著者
増田 隆一
出版者
北海道大学総合博物館
雑誌
北海道大学総合博物館研究報告 (ISSN:1348169X)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.6, pp.103-108, 2013-03

Previous studies by our group have been summarized in this paper. To understand the genetic status of the Okhotsk people who lived in the southern coastal regions of the Okhotsk Sea between the fifth and twelfth centuries, nucleotide polymorphisms in hypervariable regions I and II (HVR I and HVR II) and the coding regions of mitochondrial DNA (mtDNA) were investigated. MtDNA haplogroups of the Okhotsk people examined were classified according to mtDNA lineages previously reported in northeastern Asians. The comparison of mtDNA haplogroup frequencies between the Okhotsk people and other Asian populations revealed that the genetic structures of the Okhotsk people are similar to those of populations currently living around the lower regions of the Amur River and the Ainu in Hokkaido. These results support our previous study on molecular phylogeny of only HVR I sequences in mtDNA (Sato et al. 2007), and strongly show that the Okhotsk people could have originated around lower regions of the Amur River and played the role of intermediate for gene flow from the continental-Sakhalin people to the Ainu (Sato et al. 2009a). To study further the genetic characteristics of the ancient people around Hokkaido, allele frequencies of the adenosine triphosphate-binding cassette sub-family C11 (ABCC11) gene, which determines the earwax phenotypes (dry or wet type), were analyzed. Interestingly, one homozygote for the 27-bp deletion in the ABCC11 gene was found first in the Epi-Jomon. Exact tests of people differentiation (including the previously reported data on modern people) showed that allele frequencies of the ABCC11 gene between the Jomon people and Ainu were significantly different statistically, whereas those between the Jomon and Epi- Jomon and those between the Epi-Jomon and Ainu were not significantly different. These results suggest that the Epi-Jomon people in Hokkaido were genetically affected by the Okhotsk people who possessed high frequency of allele A (recessive dry allele) of the ABCC11 locus (Sato et al. 2009b; Kazuta et al. 2011). On temporal genetic changes in ancient people of Hokkaido, the result of the ABCC11 analysis supports mtDNA haplogrouping.
著者
関口 明
出版者
北海道大学総合博物館
雑誌
北海道大学総合博物館研究報告 (ISSN:1348169X)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.6, pp.46-57, 2013-03

From the Edo period, The Urup Island, a part of the Chishima Archipelago (Kuril Islands) located close to Hokkaido, was called “Rakko To“ (“To”means island) for the reason of being known as an island inhabited by sea otters. The origin of “rakko”, name for a sea otter in Japanese, can be traced to Ainu language. It has been proved that the fur trade between Ainu and Japanese provided background for its adoption into Japanese language. In this paper the beginning of “rakko” appearance in Japanese historical materials is examined together with the evidence of its presence in Ainu tales “Yukar”, and a point is being made of answering what was its role in Ainu trade with Japanese. First chapter provides an argument that the fur was mainly used for harnesses and partly in sheath for Japanese sword as a sign of status. In the second chapter, based on Japanese historical materials, the following hypothesis is argued: 1) a first known sight of sea otter fur is explained in 1423, 2) in 1433, Japan trades sea otter fur to Min Dynasty, China, 3) in 1434, the Kingdom of Ryukyu supplies Min Dynasty with sea otter fur 4) in the end of 15 century, “rakko” is mentioned in several Japanese dictionaries 5) the route of “rakko” trade goes from Ainu to Kakizaki (Matsumae) to Ando (Tosaminato) to Takeda (Wakasa) to Ashikaga (Kyoto). Third chapter contains an analysis of “rakko” appearance in Yukar Ainu epic, precisely in Itadorimaru. According to the Itadorimaru tale, “rakko” possessed by princess Kanesantaunmat leaves the mouth of Ishikari River. Then, when it is captured by Poiyaumpe (Ainu hero), the fighting between Ainu living in Hokkaido and tribes of Sakhalin erupts. However, eventually Poiyaunpe wins. It is my belief that this Yukar tale discusses a dispute over fur trade rights that took place between Sakhalin and Hokkaido ,with the story being used as a motif. Yukar depicts the process of Satsumon culture wrestling off the rights to “rakko” fur trade from the Ohotsk culture ( 5th ~ 13th century). Japanese historical materials shows that the Ainu who sprang from Satsumon culture, kept the rights to the ”rakko” fur trade.
著者
浪川 健治
出版者
北海道大学総合博物館
雑誌
北海道大学総合博物館研究報告 (ISSN:1348169X)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.4, pp.133-138, 2008-03-31

