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著者
山本 真理子
出版者
社会学研究会
雑誌
ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.57, no.3, pp.91-107, 2013-02-28 (Released:2015-05-13)
参考文献数
16
著者
伊藤 智樹
出版者
社会学研究会
雑誌
ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.56, no.3, pp.121-136,183, 2012-02-29 (Released:2015-05-13)
参考文献数
16

In his social theory, Arthur W. Frank explained that the body is often consideredproblematic in terms of its “functionality” (or “system”). However, considering itproblematic in terms of “actions” is more in line with a phenomenological approach,rather than a functional approach. The concept of the “communicative body”, in particular, is applicable to the case ofmany sick people who wish to communicate with others face-to-face: both verbally andnon-verbally. I observed communication in a few self-help groups. However, Frank, whoonly argued that the telling of “quest stories” is an ethical practice of the “communicativebody”, did not clarify the ambivalence between various illness narratives and the body. I observed as a group individuals suffering from Parkinson’s disease who wished tobe rehabilitated, and prepared a short ethnography of their group. In the participants’communication, their language as well as their bodies constructed their illnessnarratives, which were characterized by hard-working protagonists or their handicappedbodies. However, the relationship between an illness narrative and the body is notsimple. On the one hand, their bodies sustain their illness narratives that give them hope;on the other, their condition deteriorates and they feel that they are “getting worse”. The “body” is a very important element in the study of illness narratives; it sustains orhinders the construction of the narratives. Therefore, the “communicative body” is notan “idealized” one. The concept is applicable while observing the relationship betweenvarious illness narratives and the body, and considering how the body develops and failsin its style of usage when it suffers from a debilitating illness.
著者
三井 さよ
出版者
社会学研究会
雑誌
ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.53, no.1, pp.91-107, 2008-05-31 (Released:2015-06-06)
参考文献数
15
著者
石川 良子
出版者
社会学研究会
雑誌
ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.48, no.2, pp.39-55,156, 2003

The purpose of this paper is to suggest a viewpoint to understand "Hikikomori" without referring to dyscommunication between parents and children as a cause of "Hikikomori," based on narratives by members of a self-help group.In this paper, we regard "Hikikomori" as passing, and focus on information about self and interactions with others. The term "Hikikomori" does not always indicate withdrawal from communication with all others.For example, informants sometimes go out for shopping or walks, on the one hand; on the other hand, they avoid meeting almost all their neighbors, friends and acquaintances. We can consider both episodes deliberate or unintended passing, namely, in order to avoid negative reactions from others, they try to keep anonymity that means relative shortage of biographical information by managing their own discreditable information about themselves. In addition, informants can associate with their intimates if they are familiar with the discreditable information about informants and passing is not needed. However, even in this case, informants sometimes avoid associating with their intimates if the negative reactions from them can be expected. From this view, it is not very important with whom informants communicate. In conclusion, we suggest that informants avoid the situations where they recognize themselves as stigmatized individuals, which cause them moral conflicts, and that we can consider "Hikikomori", in a sense, a rational strategy to ease their own moral conflicts.
著者
石川 良子
出版者
社会学研究会
雑誌
ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.48, no.2, pp.39-55,156, 2003

The purpose of this paper is to suggest a viewpoint to understand "Hikikomori" without referring to dyscommunication between parents and children as a cause of "Hikikomori," based on narratives by members of a self-help group.In this paper, we regard "Hikikomori" as passing, and focus on information about self and interactions with others.<br> The term "Hikikomori" does not always indicate withdrawal from communication with all others.For example, informants sometimes go out for shopping or walks, on the one hand; on the other hand, they avoid meeting almost all their neighbors, friends and acquaintances. We can consider both episodes deliberate or unintended passing, namely, in order to avoid negative reactions from others, they try to keep anonymity that means relative shortage of biographical information by managing their own discreditable information about themselves.<br> In addition, informants can associate with their intimates if they are familiar with the discreditable information about informants and passing is not needed. However, even in this case, informants sometimes avoid associating with their intimates if the negative reactions from them can be expected. From this view, it is not very important with whom informants communicate.<br> In conclusion, we suggest that informants avoid the situations where they recognize themselves as stigmatized individuals, which cause them moral conflicts, and that we can consider "Hikikomori", in a sense, a rational strategy to ease their own moral conflicts.
著者
木下 衆
出版者
社会学研究会
雑誌
ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.57, no.1, pp.93-109,177, 2012-06-30 (Released:2015-05-13)
参考文献数
14
被引用文献数
1 2

In this article, the subject of my analysis is “how does the category become relevant, initially, at different times, and in different ways, in the life of a person?” (See Lynch2001: 249 about “dementia”.) Sociological studies on early dementia (Deguchi 1999; Amada 2007; Iguchi 2007) focus on conflicts among family members. The early symptoms of dementia are always vague (e.g., forgetfulness, character change). Therefore, family members may differ in regarding whether certain “troubles”(Emerson & Messinger1977)can be termed dementia symptoms; this will lead to conflicts among the family members. While considering the abovementioned studies, I examine how Ms. J and Ms.I define their mother, Ms. K, as being demented, despite the inconsistency in their early decisions. I emphasize the following two points. First, considering the accountability of family members regarding the “deviances” in the elderly, a family member’s perception of “deviance” in the behavior of an elderly person does not necessarily imply that the elderly person is demented, because there are many possible interpretations of such behavior besides dementia; the behavior could result from non-dementia illnesses or factors such as family discord. So family members attribute the elderly person’s “deviance” to dementia and disregard other possible causes for such behavior, only when the context of social interaction suggests it. Second, considering the importance of acknowledging social settings, the mere “deviances” noticed in behavior cannot be categorized as the symptoms of clinical disorders such as dementia. As suggested above, family members’ decisions regarding the symptoms of dementia should always be based on an elderly person’s pattern of everyday life and the context of any specific interaction. Therefore, they must consider the social settings that form the context of social interaction.
著者
三浦 耕吉郎
出版者
社会学研究会
雑誌
ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.58, no.3, pp.93-95, 2014-02-28 (Released:2015-04-10)
著者
小原 一馬
出版者
SHAKAIGAKU KENKYUKAI
雑誌
ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.56, no.2, pp.3-118, 2011

