著者

土井 隆義 石川 准

出版者

社会学研究会

雑誌

ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.38, no.1, pp.88-95, 1993-05-31 (Released:2017-02-15)

著者

大野 道邦 三上 剛史

出版者

社会学研究会

雑誌

ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.49, no.1, pp.159-166, 2004-05-31 (Released:2016-05-25)

著者

中島 道男

出版者

社会学研究会

雑誌

ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.48, no.1, pp.136-138, 2003-05-31 (Released:2016-05-25)

著者

吉田 純

出版者

社会学研究会

雑誌

ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.33, no.3, pp.21-37,157, 1989-01-31 (Released:2017-02-15)

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Dieser Aufsatz zielt darauf, in Adomos Theorie der ästhetischen Modeme einige bedeutenden kritischen Momente, die Habermas verlassen hat, wiederzuentdecken, und damit die Schwächen der von Habermas dargestellten Theorie der Modeme nachzuweisen. Die frühe kritische Theorie von “Frankfurter Schule”, vertreten von Adorno, hat im “vernünftigen Potential” der modernen Kultur, insb. im "transzendierenden" Moment der Kunst, den privilegierten Bezugspunkt für die Kritik findet. Habermas sagt folgendermaßen : Adorno verliert gerade an dieser Strategie die "normative Grundlage" der Kritik, denn er die kulturelle Modeme mit “eingeengten Optik” wahrnimmt, und also sich nicht auf empirischer Analyse von Gesellschaft beziehen kann. Auf diesem Grund behauptet er die Theorie der Moderne, die die allgemeine kulturelle Moderne -- Wissernschaft, Moral und Kunst-- als drei differenzierte Aspekte der “kommnikativen Rationalität” erfassen und analysierbar machen will. Aber in dieser Theorie der Moderne ist der kritische Moment in der modernen Kunst, der "ästhetishen Rationalität", vielmehr unklar. Denn in dieser Theorie wird die “Kritik” auf die sprachliche Kritisierbarkeit der Geltungsansprüche jeweiliger Aussage reduziert. Für Adorno darbietet die musikalische Avantgarde, bzw. atonale Musik von Shönberg, ein Modell des kritischen Denkens. Sie sprengt die Grenzen der Tanalität, die der traditionellen Musik einen Schein intersubjektiver Sprache gegeben hat, indem sie sich auf ihre Material selbst, bzw. Tonsystem, reflexsiv bezieht und ihn zum Thema der Darstellung macht. Das andeutet die Möglichkeit des nichtidentifizierenden, in diesem Sinne kritischen Denkens. Eine die Allgemeinheit in Anspruch nehmende Theorie, wie die von Habermas, unvermeintlich sucht ihre Grundlegung in der Identität, bei ihm der intersubjektive. Aber solche Identität ist immer und bereits ein geschichtliches Erzeugnis. Muß die kritische Theorie, wie Habermas sagt, die geschichtliche Konstitution ihres Gegenstandes in Betracht ziehen, so kann sie nicht mehr auf solche Identität vertrauen.

著者

西川 純司

出版者

社会学研究会

雑誌

ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.58, no.3, pp.53-66,127, 2014-02-28 (Released:2015-04-10)

参考文献数

27

被引用文献数

1

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In the 1970s, many theories on the neighborhood protest movement reported negative effects from the development policy of the postwar period, and aimed to return to the value of life. They often criticized the Urban Planning Act of the prewar period and Hiroshi Ikeda, the Home Ministry bureaucrat who was its author, as the origin of development-oriented urban planning. However, we can find nowadays in the Anglo-Saxon world many govern mentality studies that are different from the conventional schema, “civil society / State (Capital)”.To understand better the characteristics of modern urban planning and its structure, we study Hiroshi Ikeda’s urban planning theory from the standpoint of govern mentality. Here we found that his theory was based on the practicalknowledge of trying to resolve hygiene issues in urban space, recognized asa social problem from the middle of Taisho period, by means of an adequate supply of sunlight. We show that he had great interest in the hygienic status of the residential environment, and considered promoting health by means of the regulation of the physical environment. In addition, we found that Ikeda’s urban planning focused on collective lives being objectified statistically, and that it had a structure which inevitably required aggressive intervention such as the restriction of individual freedom in order to reform sanitary conditions. These results indicate that the theories in the 70s on the neighborhood protest movement explain only one aspect of the problem of the city and its environment, and that therefore they overlook the problem concerning governmentality that mobilizes the resources to reduce the risk to society.