No historical documentation recording or implying the existence of the Iomante ceremony by the Ainu people who were living in the northern most part of Honshu Island (Tohoku district) has even been found. The only source which contains rich descriptions about the Honshu Ainu people, especially the Tsugaru Ainu, is the Hirosaki Domain Chronicles (1661–1868). However, although these chronicles are filled with records of Ainu rules and organizations, it lacks the necessary descriptions of production and daily living of the Ainu, recording only unusual incidences such as accidents and rescues. It is clear, though, through analysis of the Hirosaki Domain Chronicles, that bear cub rearing which was indispensable for the Iomante Ceremony was common among the Hoshu Ainu. Furthermore, the hunting culture of the Tsugaru Ainu during the first half of the 18th century was very similar to that of the Hokkaido Ezo Ainu during the last half of 18th century. This proves that the Ainu on either side of the Tsugaru Strait shared common hunting, ethic, and religious cultures. For further investigation on what the cultures were like and how they paralleled with the Ezo cultures, it will be necessary to do traditional research of various travel diaries and also to analyze historic documents from retroactive and folkloristic points of view, incorporating the results in the research of material culture.
著者
佐伯 有清
出版者
北海道大学総合博物館
雑誌
北海道大学総合博物館研究報告 (ISSN:1348169X)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.1, pp.81-99, 2003-03-31

Twenty years have passed since the pottery with the written character "□" was unearthed at the Sakushu-Kotoni-Gawa Site on the campus of Hokkaido University. At that time, as regards the broken piece of pottery excavated, the author has endeavored to investigate that character "□" made on pottery in the ninth century, as being identical with the letter "夷", called the Emishi (蝦夷) in ancient Japan. After that, with the increase of similar materials mainly unearthed in many sites of the north eastern provinces and the eastern districts, several opinions have been published by investigators of ancient Japanese history and archaeology. As opposed to the written character "□" as being the very same as the letter "夷" (Emishi 蝦夷), some hold a different view, stating that the character "□" is a kind of mark, or a simpler form for the letter "奉", that inhabitants made when offering to their Gods. On the other side, some scholars offer an opinion that the incised or written character "□" on roofing tiles of the ancient temple and palace is the simplified letter "夷" of the Ubai (優婆夷), namely the Upasika of Sanskrit term. As regard these varying, the author indicates some doubtful points and arrives at the conclusion that the written or incised "□" on potteries and roofing tiles is same letter "夷" (Emishi) as postulated in the original research.
著者
藤井 誠二
出版者
北海道大学総合博物館
雑誌
北海道大学総合博物館研究報告 (ISSN:1348169X)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.4, pp.9-132, 2008-03-31

Plant (wood and grass) materials were basic and indispensable to prehistoric people’s lives; however, little attention has been paid to these materials up to now. The main reason is that they are characterized by variety and destructibility. To reveal the characteristics of wooden goods of the Satsumon and the Ainu cultures, data from archaeological reports were collected and arranged into a classification system, from which a data base for wooden goods from these two cultures was created. In total 7,477 wooden artifacts from 29 sites were analyzed (table), and based on the analyses, a class catalog of 26 groups consisting of 213 types was presented. Using this table, the ratio of wooden artifacts assigned to Category 4 (type of goods) and Category 3 (use of goods) of the Satsumon Culture and of the Ainu Culture were compared. In Category 4, there were some remarkable differences in ratio in such goods as ceremonial and ritual artifacts. However, there was no outstanding difference in the number of artifacts within these two cultures. In other words, the usage of wooden goods from the Satsumon to the Ainu Culture was continual. The comparison analyses of each item and of each cultural site will be the main research topic for the future.
著者
石田 肇 下田 靖 米田 穣 内藤 裕一 長岡 朋人
出版者
北海道大学総合博物館
雑誌
北海道大学総合博物館研究報告 (ISSN:1348169X)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.6, pp.109-115, 2013-03

