著者

田中 克行

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.102, no.6, pp.1099-1134,1266-, 1993-06-20 (Released:2017-11-29)

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The hanzei system as a land policy of the Muromachi bakufu is well-known and has been repeatedly investigated. However, it is less known that the original meaning of hanzei is literally "half-payment" of the tax. This meaning precedes the hanzei law promulgated by the Muromachi bakufu, and it had already appeared in the Kamakura period. During the Sengoku period, villagers in a suburb of Kyoto declared a hanzei and demanded their taxes be reduced by half. In this paper, the author investigates this type of hanzei by each of these villages and tries to regard it as one development of the yearly rice tax (nengu) reduction protests, which had been carried out by shoen-level leagues (shoke-no-ikki). The grounds for village hanzei lay in military mobilization by the bakufu. The bakufu, noticing the military forces built up by the villages (goshu), mobilized them in the suburbs of Kyoto and allowed them tax exemptions in the form of hanzei. For the villagers, who paid nengu, the hanzei exemption meant half-payment of that tax. However, even in those cases where hanzei was not permitted by the bakufu, the villagers proclaimed it anyway. For them, hanzei fell under the category of a nengu reduction. In this sense, the hanzei movement is a variation of the nengu reduction protests. Hanzei was proclaimed not only by isolated villages, but also by groups of villages over a wide area, which formed leagues called sogo or kumi. The ordinal nengu reduction protests were also regionally widespread. The hanzei movement was closely related with war mobilization and leagues calling for social justice by the government (tokusei-ikki). Hanzei was proclaimed as a part of tokusei, which was expected to be carried out with the outbreak of a war, and nengu reduction, even when not in the form of hanzei, was essentially an important part of tokusei proclamations.

著者

工藤 晶人

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.110, no.10, pp.1775-1804, 2001-10-20 (Released:2017-11-30)

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Historians studying settler European society in Algeria have their roots in classical assimilation theory, and usually argue that the "fusion" among the European races took place at the turn of the nineteenth century. Other scholars confine their study to the ideological aspect and claim that the so-called rise of the "Algerien europeen" is a myth. This article provides a more subtle portrait of European society in Oran based on the quantitative approach. The analysis of the electoral college and of the dossiers of concessionaires points out that a second generation emerged during the late nineteenth century, especially in this coastal city. This study also reveals the mobility patterns of European immigrants and the complex functions that the city performed in this migration. Finally, the structure of urban society is analysed from a perspective of the conflict between European and Jewish communities. Contemporary discourse on the Europeans of Algeria made reference to these social transformations. However, this is not to say that the "Europeans" were simply integrated into a "European-Algerian" community;rather, the settlement developed local identities and socioeconomic differences between generations.

著者

樋口 秀実

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.113, no.7, pp.1223-1258, 2004

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The research to date dealing with the assassination of Yang Yuting by order of Zhang Xueliang on 10 January 1929 focuses on the belief that Yang was pro-Japanese. What the research fails to consider, however, is the assassination of Chang Yinhuai on that same date, which pan by no means be attributed to pro-Japanese sentiment, since Chang never studied in Japan, which is the only proof offered for Yang's pro-Japanese position. Could these assassinations have had some other motive? The author of this article believes so, based on two points yet to be considered in the existing research. The first has to do with the public careers and political ideas of the two victims. Studies have clearly shown the political ideas and actions of Zhang Xueliang from the time of the bombing death of Zhang Zuolin at the hands of a Japanese agent on 4 June 1928 to the hoisting of the Nationalist flag on 29 December of that year ; however, a similar analysis of Zhang's activities during that time has yet to be done, due to the a priori assumption that Zhang and Yang were political enemies. Consequently, we have no idea of Yang's policy stances or how they conflicted with Zhang's, other than the former's alleged pro-Japanese sentiment, leading to the conclusion that Yang's assassination was motivated by personal conflict between the two. This is why the author of the present article has felt the need to delve into the political ideas and actions of Yang and Chang Yinhuai. The author's second point focuses on the power structure of the Sandongxing 東三省 Regime and the political roles played in it by Zhang, Yang and Chang. Whenever conflict occurs in any political regime, clashes usually occur between factions, not individual politicians. In the case of the Sandongxing Regime, conflict not only occurred along generational lines (between the old timer and newcomer factions), but also geographically between the leading province in the triad, Fengtian, and the other two, Jilin and Heilongjiang. What remains unclear is where Zhang, Yang and Chang stood within the Regime's structure of conflict, which may be the key, to why the latter two were assassinated. One more factor that must be taken into consideration is the situation of the three countries bordering on the Sandongxing region : China, the Soviet Union and Japan. The research to date has tended to emphasize the actions of Japan in the framework of the historical background to its relationship to Manchuria. However, even if it can be proved that Yang was pro-Japanese, it is still important to identify his place in the Regime's structure and the Regime's relationship to its other two neighbors. Also, within the fluid international situation at that time, the Regime's structure was probably also in flux, one good example of which being Yang's assassination. With respect to China, it was being ruled by two central bodies, the government in Beijing ruling over Changcheng 長城 and all points south and the Nationalist government. However, these bodies did not exercise full control over the country in the same manner as the former Qing Dynasty or the later People's Republic. This is why the author deals with the "China factor" focussing not only on the two central ruling bodies, but also the, movements of the various warlord factions.

