著者
脇田 彩
出版者
SHAKAIGAKU KENKYUKAI
雑誌
ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.57, no.2, pp.3-18,134, 2012

This study examines gender neutrality in occupational prestige scores focusing on gender information of people whose occupations are evaluated by respondents. In this study, a survey was conducted in which student respondents were asked to evaluate56 occupations with the gender of the incumbents specified, the male and female occupational prestige scores were calculated based on the respondents' evaluations. The analysis produced three findings regarding the effects of the evaluated persons' gender information on their occupational prestige scores. First, there is little difference between male and female average occupational prestige scores. Second, both male and female occupational prestige scores computed from the respondents correlate strongly with the occupational prestige scores from the 1995 social stratification and social mobility (SSM) survey, in which the gender of occupational incumbents was not specified. Third, in the occupations with higher percentages of female workers, female occupational prestige scores tend to be higher than male scores. Two important results were obtained regarding the gender neutrality of occupational prestige scores. First, regardless of gender information, the occupational prestige score provides a stable index of social status. Second, for occupations with a large female workforce, the occupational prestige score's gender neutrality may not be reliably assumed because people whose occupations fit the stereotypes of their gender are evaluated higher than those people of a different gender in the same occupations. To confirm these results, a larger survey of respondents with diverse characteristics is required to clarify how gender information influences the evaluation of people, and to explain in detail the relationship between gender and occupational prestige scores.
著者
脇田 彩
出版者
社会学研究会
雑誌
ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.57, no.2, pp.3-18,134, 2012

This study examines gender neutrality in occupational prestige scores focusing on gender information of people whose occupations are evaluated by respondents. In this study, a survey was conducted in which student respondents were asked to evaluate56 occupations with the gender of the incumbents specified, the male and female occupational prestige scores were calculated based on the respondents' evaluations. The analysis produced three findings regarding the effects of the evaluated persons' gender information on their occupational prestige scores. First, there is little difference between male and female average occupational prestige scores. Second, both male and female occupational prestige scores computed from the respondents correlate strongly with the occupational prestige scores from the 1995 social stratification and social mobility (SSM) survey, in which the gender of occupational incumbents was not specified. Third, in the occupations with higher percentages of female workers, female occupational prestige scores tend to be higher than male scores. Two important results were obtained regarding the gender neutrality of occupational prestige scores. First, regardless of gender information, the occupational prestige score provides a stable index of social status. Second, for occupations with a large female workforce, the occupational prestige score's gender neutrality may not be reliably assumed because people whose occupations fit the stereotypes of their gender are evaluated higher than those people of a different gender in the same occupations. To confirm these results, a larger survey of respondents with diverse characteristics is required to clarify how gender information influences the evaluation of people, and to explain in detail the relationship between gender and occupational prestige scores.
著者
福岡 千珠
出版者
社会学研究会
雑誌
ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.50, no.3, pp.57-73,191, 2006

The objective of this paper is to examine the various ways the Irish language has served as a symbol of a nation, through two different phases of Irish cultural nationalism: nationalism in the nation-building stage where its primary aim is to construct national identity and in the reconstructing stage, where the object is to maintain and to endorse an-established national identity. In order to examine how discourses of cultural nationalism have changed, I think it necessary to analyze these phases of the Irish cultural nationalism. Firstly, I analyze the discourses deployed by the Irish language revival movement which started towards the end of the nineteenth century. Examining how the language was represented in the movements, I reveal that the discourses of cultural nationalism denied the co-evalness of the language, and always represented it with nostalgia. This representation of the native culture is still influenced by the Anglo-Irish colonial discourses of the end of the eighteenth century. Secondly, in opposition, the Free State government came, after independence, to retrieve the co-evalness of the language when it introduced compulsory education and adopted revival policies. This means that the government tried to prove, in the triangular relationship with Northern Ireland and Britain, that it was a legitimate institution of the Irish nation by inheriting the native language. However, this attitude provoked much hatred among Unionists in Northern Ireland, and the heated dispute over the validity of the language even in the South. These changes could not be interpreted as a simple failure of the cultural nationalism.With the change from nation-building to re-construction, cultural nationalism shifted its focus from primordiality of culture to its contemporaneity. It brought into question the historical and political belongingness of the language, and revealed the nations sectarian and ideological division rather than its unity.
著者
久木元 真吾
出版者
社会学研究会
雑誌
ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.48, no.2, pp.73-89,154, 2003

This paper aims to analyze the narratives of so-called "freeters" and their unintended consequences. Freeters are young people who work on a part-time basis without securing a permanent job. They are currently the focus of much discussion in Japan and their way of life is often associated with laziness, irresponsibility, and daydreaming. To avoid ascribing the entire problem to freeters nature, I point out the significance of a social discourse that leads them to their unique lifestyle. Freeters often emphasize that they are doing (or trying to find) what they really want to do. Their choice of work is based on their belief that having an enjoyable job will prevent them from quitting. They evaluate freeters who have or are trying to find their dream job as "good" and freeters who do not have such a motivation as "bad." It is, however, ironic that their obsession with "what I want to do" makes it more difficult for them to achieve their goals.This unintended consequence is a result of three factors. The more they are fascinated with the idea of "what I want to do," the more it becomes difficult a) for them to identify what their goals really are, b) for them to change their lifestyle, and c) for others to suggest different ways of life.The narratives of freeters, and especially their stress on "what I want to do," imply that they have no other choice than to find it, facing the fact that the working conditions in Japanese society are severe and that there is little variety in the jobs that are available to them.
著者
岩谷 洋史
出版者
SHAKAIGAKU KENKYUKAI
雑誌
ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.53, no.1, pp.55-72,199, 2008