The Okhotsk culture spread from southern Sakhalin Island to northeastern Hokkaido Island and the Kurile Islands from the 5th to the 12th centuries AD. The Okhotsk culture developed a considerable maritime infrastructure which was different from that of the native population in Hokkaido. The demographic structure of prehistoric hunter-gatherers contributes to our understanding of life history patterns of past human populations. Age-at-death distribution was estimated using the Buckberry-Chamberlain system of auricular surface aging and the Bayesian approach to discuss whether paleodemographic estimates can yield an appropriate mortality profile of the prehistoric hunter-gatherers in Japan. The age distributions of the Okhotsk revealed low proportions of young adults and high proportions of elderly adults. The results indicated 24.4-51.3% for the proportion of individuals above the age of 55 years. The newly-employed technique of the Bayesian estimation yielded age distributions with significant numbers of elderly individuals, which are contrary to usual paleodemographic estimates. Apical periodontitis, accompanied by considerable wear, was frequently seen in the upper first molars of the Okhotsk people. The bone cavities around the root of the upper first molars were probably caused by chronic apical periodontitis and radicular cyst. The bone cavity was clearly surrounded by sclerotic bone tissue diagnosed as condensing osteitis. Excessive amounts of secondary cementum were deposited on the root surface as a result of radicular granuloma. Pulp exposure through extreme wear very likely resulted in bacterial infection of dental pulp and periapical tissue. Degenerative changes in people of the Okhotsk culture were investigated using adult human skeletons and reconstructing their lifestyle. Findings were compared with materials obtained from skeletons from the medieval Kamakura period and skeletons of early-modern peasants on the Ryukyu Islands, Japan. Severe osteophytes on the lumbar vertebrae were more frequently seen in the Okhotsk males. Degenerative changes of the articular process were also most frequently seen in the lumbar vertebrae of the Okhotsk skeletons. This is a significant contrasted from the high frequency of degenerative changes in the cervical apophyseal joint among Ryukyu peasants. The high prevalence of elbow and knee joint changes in the Okhotsk skeletons was a strong contrast to the high frequency of hip joint changes seen in materials from Kamakura and changes in shoulder and hip joints common in materials from Ryukyu. Because the Okhotsk culture developed a considerable maritime infrastructure, the lifestyle required for sea-mammal hunting and fishing seems to have particularly affected the incidences of severe degenerative changes in the lumbar vertebrae, elbow, and knee. Isotopic signatures in bulk collagen and some amino acids inform of significant differences in the subsistence of each group. Reconstructed diets are taken into consideration to correct the marine reservoir effects on radiocarbon dates for human remains.
著者
Tezuka Kaoru Fitzhugh Ben
出版者
北海道大学総合博物館
雑誌
北海道大学総合博物館研究報告 (ISSN:1348169X)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.2, pp.85-95, 2004-03

This article presents the results of our 2000 IKIP fieldwork and focuses on applying Japanese archaeological knowledge to the consideration of Kuril prehistory. The characteristics of the distribution of both Epi-Jomon and Okhotsk cultures based on ceramics excavated on Matua Island, Kama River site on Urup Island, and the Peschanaya Bay Site on Chirpoi Island in terms of culture history are described (Table 1). It was noteworthy for us to find terminal Jomon and Epi-Jomon cord-marked ceramics in the stratigraphy that extend the geographic distribution of this culture farther northeast in the Kuril Islands than had previously been known. The expansion of Epi-Jomon pottery into the middle part of the Kuril islands can be linked archaeologically with the rapid spread of the expansion of contemporary human settlement northward into Sakhalin and eastward into the Kuril Islands. Specifically, this article discusses the significance of this expansion during the Epi-Jomon period. This article also deals with the Kuril Ainu's sea mammal ritual that has previously been little researched. New evidence of the intentional arrangement of fur seal skulls according to their creed system in the animal ritual of the Ainu is antithetical to currently and widely accepted models of "the Bear Festival Complex" which assume that the bear festival occupies the core of Ainu culture (Watanabe 1972).
著者
石田 肇 下田 靖 米田 穣 内藤 裕一 長岡 朋人
出版者
北海道大学総合博物館
雑誌
北海道大学総合博物館研究報告 (ISSN:1348169X)
巻号頁・発行日
no.6, pp.109-115, 2013-03

