著者

森田 貴子

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.110, no.6, pp.1205-1231,1319-, 2001-06-20 (Released:2017-11-30)

著者

三川 譲二

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.103, no.5, pp.828-833, 1994

著者

池和田 有紀

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.114, no.12, pp.2066-2067, 2005-12-20 (Released:2017-12-01)

著者

大石 慎三郎

出版者

山川出版社

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.68, no.6, 1959-06

著者

田中 克行

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.102, no.6, pp.1099-1134,1266-, 1993

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The hanzei system as a land policy of the Muromachi bakufu is well-known and has been repeatedly investigated. However, it is less known that the original meaning of hanzei is literally "half-payment" of the tax. This meaning precedes the hanzei law promulgated by the Muromachi bakufu, and it had already appeared in the Kamakura period. During the Sengoku period, villagers in a suburb of Kyoto declared a hanzei and demanded their taxes be reduced by half. In this paper, the author investigates this type of hanzei by each of these villages and tries to regard it as one development of the yearly rice tax (nengu) reduction protests, which had been carried out by shoen-level leagues (shoke-no-ikki). The grounds for village hanzei lay in military mobilization by the bakufu. The bakufu, noticing the military forces built up by the villages (goshu), mobilized them in the suburbs of Kyoto and allowed them tax exemptions in the form of hanzei. For the villagers, who paid nengu, the hanzei exemption meant half-payment of that tax. However, even in those cases where hanzei was not permitted by the bakufu, the villagers proclaimed it anyway. For them, hanzei fell under the category of a nengu reduction. In this sense, the hanzei movement is a variation of the nengu reduction protests. Hanzei was proclaimed not only by isolated villages, but also by groups of villages over a wide area, which formed leagues called sogo or kumi. The ordinal nengu reduction protests were also regionally widespread. The hanzei movement was closely related with war mobilization and leagues calling for social justice by the government (tokusei-ikki). Hanzei was proclaimed as a part of tokusei, which was expected to be carried out with the outbreak of a war, and nengu reduction, even when not in the form of hanzei, was essentially an important part of tokusei proclamations.

著者

安藤 潤一郎

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.111, no.8, pp.46-71,141-140, 2002-08-20 (Released:2017-12-01)

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During the mid-19^<th> century, a chain of large-scale Muslim uprisings broke out in northwest and southwest regions of Qing Empire, simultaneously with the Taiping Rebellion and other violent disturbances. These uprisings are quite important to consider when one is to studying ethnic problems, nationalism, and geopolitics in modern East Asia from the cases of china's Muslim minorities. This article focuses on, among them, the Yunnan Muslim Uprising (雲南回民起義) especially on its earliest stages, in which serious conflicts between Han-Chinese (漢人) and Muslim residents (回民) took place in the western part of Yunnan laying the foundation for a widespread uprising, and examines concretely how these conflicts were generated and what made them structural. The conclusions reached are: 1. The conflicts became tangible action at the beginning of 19^<th> century, as the huge tide of immigration to this area brought about a rapid increase of population and intense competition among the people. However, at first, the rift between Han-chinese and Muslims was only a part of various fissures within the local society, and neither "Han" nor "Muslim" was a unified socio-ethnic collectivity. "Han" was usually divided into several ethnic categories, mostly based on birthplaces, and Muslim also consisted of divers segments. 2. However, it may be assumed that the "Muslim" category defined by Islamic faith, practices, and customs was perceived more strongly than other types of social fissures. Moreover, the socio-economic advantages enjoyed by Yunnan 'Muslims as the earliest immigrants and their widespread networks formed by a myriad of mosques (清真寺) attracted many Muslim newcomers to concentrate, providing them with a basis for mutual aid, security, and social opportunity. 3. On the other hand, the weakness of the local administrations and the extremely competitive nature of the immigrant society gave rise to secret societies bound by pledges of brotherhood (焼香結盟) as a system of mutual aid and security deep-rooted in local society, which drew people beyond preceding various social divisions. Such collectivities were quite similar to their Muslim counterparts mentioned above, and it could be said that they were different manifestations of the same group-forming motivation. 4. Therefore, the two types of collectivities came into intense conflict as they grew larger and stronger. Also, the reinforcement of the religious elements in each of them remarkably delineated and essentialized the "Muslim" category. Thus, seeds of Han / Muslim conflict were widely disseminated in local society, and consequently, entering into this dichotomous structure of conflict became an option in seeking self-interest ; then, divers forms of discord came to be reinterpreted upon this strcture.

