that the very main point of Polotsky's Idea has been neglected by using such an unfortunate label. It is now clear that the subject with which we must grapple is to clarify the main point of Polotsky's Idea.In this paper I will examine Polotsky's Idea and point out the following Middle Egyptian sentence system explained by Polotsky. 1) There is a distinction of mode in Middle Egyptian. 2) The indicative mode of the main sentence is introduced by an auxiliary and has three tenses (i. e., present, past, future). 3) Some of the main sentences of indicative mode (1st tenses) have their counterparts in the emphasized adverbial sentences (2nd tenses). 4) The emphasized adverbial sentences in initial position (2nd tenses) begin with bare sdm. f/sdm. f form. 5) The prospective mode in the main sentence is expressed by bare sdm. f form.

著者

蔀 勇造

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.34, no.1, pp.125-132, 1991-09-30 (Released:2010-03-12)

著者

原山 隆広

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.50, no.2, pp.204-221, 2007 (Released:2010-03-12)

被引用文献数

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The Tafdil al-Atrak is a propaganda work by Ibn Hassul (d. 450/1058). This author served the first Saljugid ruler Tughril-Bek as secretary. During the time the Saljugids were advancing into Iraq (especially Baghdad), he wrote and dedicated this work to Tughril-Bek and his prime minister (wazir) al-Kunduri. That means the Tafdil al-Atrak is a product of the very period of this political upheaval, that is, the change of dynasty from the Buwayhids to the Saljugids. Thus it is a very precious contemporary source, from which we can gather interesting information about how the early Saljugids (Tughril-Bek's government) legitimized their rule, and how they regarded their opponents, the Buwayhids.The Tafdil al-Atrak comprises the following parts: 1) a refutation of the Kitab al-Taji, a Buwayhid history written by Abu Ishaq al-Sabi'; 2) a section on Persian myth and pre-Islamic history; 3) a section extolling the virtue of the Turks; and 4) a part praising Tughril-Bek and al-Kunduri. Throughout this work, Ibn Hassul presents Tughril-Bek as the ideal ruler, emphasizing his generosity, charitableness and justice, always contrasting him with 'Adud al-Dawla, the strongest Buwayhid ruler. But, the Buwayhids are not criticized for their religious attitude (i. e. Shi'a). In addition, the 'Abbasid caliphs are not described as the source of political legitimacy. Moreover, there do not appear signs of the themes often found in later sources, such as the Saljuqids' insistence on the caliphs' bestowing the robes of honor (khil'a), appointment decrees (taqlid/'ahd), and honorific titles (laqab); declaration of their obedience and loyalty to the caliphs; and their pursuance of religious obligations such as pilgrimage to Mecca (hajj) and holy war against heretics and infidels (jihad). It is a commonly accepted thesis that the Saljugid rule represented a “Sunni revival.” However, these facts are not in accordance with this thesis. The Tafdil al-Atrak is an important argument against this thesis written by the Saljuqids themselves.