The Okhotsk culture spread from southern Sakhalin Island to northeastern Hokkaido Island and the Kurile Islands from the 5th to the 12th centuries AD. The Okhotsk culture developed a considerable maritime infrastructure which was different from that of the native population in Hokkaido. The demographic structure of prehistoric hunter-gatherers contributes to our understanding of life history patterns of past human populations. Age-at-death distribution was estimated using the Buckberry-Chamberlain system of auricular surface aging and the Bayesian approach to discuss whether paleodemographic estimates can yield an appropriate mortality profile of the prehistoric hunter-gatherers in Japan. The age distributions of the Okhotsk revealed low proportions of young adults and high proportions of elderly adults. The results indicated 24.4-51.3% for the proportion of individuals above the age of 55 years. The newly-employed technique of the Bayesian estimation yielded age distributions with significant numbers of elderly individuals, which are contrary to usual paleodemographic estimates. Apical periodontitis, accompanied by considerable wear, was frequently seen in the upper first molars of the Okhotsk people. The bone cavities around the root of the upper first molars were probably caused by chronic apical periodontitis and radicular cyst. The bone cavity was clearly surrounded by sclerotic bone tissue diagnosed as condensing osteitis. Excessive amounts of secondary cementum were deposited on the root surface as a result of radicular granuloma. Pulp exposure through extreme wear very likely resulted in bacterial infection of dental pulp and periapical tissue. Degenerative changes in people of the Okhotsk culture were investigated using adult human skeletons and reconstructing their lifestyle. Findings were compared with materials obtained from skeletons from the medieval Kamakura period and skeletons of early-modern peasants on the Ryukyu Islands, Japan. Severe osteophytes on the lumbar vertebrae were more frequently seen in the Okhotsk males. Degenerative changes of the articular process were also most frequently seen in the lumbar vertebrae of the Okhotsk skeletons. This is a significant contrasted from the high frequency of degenerative changes in the cervical apophyseal joint among Ryukyu peasants. The high prevalence of elbow and knee joint changes in the Okhotsk skeletons was a strong contrast to the high frequency of hip joint changes seen in materials from Kamakura and changes in shoulder and hip joints common in materials from Ryukyu. Because the Okhotsk culture developed a considerable maritime infrastructure, the lifestyle required for sea-mammal hunting and fishing seems to have particularly affected the incidences of severe degenerative changes in the lumbar vertebrae, elbow, and knee. Isotopic signatures in bulk collagen and some amino acids inform of significant differences in the subsistence of each group. Reconstructed diets are taken into consideration to correct the marine reservoir effects on radiocarbon dates for human remains.
著者
佐々木 史郎
出版者
北海道大学総合博物館 = Hokkaido University Museum
雑誌
北海道大学総合博物館研究報告
巻号頁・発行日
vol.6, no.1348, pp.86-102, 2013-03

In this brief paper I will discuss the socio-economic background of the changes in circulating routes of sable and silver fox fur and techniques for hunting these animals in the Circum-Okhotsk Sea region, beginning in the seventeenth century. Sable fur and silver fox fur were highly appreciated by the Chinese, Mongolians, and Manchurians, as well as the European people. According to the historical records of the Qing dynasty (the last and largest Manchurian-established dynasty in Chinese history), the dynasty imported a large amount of sable fur and silver fox fur from the present Lower Amur region and Sakhalin. Documents show that when the dynasty had just been established at the beginning of the seventeenth century, it promptly began to organize the people into "fur tribute payers." The sable and silver fox pelts were a politically and economically important strategic commodity for the people in northeast Asia. The Qing government determined that every household of the tribute payers had to pay a piece of sable fur each year, while the government gave them, in turn, a set of rewards that consisted of cotton and silk costumes and a certain amount of cotton cloth. It also decided that those who paid 304 pieces of sable fur, 2 pieces of highest quality fur (black fox), 2 sheets of carpet made of medium quality fur (yellow-blue fox) and 4 sheets of carpet of normal quality fur (red fox) were able to marry the daughters of Manchurian officers and become kin to Manchurian aristocrats. Local hunters in the Lower Amur basin and Sakhalin made every effort to develop techniques that enabled them to acquire more sable and fox in superior conditions. Fundamentally their hunting methods and tools consisted of using traps. They used nets, dead fall traps, and snare traps, which were able to capture fur-bearing animals causing little damage. No imperfection was permitted because the users were the imperial family of China. At the same time the people of the Lower Amur region quested for another way to access the fur resource. They noticed that the Japanese were eager to buy silk costumes and cloth in return for providing high quality fur, not appreciating the value of sable and fox fur. During the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries the Lower Amur region people developed trading routes from northeastern China to Sakhalin and Hokkaido and enthusiastically engaged through the Ainu in trade activities with the Japanese. Starting in this century, Japan became a fur export country. Situations drastically changed in the middle of the nineteenth century, when modern countries like Imperial Russia and modernized Japan accessed the regions. Modernism radically changed the local hunter's methods, equipment, and values of hunting for fur-bearing animals. Moreover, it changed the status of the local people from the privileged tribute payer to the poor "primitive" hunter-gatherers.
著者
ワシリェフスキー A. A. 井上 紘一 福田 知子
出版者
北海道大学総合博物館 = Hokkaido University Museum
雑誌
北海道大学総合博物館研究報告 (ISSN:1348169X)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.1, pp.1-18, 2003-03-31