著者

大石 嘉一郎

出版者

山川出版社

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.79, no.7, pp.75-82, 1970-07

著者

仲松 優子

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.123, no.9, pp.1727-1728, 2014

著者

後藤 篤子

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.91, no.10, pp.1513-1551,1649-, 1982-10-20 (Released:2017-11-29)

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Sidonius' Carmina et Epistulae offers invaluable information about Gaul in the 5th century, which was a theater of progressive transformation from Antiquity into early-medieval German society. The purpose of this article is to consider Sidonius' idea and its metamorphosis in response to the changing realities of those days. This would help us understand the mentality and historical role of the Gallo-Roman aristocracy in this period. Sidonius' idea and its metamorphosis which can be deduced from his works in this article are as follows. His first panegyricus on Western Emperor Avitus, his father-in-law, shows his enthusiasm for "Gallicanism", a spirit he shared with the Gaulish senators. This panegyricus, on the other hand, demonstrates how the adherents of "Gallicanism" railed against the Italian government and senators who placed more emphasis on the defense of Italy than on that of Gaul. The "Gallicanism" that we can see therein never aimed at a separation of Gaul from the Roman Empire. This nature of his "Gallicanism" is also illustrated by the fact that Sidonius did not participate in the plot known as coniuratio Marcelliana. This fact and the dedication of his second panegyricus to Emperor Majorian, who had been an enemy of Avitus, illustrate how Sidonius' "Romanism" could easily overcome his sympathy for "Gallicanism". After Ricimer assassinated Majorian, Sidonius perceived the weakness of the Western Roman Empire evidenced by the expansion of the German tribes and Ricimer's dominance from behind the throne. In his third panegyricus on Emperor Anthemius, his "Romanism" was all the more energetic. Therein, he appealed for cooperation between the Eastern and Western Empires to save the Roman World. Sidonius' poems and letters show his "anti-Germanism". For him, what distinguished the Romans from the Germans was possession of Latin culture. In his mind, Latin literature was the essence of Romanitas, a spiritual link between all members of the nobility, and a scale by which to measure a man's value. At the same time, he encouraged the holding of public offices by the nobility as an opportunity to demonstrate loyalty to the Empire and to reveal "Romanism". For Sidonius, the only imaginable materialization of Romanitas was the Roman Empire, which had guaranteed the political, economic, social, and cultural privileges that he enjoyed as a Roman senator. He had retained, therefore, his loyalty to the Empire and, after being appointed to the bishopric of Clermont-Ferrand, he became a spiritual leader in the Gallo-Roman resistance against the Visigothic siege of Clermont. The result was, however, the cession of Auvergne to the Visigoth, which Sidonius viewed as a barbarous outcome and the ruin of the Roman Empire's last chance to develop into the materialization of Romanitas. From that point on, Sidonius was separated spiritually from the Roman Empire. This, however, never meant that he left behind his ideal of Romanitas completely. While concealing his "anti-Germanism", Sidonius insisted on his Roman spiritual superiority over the Germans. On the one hand, Latin culture became more and more valuable to him as a symbol of Roman nobility. Meanwhile, because of his experiences during the siege of Clermont, Catholicism began to occupy an increasingly important place in Sidonius' "Romanism". After the collapse of the Roman Empire, from Sidonius' point of view, Catholicism became a spiritual anchor which he hoped could sustain German-governed Gaul as a "Roman Gaul". The Catholic church became the sole remaining base of Romanitas. The holding of the episcopate, as a substitute of public office, became a tenet of his "Romanism". Devotion to Catholicism meant devotion to Romanitas for Sidonius. In truth(View PDF for the rest of the abstract.)

著者

松嶌 明男

出版者

史学会 ; 1889-

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.126, no.9, pp.1524-1533, 2017-09