Despite an abundance of application opportunities, for a long time Goffman's sociology of play/games has practically been ignored in the studies of play theory. The aim of this paper is to give his sociology of play an appropriate position in the historical development of play theories. To this end, the following points are demonstrated: 1. What were the achievements and the problems of the play theories (of Huizinga, Caillois, and Bateson) before Goffman? 2. How did Goffman inherit the previous works' achievements and solve their problems? 3. What kind of relationship did Goffman's sociology of play have with Csikszentmihalyi's flow theory, which had the greatest influence on the development of play theories after Goffman? While Caillois basically inherited Huizinga's definitions of play he criticized Huizinga's concept of play as being too wide, and his definitions of play are not appropriate for "play" as a whole but only to a part of it. Therefore, Caillois redefined "play" to the domain of culture, and also he classified "play" into four by two categories. Responding to Caillois' criticism of Huizinga, Goffman developed Bateson's frame theory, and he showed that the fun of play can be explained through a single, integrated one without any classification. This new frame theory by Goffman can be summarized as the playing field introducing various valuable things from the outside world into itself through its frame while blocking any irrelevant objects; it is important to balance the way of its reflection of the outside world in order to heighten participants' concentration on its unique reality utilizing randomness and symbolic distance. This theory of Goffman's is in a complementary relationship with Csikszentmihalyi's flow theory, which also emphasizes concentration, and thus its integration will lead to a more complete theory.
著者
芦田 徹郎
出版者
社会学研究会
雑誌
ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.37, no.3, pp.169-177, 1993
著者
三谷 はるよ
出版者
SHAKAIGAKU KENKYUKAI
雑誌
ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.58, no.3, pp.3-18,130, 2014

This study investigates the relationship between religiosity and volunteering in Japan. Previous research has shown that people who belong to religious affiliations and who attend religious institutions regularly tend to volunteer. However, little is known about whether religiosity facilitates volunteering among those Japanese not involved in religious groups, and which dimensions of religiosity have apositive influence on such activity. Therefore, this paper, employing data from representative national Japanese samples, examines the influence of dimensions of religiosity on volunteering among Japanese without religious attachments. <br> The study finds that while both collective religiosity (religious affiliation and attendance) and diffused religiosity (prayer and belief in guardianship) predict volunteering among the Japanese, only diffused religiosity is related to volunteering among non-members of religious denominations. <br> The finding indicates that volunteering among the latter group is promoted by religiosity, particularly diffused religiosity. The result that private prayer and individual religious belief or experience promote volunteering is in line with recent research in Western countries. Meanwhile, a direct relationship between religious attendance and volunteering among those who are not attached to religious denominations has not been shown. This suggests that Japanese temples, shrines, and churches do not directly foster volunteering by forming networks of people, but that they indirectly promote it by enriching the piety that has been culturally diffused in the community.
著者
久保田 裕之
出版者
社会学研究会
雑誌
ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.55, no.1, pp.3-19,136, 2010

Within recent family sociology in Japan, it has been taken for granted that the family cannot and should not be defined by researchers, partly because of the negative effect of including various lifestyles. However, avoiding family definition can be harmful or even destructive, unless there is a clear-cut explanation of what exactly is meant by saying "family cannot and should not be defined". This paper, then, will argue that it is inevitable and even essential for every single piece of scientific research on families to define a concept of the family in some way, and, conversely, to define a concept of "non-family", according to the best interest of each research project. In this paper, we examine three famous studies in the history of family sociology in Japan which focused on the concept of "non-family": one by Teizō TODA ([1973] 1970), another by Kiyomi MORIOKA ([1981] 1987), and a third by Yoshitaka IKEOKA et al. (1999). By examining this tradition of "non-family" studies, the inevitability and necessity of definition can best be illustrated, as the borderline which is drawn between the concepts of family and of non-family. Firstly, we scrutinize Masahiro YAMADA (1986; 1992) and IKEOKA et al. (1999), dealing with the subjective family definitions of the parties involved, because these approaches sometimes seem to put overmuch emphasis not on the researchers' definition but on the parties' subjective image and discourse on family. Secondly, contentions over the constructionist approach follow, which have arisen within the Sociology of Social Problems under the name of Ontological Gerrymandering. Finally, we examine TODA ([1973] 1970) and MORIOKA ([1981] 1987), which explicitly define the concepts of family and non-family. In conclusion, it can be argued that it is inevitable and even essential to define concepts of the family and "non-family", according to the best interests of each research project. "Family" should be re-defined and up-dated in order to embrace the diverse lifestyles within and without those of traditional families.