The sites of Yuzhnaya 2, Kedrinka, Baklan and Pavlovka, very similar to each other, were discovered in 1985-1989 in southeast of Sakhalin. The Aniwa culture, dated back by 14C to 2, 710-2, 250 BP was distinguished. Supposedly, its calendar (calibrated) age should be about 500-300 BC. A complex of this culture is characterized by such features as: * a concentrated structure of the settlements at maritime sites; * subterranean type of pit dwellings of oval shape; * earth walls of houses coated with white c1ay; * fireplaces with circles of stones; * flat bottom vessels decorated by the typical Jomon pattern (oblique rope impressions), apertures on the rim, and horizontal string impressions (Aniwa type); * stone industry based on the utilization of obsidian as a main raw material for tool manufacturing; * stemmed knives and trapezoid scrapers, one angle pointed. By the complex of these features the Aniwa culture is very close to the Hokkaido cultures of Epi Jomon, and this makes us think it to be the most northern branch. The appearance of the Epi Jomon in Sakhalin is the archaeological reflection of the movement of the Paleo-Ainu tribes to the North Aniwa type pottery is different from that Epi Jomon pottery which was found in the southwest and in the middle south of Sakhalin island. The problems of the origin of Susuya pottery and of the connections between Susuya and the Epi Jomon people came into existence since the Susuya type pottery was distinguished by Professor lto Nobuo. In the 1930s and also in the 1980s and 90s some sites of Epi Jomon origin were discovered. The author proves Susuya to be a separate archaeological culture which played a role of the cultural fundament of the Okhotsk cultures, appearing in the 1st millennium AD. The Aniwa culture was distinguished as a variant of the Epi Jomon on the basis of new information in the 1980s and 90s. It is supposed that during that period different cultural groups of Epi Jomon societies were penetrating Sakhalin from the south and settled there. According to the calibrated radiocarbon dates, the peak of migration was about 5th to 2nd centuries BC. We noticed that the complexes of Susuya and Epi Jomon are situated in the same archaeological layers. It is supposed that within the ear1y Susuya time (5th to 2nd centuries BC) these two cultures coexisted in southern Sakhalin. North Sakhalin culture population (Nabil' type) was neighbor to the latter, seeing very similar to the culture of Susuya.
著者
Ôhara Masahiro Jia Fenglong
出版者
北海道大学総合博物館
雑誌
北海道大学総合博物館研究報告 (ISSN:1348169X)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.3, pp.129-150, 2006-03

Terrestrial hydrophilid beetles species (Coleoptera: Hydrophilidae) occurring in the Kuril Archipelago in the northwestern Pacific are reviewed. Based on literature records, museum collections and material from recent expeditions, 17 species (including 2 unidentified) are known from this archipelago. A detail report on 5 species is given on the basis of about 1,260 adult specimens collected in the Kuril Islands by International Kuril Island Project (IKIP). IKIP was a joint Japanese-Russian-American expedition conducted between 1994- 2000.
著者
菊池 俊彦
出版者
北海道大学総合博物館
雑誌
北海道大学総合博物館研究報告 (ISSN:1348169X)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.6, pp.18-26, 2013-03