著者

平野 孝

出版者

山川出版社

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.75, no.3, pp.1-28, 1966-04

著者

松本 和明

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.126, no.3, pp.1-38, 2017

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本稿は近世畿内近国における大坂町奉行所による寺社支配について、京都・大坂両町奉行所間での元禄五年(一六九二)寺社改めの意図・方式の差異を確認し、従来の理解に対して再考を促すとともに、その差異をふまえ近世中後期における奉行所寺社支配の実態を追究することを目的とした。<br>第一章では、京都・大坂両町奉行所における寺社改めの意図・方式を確認した。その結果、京都町奉行所支配国においては「一宗之寺社本末由緒」改めを目的に、主に本末関係に依拠した方式で作成が指示された結果、多くの場合本末関係の把握にとどまったこと、対して大坂町奉行所支配国においては「寺社敷地境内間数」改めを目的に、個別領主・町在・寺社人が関与する方式で作成され、すべての寺社の詳細が把握されるというように、両奉行所間において目的・方式・結果いずれも差異が生じたことを明らかにした。<br>第二章では、まず摂津国武庫郡西宮社に即して寺社改帳と寺社支配との関係を編年的に分析し、そのうえで支配国内における他寺社の公事訴訟と寺社改帳との関係を追究した。さらに、寺社改めのあり方と関連づけて享保七年(一七二二)の国分けや、寺法・社法出入の再評価を試みた。その結果、①寺社改帳は公事訴訟や諸届けに奉行所が判断を下すための台帳であるが、②大坂町奉行所支配国では幕末期まで元禄寺社改帳が寺社台帳として機能し続けるいっぽう、京都町奉行所支配国ではかかる事例を追跡しがたい、③寺社支配のあり方は寺社改めの意図・方式に規定されており、国分けの際の寺社支配権分割や、寺法・社法出入など寺社改めでは把握できない案件もそれとの関係のなかで理解する必要がある、とした。<br>以上の分析から、元禄五年寺社改めの歴史的意義は畿内近国固有の施策として把握されるべきであること、そして大坂町奉行所寺社支配のあり方は寺社改めの方式に規定されたものであり、かかる視座は寺社支配の実態・全体像の把握にもつながる、と結論づけた。

著者

倉橋 正直

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.95, no.9, pp.1500-1508, 1986-09-20 (Released:2017-11-29)

著者

岡安 勇

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.92, no.9, pp.1421-1452,1565-, 1983-09-20 (Released:2017-11-29)

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In this paper I studied the seat-orders in the records of ancient China and then thought about the meaning of the emperor's facing west. Finally I came to a conclusion as follows. 1.The seat facing south or north between the sovereign and his subject (in this occasion the sovereign usually takes north seats) is a symbol of absolute relation of domination-obedience. No one but the sovereign can hardly take a seat facing south. Therefore, when the someone takes a seat facing south, it means that there is a relation of the ruler and the ruled among the present company at the meeting. 2.At the private meeting, there exists fundamentally different seat-order, that is, facing east and west. The meaning is clearly different from the above one. This occurs between host and guest, among families or teacher and pupil. The seats facing west are for hosts, the youngers, and pupils, who are inferior in the company. Then, the seats facing east are for guests, the olders and teachers, who stand higher. In the case of taking all-side seats, the order stands from facing east, south, north, and west. 3.Through understanding the difference between facing south or north and facing east or west, I thought over the emperor's power during and after the Han dynasty. Thus, I could find that the emperor, who is thought to give priority to the relation of domination-obedience in every respect, in fact, did not always take the seat facing south. When he was with the empress dowager 皇太后, the Supreme Lords 上公 (the grand tutor 太師・the senior tutor 太傅・the junior tutor 太保), the San-lao 三老 or the Wu-keng 五更 (titles given to elders who were honored by the emperor), he did not seat facing south. i)The empress dowager was never treated as a subject, not only at a private meeting but also at an official meeting (at least in 'Lin-chao-cheng-chih' 「臨朝称制」), and she could meet the emperor, sitting facing east. ii)The Supreme Lords, the council of the emperor, were in the post of Pu-chen-chin-li 不臣之礼 in the Later Han Dynasty. iii)The San-lao and the Wu-keng were treated with respect, given seats facing east or south, for the emperor had to teach people the order of the young and the old by Yang-lao-li 養老礼. When there was a strong relation of teacher and pupil, the San-Lao took a seat facing south, while the emperor took a seat facing north as a pupil. In this way, while the emperor was ruling he took a seat facing south as a symbol of power, and when he treated some subjects with respect, he took a lower-rank seat for himself. So, in such a case there was no domination-obedience relation between the emperor and his subjects. In other words, it is understood that the emperor recognized them as 'not subject' 「不臣」. The supreme Lords, the San-lao, and the Wu-keng were not the rank which threatened the emperor's position, but by making such a system, the dynasty seems to have dealt successfully with both domestic and foreign policy without falling into logical dilemma, which happened in following crises ; the change of dynasties, the invasion of different neighbour races and so on.