著者

桧垣 巧 木村 洋二

出版者

社会学研究会

雑誌

ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.29, no.3, pp.144-156, 1985-01-31 (Released:2017-02-15)

著者

君塚 大学

出版者

社会学研究会

雑誌

ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.37, no.3, pp.133-148,, 1993

著者

梅川 由紀

出版者

社会学研究会

雑誌

ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.62, no.1, pp.23-40, 2017

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<p>本稿の目的は、「ごみ屋敷」の当事者が溜め続けるモノの意味を明らかにし、人間にとってのごみやモノの概念を再考することである。これまで当事者は、社会的孤立/断絶状態にあるとみなされてきた。しかし本稿では、毎日スーパーに出かけ、多くの他者とコミュニケーションを図りながらごみ屋敷で暮らす、当事者Aさんを取り上げる。分析においてはモーリス・アルヴァックスの「モノと記憶」に関する議論に着目した。調査は、当事者Aさんへのインタビューと、片づけ作業およびその後の生活状況に関してフィールドワークを行った。 調査の結果、大きく二つの指摘を行った。第一に、モノを溜め込むことで構築されるアイデンティティを明らかにした。Aさんは他者と良好なコミュニケーションを図ることを「望ましい自己」の姿と捉えていた。そして家に溜め込むモノは「望ましい自己」を達成した「証」として理解されていた。ゆえにAさんがモノを溜め込む理由は、望ましい自己を実現した記憶を、モノという形ある対象に具現化し、記憶を保管するためであることを明らかにした。そして、ごみ屋敷に溜め込まれるモノには、「心情的価値」と名付けられる価値が存在する様子を示した。第二に、モノを捨てることで構築されるアイデンティティを明らかにした。Aさんはモノを捨てることでジレンマを解消でき、新たに望ましい自己の証を手に入れられる場合、モノをごみと捉え、捨てていた。「必要な存在」としてのごみの側面を明らかにした。 ごみ屋敷とは、単なるトラブルという側面を超えて、人間とごみ・モノとの関係性を私たちに問いかける事象であることを明らかにした。</p>

著者

前田 至剛

出版者

社会学研究会

雑誌

ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.55, no.3, pp.53-68,127, 2011-02-28 (Released:2015-05-13)

参考文献数

24

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This paper aims to clarify the formation and characteristics of new Internet-related self-help activities for people who suffer from mental illnesses. First, these activities are not organized by existing self-help groups outside the Internet; and secondly, the relationship between the participants is very fluid. The participants use the Internet as a tool to contact each other without having recourse to any sort of intermediary services such as medical and welfare agencies. They themselves select people with whom to talk, and decide what to do at their own discretion. When starting such activities, it may happen that they do not trust each other at first, because their communication starts with anonymous Internet BBS on which verbal abuse and aspersions are posted frequently. But if they manage to hit it off with other people at offline meetings planned online anonymously, it becomes a precious experience for them in creating new intimate relationships that - among other things - might prevent the participants from committing suicide. They encourage each other, relieve their loneliness, and help each other to live with, and to manage, their illnesses. However,if these intimate relationships develop into a fixed relationship, then that may create a greater risk of trouble. In such cases, people tend to return to anonymous online communications as a sort of risk aversion. On the other hand, this also gives them another chance for precious experiences in finding a kindred spirit among other participants. Such activities create opportunities for socially vulnerable people to maintain their self-identity as a kind of reflexive project such as is imposed on all people in individualized societies, along with a chance for risk aversion among peer helpers. In this way, they use the Internet to enhance their discretionary power to continue self-help activities.

著者

飯田 剛史

出版者

社会学研究会

雑誌

ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.22, no.3, pp.49-66,134, 1978-03-31 (Released:2017-02-28)

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P.L.Berger's 'Social Reality of Religion' (1967), from the phenomenological point of view, gives us a new perspective in the sociology of religion, and urges us to reconsider its methodology. This essay first tries to diagram the theoretical frame with some modification, regarding his theoretical framework as a compromise of the two views; both phenomenological and dialectical. Then, I try to make mutual and critical examinations of the theory of Durkheim and that of Berger. The following are the points. Berger's fundamental concept, "reality", cannot develop itself out of the limit of the subjectivism. On the other hand, in Durkheim's "faits sociaux" we find an ambiguity or a dualism of ontological perspective and phenomenological one. Our subject will be to resystematize these two perspectives on the problems of the object and the method of the sociology of religion.