Incision-patterned pottery was excavated at many archaeological sites from the Okhotsk culture dated 300 to 1300 A.D. They are similar to incision-patterned pottery excavated at numerous archaeological sites from the Tokarev culture dated 700 B.C. to 200 A.D. and the Ancient Koryak culture dated 500 to 1700 A.D., on the northern coastal area facing the Sea of Okhotsk. Such resemblances of incision-patterned potteries indicate that these ancient inhabitant groups of Sakhalin and the northern coastal area of the Sea of Okhotsk had some form of contact with each other. Susuya-type pottery peculiar to Sakhalin contains comb patterns. Pottery with comb-patterned ornamentation was excavated at not only Tokarev culture archaeological sites but also at archaeological sites of the Early Iron Age in the northwestern coastal area. In Sakhalin, however, details of the culture with comb-patterned pottery remain unknown. Recent publications reveal that comb-patterned pottery has been excavated at many archaeological sites in Northern Sakhalin and that such pottery belonged to the Nabil’ culture dated 800 to 300 B.C. and to the Pil’tun culture dated 1000 to 400 B.C., both of the Early Iron Age (cf. Fig. 2). These finds clarified the fact that the comb-patterned pottery were from the Nabil’ and Pil’tun cultures in Northern Sakhalin (Fig. 3: 1, 15). Moreover, it is estimated that the comb-patterned pottery of the Susuya-type pottery (Fig. 3: 18, 19 and Fig. 5) appeared in Southern Sakhalin through the influence of Nabil’ culture. At the Kukhtuj VII archaeological site of the Early Iron Age on the northwestern seacoast of the Okhotsk, comb-patterned pottery similar to those characteristic of the Nabil’ and Pil’tun cultures was excavated (Fig. 7: 1, 8, and 9). The age of the Kukhtuj VII site is estimated to be from 600 to 500 B.C. Comb-patterned pottery was also excavated at the Ujka site of the Early Iron Age on the northern seacoast of the Okhotsk (Fig. 8: 1, 2, 13, 14, 16, 19?26, 30?32). The age of the Ujka site is estimated to be from 1 to 500 A.D. At the Spafar’ev archaeological site of the Tokarev culture dated 700 BC to 200 A.D. on the northern seacoast of the Okhotsk, comb-patterned pottery similar to those characteristic of the Nabil’ and Pil’tun cultures was excavated (Fig. 10: 2?8). The age of the Spafar’ev site is estimated to be between 300 B.C. and 100 A.D. The comb-patterned potteries excavated at the Ujka and Kukhtyi VII sites on the northwestern coast of the Sea of Okhotsk and the Spafar’ev site on the northern coast of the Sea of Okhotsk resemble the comb-patterned pottery excavated at many sites of the Nabil’ and the Pil’tun cultures. The ages of these sites are not coincidental, being within the range of the Tokarev culture period dated 700 B.C. to 100 A.D. Therefore, it is supposed that these comb-patterned potteries at the Ujka, Kukhtuj VII, and Spafar’ev sites appeared by means of contact and mingling of inhabitants in North Sakhalin, on the northwestern and northern seacoasts of the Okhotsk. A route for traffic was most likely opened by means of contact by peoples of the Nabil’ and the Pil’tun cultures in Northern Sakhalin, by peoples of the Early Iron Age on the northwestern seacoast of the Okhotsk, and by those of the Tokarev culture on the northern seacoast of the Okhotsk; hence, this trading route provided a way for the comb-patterned pottery to be spread from Northern Sakhalin to the northwestern and northern seacoasts of the Okhotsk.
著者
三辻 利一 小野 裕子 天野 哲也
出版者
北海道大学総合博物館
雑誌
北海道大学総合博物館研究報告 (ISSN:1348169X)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.4, pp.139-152, 2008-03-31