著者

大島 明子

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.117, no.7, pp.1219-1252, 2008-07-20 (Released:2017-12-01)

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In the research to date on government-military relations regarding the Japanese Army, emphasis has been put mainly on the relationship between party cabinets and the military high command. However, during the period between the establishment of a prefectural system to replace Tokugawa period feudal domains and the setting up of an independent general staff office (i.e., during the formation of Japan's modern armed forces), the Army consisted of groups affiliated to the feudal domains, resulting in ambiguity concerning the chain of command. Moreover, in the midst of clear divisions between civilian politicians manning the Cabinet (Sei'in 正院) and military personnel, opinions were divided over how a modern army should be formed; add in the political struggle brewing over the Treasury's jurisdiction over local entities, and there was an eminent danger of the Army disintegrating into smaller factions. Within this situation, the Ministry of the Army was granted broad powers, including control over personnel and military command, and enjoyed relative autonomy from the Cabinet in forming a modern army. However, from 1872-73, during which time the Imperial Guard was reorganized from troops sent by three powerful feudal domains to soldiers from divers regions, a plan was advanced by officers affiliated with Satsuma Domain and Minister of Foreign Affairs Soejima Taneomi 副島種臣 to invade Taiwan, and the Cabinet followed suit with plans of its own to recruit former feudal domain troops to form an expeditionary force. This article interprets these events as a political struggle between the Cabinet and the Ministry of the Army over military authority, and focuses on the participation of the Cabinet's Legislative Bureau (Sa'in 左院) at a time when it was aiming at both the abolition of the feudal status system and constitutional reform. The Legislative Bureau spontaneously cooperated in establishing a military conscription act and approached Tosa Domain with a plan for a "parliamentary body" that would deliberate on military affairs. An examination of this political process makes it possible to reinterpret political-military relations at that time in terms of a triangle involving the Cabinet, the Ministry of the Army and the Legislative Bureau (along with its regional administrators). What ultimately happened was that in June or July of 1873, a group led by councillor (sangi) Itagaki Taisuke of Tosa Domain halted the Legislative Bureau's attempts at constitutional reform by introducing a proposal to invade Korea, which led to political gridlock and the resignation of the invasion supporters in October. This incident should therefore be considered on two levels: constitutional reform vs. centralization of Cabinet power, and the struggle between the Ministry of the Army and the Cabinet over command of the military.

著者

鍵和田 賢

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.121, no.8, pp.1377-1410, 2012-08-20 (Released:2017-12-01)

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Historians who study early modern Germany used to regard "the confessional age" as a stagnant era characterized by religious conflicts and wars; however, recently the age is regarded more and more as a time of the establishment of coexistence between a number of confessions. Now the task is to shed light on the problem of how this "confessional pluralism" was concretely formed. Furthermore, the research has begun to take notice of inter-confessional communication as the basis of that "pluralism". Following these recent arguments, this article examines inter-confessional negotiations in the city of Cologne during the congress for the Peace of Westphalia. Though Cologne was ruled by Catholic magistrates, the city was also inhabited by Protestants. Between 1647 and 48, three Calvinist communities of Cologne who were impressed by the progress being achieved by the Peace Congresses in Munster and Osnabruck, attempted to negotiate with the magistrates. The Calvinists sought the right to attend services in neighboring territories, which was forbidden, and consequently succeeded in winning this right from the magistrates. After the conclusion of the Peace of Westphalia, these Calvinist communities tried to obtain the right to hold services inside the city and also attain civil rights for Protestants. This time, however, instead of negotiating with the magistrates, the Calvinists petitioned the Evangelical estates of the Empire for those rights at a conference of the Holy Roman Empire. The magistrates brought this action into serious question, because it damaged their right to make decisions regarding religious issues inside the city. Consequently, the magistrates hardened their attitude toward Protestants in the city, and the Calvinists failed to accomplish their goals. When magistrates subsequently threatened the Protestants by issuing a decree to expel them, the Calvinist communities recognized the need to change their approach, deciding to respect the inviolable right of the magistrates regarding religious issues inside the city. Consequently, a framework for "confessional pluralism" in Cologne arose, in which all internal religious problems would be negotiated with the magistrates first. Thereafter, the magistrates expressed the intention to permit Protestants to live inside the city provided that they respect their authority to adjudicate internal religious issues. The author concludes that the series of subsequent negotiations that followed these events formed the foundation of "confessional pluralism" in Cologne.