著者

山田 昌弘 善積 京子

出版者

社会学研究会

雑誌

ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.43, no.1, pp.197-204, 1998-05-31 (Released:2016-11-02)

著者

落合 恵美子 江原 由美子

出版者

社会学研究会

雑誌

ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.37, no.1, pp.105-113, 1992

著者

西川 珠代

出版者

社会学研究会

雑誌

ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.36, no.1, pp.63-79,178, 1991-06-30 (Released:2017-02-15)

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The idea of a "Vocabulary of Motives" was introduced into sociology by C. Wright Mills in 1940, and was rediscovered and reevaluated by the Everydaylife School of sociology during the latter part of the 1960's. Their subject, the 'imputation of motives' is contrasted with 'Verstehen des Motivs'. However, they have put emphasis on the similarity of their concept of the motive and that of M. Weber. In this position, we can see both consistencies and inconsistencies. W e are able to arrange these by dividing the statements of imputation of motives into two phases and using the following criteria. ① the relation of the sociologist, the observer who imputes motives, and the actor, ② where motives are imputed, and ③ how motives are decided. In the case of Verstehende Soziologie, ① a sociologist is the observer, ②Kulturwissenschaft demands Verstehen des Motivs of individual actors, and ③ motives must be logisch adäquat. In phase A where motives are successfully imputed, ① the observer isn't a sociologist. People in interactions observe each other, ② in micro 'motive-talk' situations, and ③ situationally adequate motives are imputed so that the order is reconstructed. On the other hand, in phase B where imputation of motives fails, ① the sociologist analyzes observers by means of sociology of knowledge, ② in macro conflicting situations, and ③ motives are situationally determinated, but social conflicts disturb the imputation of unquestioned motives. As Mills tried to adapt G. H. Mead's social-psychology to Mannheim's sociology of knowledge, he kept sight of both phases. But Everydaylife-sociology, which has an interest in a continuous reconstruction of the order of the everyday life, do not discuss phase B. Their statements, together with those of Weber, assume that adequate motives are imputed. But the man that Everydaylife-sociology supposes is different from that voluntary actor whom Weber described.

著者

松田 いりあ

出版者

社会学研究会

雑誌

ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.50, no.1, pp.35-50,168, 2005

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School uniforms are said to be special both in terms of their production and their consumption. Keeping this uniqueness in mind, this paper will take a brief look at how uniforms have been produced and consumed during the past thirty years, and then try to examine the meaning of the popularity of uniforms among students today. To this end, first I will explore the 'fashionization' of uniforms since the late 1970s. Here fashionization refers to the trend that suits and blazers replaced 'tsume-eri' and 'sailor' uniforms during that period. Although it has often been viewed just as a consequence of catering to the students' (especially female students') tastes, fashionization has also been the result of market restructuring and its subsequent articulation with pedagogical discourse such as 'school identity.'<br> This short history of the fashionization of uniforms, at a glance, explains why students like uniforms these days. My recent survey of high school students, in effect, shows that over 70% of the respondents think they need uniforms. If we ask them why, we find that students wear uniforms to allay anxieties concerning money and taste. In this sense school uniforms are one of the 'compensatory mechanisms' used to confront a consumer culture wherein one is constantly being asked 'who are you?' and 'what is your identity?'