The pottery from the Kafukai 1 site on Rebun Island is a grey semi-hard ceramic which was manufactured on turn wheel and fired in a closed kiln at high temperatures. Based on typological analyses, two assumptions have been presented for the origin of the pottery: Sue pottery manufactured in Japan, and ceramic-like pottery made in the far eastern area of the Eurasian continent. In order to confirm these possibilities, the analytical data of the Kafukai-1 pottery were compared to both the Sue and ancient Pohai ceramics. The pottery from Kafukai-1 and the Pohai ceramics had high contents of K and Rb. Although the analytical data were not identical to those of the Pohai ceramics, they were found to be analogous. This, therefore, proves that the pottery could be a Pohai product. At the same time, the possibility of the Kafukai pottery being ancient Japanese Sue-ware was also surveyed. Generally the contents of Ca and Sr in hard ceramics are lower than in Haji ceramics, because in high temperatures above 1000oC, high contents of Ca obstruct the baking of hard ceramics. The date of the Kafukai pottery is inferred to be between the 6th and 7th centuries, and most of the Sue-ware kiln sites in the 6th and 7th centuries were concentrated in the Kinki and Toukai districts. Since the contents of the Kafukai pottery did not correspond to those from the Sue kilnsites, the date of the corresponding kiln was extended to the 9th and 10th centuries. The Mannendani kiln site located in Toyama Prefecture and the Ebisawa kiln site in Akita Prefecture along the Sea of Japan were selected as the corresponding kilns. Discriminatory analyses were carried out between the Mannendani and the Ebisawa kiln sites using the indices of K, Ca, Rb and Sr. Although the Kafukai pottery did not belong to either of these mother groups, the results were analogous to the Mannendani Sue-ware. Whether the pottery is a Mannendani product still remains to be proven. Further analyses of Sue materials produced in the middle and northern areas along the coast of the Sea of Japan indicated that these coastal regions were the most possible areas.
著者
中村 和之 森岡 健治 竹内 孝
出版者
北海道大学総合博物館
雑誌
北海道大学総合博物館研究報告 (ISSN:1348169X)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.6, pp.58-65, 2013-03

Many glass beads have been found at archaeological sites in Hokkaido Prefecture. Two possibilities are pointed out in Japanese and Russian documents regarding the distribution of the glass beads. One theory is that they came from Honsh?, and another suggests that they were from the lower Amur Basin and came to Hokkaido through Sakhalin Island. Since the extent of literary research for these two possibilities are limited, we decided to take a different approach to obtaining information that would lead to finding the origin of the beads. We performed chemical analyses of glass beads discovered in Hokkaido by using scanning electron microscope (SEM) with energy dispersive X-ray spectrometry (EDX). Soda-lime glass beads were discovered at the sites of Epi-Jomon to Satsumon cultures in Biratori Town. Lead glass beads were discovered at those sites for dates before 1667, and soda-lime glass beads were discovered for dates after 1667 at the same sites.
著者
Fukuda Tomoko
出版者
北海道大学総合博物館
雑誌
北海道大学総合博物館研究報告 (ISSN:1348169X)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.7, pp.1-7, 2014-03-31

Expedition to the southern Kuril Islands was conducted for the purpose to estimate present condition of fauna and flora of these islands. In 2009–2012, we visited Shikotan (2010),Kunashiri (2009, 2012) and Etorofu (2012) Islands under the arrangement of visa-free visit between governments of Japan and Russia. General outline of each expedition including plan, participants and studied localities are described. Key words: Etorofu (Iturup), fauna, flora, Kunashiri (Kunashir), Shikotan, southern Kurils
著者
Kanyukova Elena V. Marusik Yuri M.
出版者
北海道大学総合博物館
雑誌
北海道大学総合博物館研究報告 (ISSN:1348169X)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.3, pp.161-174, 2006-03

A list of Heteroptera species found in the Kuril Islands, a history of investigation and brief zoogeographical analysis are presented. Heteroptera were found on 24 islands of 30 studied. The check-list encompasses 236 species belonging to 27 families. The number of species found on individual islands ranges from 1 to 218 (Kunashir). The fauna of the southern islands is much more diverse than that of the northern islands. The fauna of the Kuril Islands is more diverse than the faunas of Kamchatka (110) and Sakhalin (226), but much less diverse than the fauna of Hokkaido (450). Ninety-eight species occurring in the Kuril Islands have wide ranges, 98 species are restricted in their distribution to southeast Palaearctic, and 40 species have exclusively island ranges, occurring only in the Kurils and adjacent islands. Only one species of bugs is known to occur exclusively in the Kuril Islands: Aneurillodes glaberrimus Kerzhner, 1979.