著者

二宮 宏之

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.108, no.9, pp.1590-1592, 1999-09-20 (Released:2017-11-30)

著者

福井 憲彦

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.119, no.11, pp.1843-1845, 2010-11-20 (Released:2017-12-01)

著者

白 玉冬

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.120, no.10, pp.1639-1674, 2011

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On the route described in Marwazi's Taba'i' al-hayawan (The Natural Properties of Animals) from the Karahan Dynasty's capital of Kashgar to the Qidan Dynasty's capital via Hetian 和田 and Shazhou 沙州 (i.e., Dunghuang) there lay the town of Khatun-san located a two-months journey from Shazhou, which corresponds to Zhenzhou Keduncheng 鎮州可敦城, the fortress within the territory of the Toquz (or Nine) Tatars of the central Mongolian Plateau. Another point on the route, Utkin, located a one-month's journey from Khatun-san is also mentioned in 10th century Uighur documents as Otukan, which corresponds to the Hanggai Mountains of present day Mongolia. Judging from this route between Qidan and Shazhou and the era of envoys exchanged between the Qidan Dynasty and the Tang Dynasty's Guiyi 帰義 Army, which governed Dunhuang between 848 and 1039, the Tatars who are recorded in the Dunhuang document collection in various conditions of war and peace with the Guiyi military regime can be identified as the same Toquz Tartars of the Mongolian Plateau. The documents indicate that during the 10th century, the Toquz Tatars formed an independent political entity and documents preserved on the reverse side of Sogd language items P.28 and P.3134 inform us that these nine tribes were engaged in the Silk Road trade during the 10th century through Uighur merchants of the Nestorian Christian faith. The author of this article concludes that the Toquz Tatars must have enjoyed close relations with the Western Uighur Kingdom, the homeland of these merchants, and that the conversion of the central Toquz tribe, the Kereit, to Nestorianism was no doubt due in large part to their contact with the Uighur Silk Road merchants.

著者

山口 英男

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.100, no.9, pp.1507-1545,1672-, 1991-09-20 (Released:2017-11-29)

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The evaluation of a historical character of the local administrative mechanism of the 10th century, which was composed of kuni 国 (a province) and gun 郡 (a district), is an important problem for understanding the flow of the history of Japan from ancient times to the middle ages. It was formerly understood that management of gun by kuni was reinforced in the 10th century. However, strong doubts have arisen on this point in recent years. In this paper, the author attempts a new, overall evaluation concerning the local administrative mechanism of the 10th century and comes to the conclusion that the conventional opinion is merely a one-sided understanding of the events of the 10th century. The local administration under the Ritsuryo 律令 system was carried out by hokushi 国司, who were appointed from the central aristocracy, and by gunji 郡司, who were local powerful clans under the kokushi. In the latter part of the 9th century, however, the overseers of kokushi, called zuryo 受領, came to personally take administrative responsibility of kuni. As a result, zuryo began to delegate administration not to subordinate kokushi but to local influential persons, including gunji and migrant aristocrats. They were able to obtain both economic and political benefits by taking advantage of their duties. This form of administration was formally approved by a law issued in 902 A.D. Influential local persons called zoshikinin 雑色人 engaged in the administration of kuni, functioning as kuni-no-tsukai 国使, hogandai 判官代 or as constituents of tokoro 所, and were authorized to take charge of the administration of gun as gunji without official titles stipulated in the Ryo 令 codes, This assumption of the general duties of local administration by influential persons in the region was the biggest change in the local administrative mechanism of the 10th century. In accordance with these changes, the role of gunji, instead of the role of kokushi, became more important in some areas of local administration. Moreover, because people who had the same social attribute as zoshikinin conducted both of the duties of kuni and gun, the administrative unity of kuni and gun was strengthened. Corresponding to the appearance of this new management form, the bureaucratic arrangements of local administration progressed. As the result of the bureaucratic arrangements of local administration by influential persons in the region, it became possible for zuryo to appoint to kuni level positions their personal subordinates who were not related to the region. Against these actions of zuryo, local influential persons organized resistance movements characterized by listings of grievances called Kokushikaseishuso 国司苛政愁訴. In the middle of 11th century when these movements had ceased, the Zaicho-kanjin system of local bureaucracy was formed, and the political status of influential persons in the region was established.