This article focuses on the everyday practices of kurabito, the Japanese Sake manufacturers, in a sakagura, a small-scale brewery, in Kansai, Japan. Particular attention is paid to the action of inscribing ― "writing," "marking" or "curving"- at various places in the brewery. Data for this study was collected through participant observation at the brewery in the seven years since 2001. I will suggest that the technology of inscribing is indispensable to contemporary Japanese Sake brewing. Every day, many and various inscriptions are produced by the kurabito in the brewery. Utilizing them, the kurabito are able to visualize the brewing itself, and to make it understandable to themselves. These inscriptions are important tools in the process of making Sake. In fact it can be said that they are embedded in the situation. Moreover, I point out that these practices also construct a community of the kurabito in the workplace. Understanding such things, we cannot simply think that Sake brewing is a result of the expression and realization of the knowledge of brewing, which it is assumed are internalized deeply in the workers' bodies. Rather, we find that Sake brewing is carried out through successive negotiations, which are restrained socially and physically, between the workers' bodies and the materials through these tools.
著者
岩谷 洋史
出版者
社会学研究会
雑誌
ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.53, no.1, pp.55-72,199, 2008

This article focuses on the everyday practices of kurabito, the Japanese Sake manufacturers, in a sakagura, a small-scale brewery, in Kansai, Japan. Particular attention is paid to the action of inscribing ― "writing," "marking" or "curving"- at various places in the brewery. Data for this study was collected through participant observation at the brewery in the seven years since 2001. I will suggest that the technology of inscribing is indispensable to contemporary Japanese Sake brewing. Every day, many and various inscriptions are produced by the kurabito in the brewery. Utilizing them, the kurabito are able to visualize the brewing itself, and to make it understandable to themselves. These inscriptions are important tools in the process of making Sake. In fact it can be said that they are embedded in the situation. Moreover, I point out that these practices also construct a community of the kurabito in the workplace. Understanding such things, we cannot simply think that Sake brewing is a result of the expression and realization of the knowledge of brewing, which it is assumed are internalized deeply in the workers' bodies. Rather, we find that Sake brewing is carried out through successive negotiations, which are restrained socially and physically, between the workers' bodies and the materials through these tools.
著者
磯 直樹
出版者
SHAKAIGAKU KENKYUKAI
雑誌
ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.53, no.1, pp.37-53,200, 2008

In this paper I will first introduce Bourdieu's idea of field, a network, or configuration, of objective relations between positions. Then I will show how it integrates theory and empirical research. In the history of Sociology, the relationship between theory and empirical research has been a grand theme, and Bourdieu was committed to integrating the two throughout his career. I will also examine the work of Blumer, an important predecessor to Bourdieu. While both his "sensitizing concept" and his "definitive concept" have limits, Bourdieu's "open concepts" which include habitus, capital and field have more possibilities and significances than Blumer's. The field is a social sphere which has a limit around itself and each has its own rules within. For Bourdieu, the field is considered together with habitus and capital, and also as a part of his theory of practice. The concept of field enables us to analyze social phenomena for which we have lacked a theoretical framework. We can also use the concept of field to relate and integrate differentempirical research. One example can be found in the study of social difference. Bourdieu's sociology makes sense in combination with the works of other sociologists because it owes so much to them. We should ask the question "Bourdieu and what else?" rather than think in terms of a dichotomy such as "Bourdieu or not." This will lead to a productive discussion.
著者
中島 道男
出版者
社会学研究会
雑誌
ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.29, no.1, pp.1-20,156, 1984

There is a stereotyped interpretation of Durkheim's sociology:he had a reified view of social reality. He says, "Indeed, social things are only realized by men: they are the product of human activities." But interpreters have said that they can't easily find such a view in his social theory.<br> On the contrary, this paper will insist that Durkheim certainly had a theory about this mechanism - human activities→social things -. To Demonstrate that, this paper will focus on Durkheim's view of the relation between economy and morality. Of course, we can't avoid an examination of his conception of society The relation between economy and morality is not only a central theme in Durkheim's sociology, but also a strategically important one for our object.<br> By extending an above-mentioned theme, this paper will rearrange Durkheim's sociolgy as a theory of institution. Durkheim's theory had a thory, as follows; institution is produced by human activities and automatizes itself, and finally, it becomes fetters to human beings, i.e. alienation. Furthermore, Durkheim took into account a process of de-alienation of institution.<br> Accordingly, Durkheim's sociology has the same view as Berger = Luckmann's: "In other words, despite the objectivity that marks the social world in human experience, it does not thereby acquire an ontological status apart from the human activity that produced it."
著者
桐田 克利
出版者
社会学研究会
雑誌
ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.31, no.1, pp.p1-20, 1986-05