著者

井上 義和 保田 卓

出版者

社会学研究会

雑誌

ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.47, no.1, pp.73-89,204, 2002-05-31 (Released:2016-05-25)

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The purpose of this paper is to analyze the process of, and condition for, the creation of cultural types in elite middle schools in Japan. We approached the problem by constructing an artificial "space" of elite middle schools from many samples collected by the questionnaires given to Kyoto University freshman in 2000, and then analyzed the data mainly by three types of school: public, private-inside-promotion ( I ) and private-halfway-admission ( U ). What has been demonstrated in this analysis is that the cultural gap between private schools is greater than that between public and private. By comparison with students in private group II , private type I students have parents that are better educated and take more active interest in cultural activities such as reading and hobbies. As success-minded newcomers, students of private type II devote themselves to preparing for the entrance examination. On the other hand, the members of public group are more social-minded and have more attachment to their own school than those of the private school groups. Based on these results, we can define a new conceptualization of three types of culture : "superior" (yutosei), "versatile" (shumijin) and "grinder" (jukensei). This provides us with a valid framework for both static-structural and historical-dynamic analyses, as follows. In the Showa 40's (1965-74) of popularized competition, high-ranking schools were spotlighted and added to prestige. They maintained a comparatively culturalminded tendency that had already been declining in college. During this period, we can find two historical prototypes for cultural typology. The envelopment-model is the form of the old era, where virtually all members were of the idealized versatile type.Differentiation-model is the first form of the new era, where all the versatile differentiated themselves from the emergent realistic grinder. But they share certain similarities in the tacit pressure of ignoring any competition for entrance examination. This envelopment / differentiation mechanism is likely to operate at the present six year private schools. It is the reason why there are many versatile students but they have ambivalent attitudes toward their own school.

著者

井上 俊

出版者

社会学研究会

雑誌

ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.37, no.2, pp.111-125, 1992-10-31 (Released:2017-02-15)

著者

山本 めゆ

出版者

社会学研究会

雑誌

ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.56, no.3, pp.103-119,184, 2012

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There were at most 800 Japanese residents living in South Africa during the era of apartheid. They were predominantly expatriate employees sent from Japan who were permitted to reside in white residential areas. The existence of this resident population group who would normally have been classified as "non-white" in terms of South Africa's race categories under apartheid led to the Japanese being described as 'honorary whites'. In this paper, the 'honorary white' status will be discussed, with a focus on what is called the 'looping effect' (Hacking), or interactions between a concept that classifies people and those who are classified. For this study, 15 Japanese people who had resided in South Africa under apartheid were interviewed, and documentary materials were also collected both in Japan and in South Africa. These data were used, first, to create a general history of the status of the Japanese in South Africa from the beginning of the 20th century. The study follows the genesis of the title 'honorary white' in the early 1960s, and considers the influence of the concept on the Japanese and Chinese communities at that time. Finally it describes the way in which the title 'honorary white' affected the identities and actions of the Japanese residents in South Africa, and at the same time how their actions in turn constructed the image of 'honorary whites'.

著者

重田 園江 渋谷 望

出版者

社会学研究会

雑誌

ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.49, no.2, pp.138-144, 2004-10-31 (Released:2016-05-25)

著者

森 真一

出版者

社会学研究会

雑誌

ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.38, no.2, pp.19-36,107, 1993-10-31 (Released:2017-02-15)

被引用文献数

1

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According to psychoanalytic explanation, neurotic symptom is the representation of experiences or wishes repressed in childhood, and analytic treatment is to analyse patient's thoughts and actions that are assumed to derive from the same cause as symptom, and to cure neurosis by making patient recognize "true cause". But, there seems discrepancy between analytic expalanation and what analyst really does. When symptom is described in terms of social context, it has paradoxical forms of communication, and shapes a vicious circle with other which reproduces symptom. The reason why psychoanlytic treatment is effective on curing symptom is that analyst imposes paradox on patient without deliberate intention. This therapeutic paradox forces patient to change his paradoxical way of communication, which solves the vicious circle that has reproduced symptom. Because psychoanalysis takes natural science as its own reference group, analyst assumes his observation = treatment act is objective, and that he can obtain informations about patient unilaterally. But as the medium in analytic situation is personal medium, the informations analyst doesn't intend to send are conveyed to patient, which produces paradox. Though his intention isn't realized, analyst's reality is sustained by the psychoanalytic knowledge with the property of self-fulfilling prophecy, and improvement of neurosis by paradox. And besides, when social reality is constructed on analytic perspective intersubjectively, part of experiences patient got in therapeutic situation are excluded or screened from that reality. Ironically, treatment intends to enlarge patient's consciousness by recalling past experience, as a result excludes present experience.

著者

溝部 明男

出版者

社会学研究会

雑誌

ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.42, no.1, pp.104-106, 1997