著者

馬場 哲

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.112, no.7, pp.1272-1278, 2003

著者

馬場 哲

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.112, no.7, pp.1272-1278, 2003-07-20 (Released:2017-12-01)

著者

佐藤 博信

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.87, no.2, pp.203-218,272-27, 1978-02-20 (Released:2017-10-05)

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This article seeks to clarify concretely the relationship between two powerful families in the Sengoku period, the Gohojoshi and the Ashikagashi, as part of the author's research on Kogakubo (古河公方). While rejecting such explanations of these families' relationship as one of compromise or envelopment, theories which ignore the strained relationship between these families, the author examines step by step the strained relations between these two families. He concludes that their relationship developed in the following stages : 1.Before the establishment of marital relations 2.After the establishment of marital relations 3.After the rise of Kubo Yoshiuji (公方義氏) a.Hoshun・indono (芳春院殿) b.Hoshun・inshuko (芳春院周興) 4.The era of Hojo Ujiteru (北条氏照) After the fourth stage the Gohojoshi control of the government was accomplished, and the Kogakubo Ashikagashi existed only as a symbol of authority, thus distinguishing this period from earlier periods when the Ashikagashi held real power. Stages two and three were when the Kogakubo Ashikagashi tried to maintain its power through its symbolic authority. The Gohojoshi was establishing close relations with it through marriages. Then, as a member of the family and the actual Kanto Kanrei (関東管領), Gohojoshi took full advantage of its power and sought to establish itself as Daimyo-Ryogoku-Sei (大名領国制). Thus, the Gohojoshi held a two-sided relationship with the Ashikagashi. During the third stage this two-sided relationship continued when Yoshiuji was not at all a puppet. Hoshun・indono, the daughter of Hojo Ujitsuna (北条氏綱の娘) and mother of Yoshiuji, and then later on the Zen monk Hoshun・inshuko both played important function in developing this two-sided relationship to an extreme degree. Hoshun・inshuko, as the head of the sojya (奏者), had an important role in many ways, even in the composition of formal documents, and he took an active role in changing the power structure of the kubo. Also, at this time the Esso (越相) Alliance was formed between two former rivals, Echigo Uesugishi (越後上杉) and Gohojoshi. This new alliance confirmed the relationship between the Gohojoshi and the Kubo Yoshiuji, while it also brought to an end the external function of Yoshiuji. Thereby the Gohojoshi could end its two-sided relationship with Yoshiuji and changed him into just one of the feudal lords under the Gohojoshi rule. Yoshiuji survived only as a symbol of authority without any political base but for his position as an ancestor of the Ashikagashi.

著者

下重 清 椙山 聖子 長島 淳子

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.104, no.5, pp.760-765, 1995-05-20 (Released:2017-11-30)

著者

前川 一郎

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.124, no.9, pp.1638-1647, 2015-09-20 (Released:2017-12-28)

著者

山本 由美子

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.94, no.9, pp.1421-1449,1548, 1985-09-20 (Released:2017-11-29)

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The Zoroastrianism is based on the dualism of Good and Evil, which devides everything into two opposing groups. One peculiar character of the Zoroastrian religious life has attracted many observers' attention in history. That is their hostile attitude towards some kinds of animals called xrafstras, such as serpents, scorpions, beasts of prey, insects and worms. Most people in the world would not like these creatures. But the Zoroastrians not only detest or kill these creatures, but also they consider the killing them to be meritorious acts, though the death is treated to belong to the Evil Spirit. The main purpose of this article is examining how xrafstras have been understood in history, what are xrafstras and why they are considered to be xrafstras. The natures of xrafstras are as belows ; first they are injurious to the human beings and the cattle. Second they are harmful to the corn. Third they have ugly and abominable shapes. Fourth they are related to the impurity, fifth they eat unclean food, and sixth they like darkness and have nocturnal natures. Lastly they bring in impurity to the pure creation of Ahura Mazda, such as water and earth. All xrafstras have one or a few of these natures. Through examining the natures of xrafstras, it became evident that the Zoroastrian attitude towards xrafstras reflects the very core of the Zoroastrian cosmology and theology.

著者

熊谷 隆之

出版者

公益財団法人史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.120, no.8, pp.1443-1444, 2011

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌

巻号頁・発行日

vol.108, no.4, pp.565-566, 1999

著者

池田 温

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.91, no.9, pp.1478-1479, 1982-09-20 (Released:2017-11-29)

著者

山本 勉

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌

巻号頁・発行日

vol.95, no.5, pp.700-703, 1986

著者

藤沢 敦

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌

巻号頁・発行日

vol.124, no.1, pp.101-102, 2015

著者

羽田 正

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.98, no.8, pp.1429-1431, 1989-08-20 (Released:2017-11-29)

著者

浅野 明

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.94, no.7, pp.1133-1171,1284-, 1985

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The present paper deals with the pomast'e system in Novgorod under Ivan the Terrible. It is the intention of the author to make clear what influence the policies of Ivan the Terrible had upon this system by investigating the changes which took place its structure. The process of those changes is: (1) In the first half of 1550's, the management of the pomest'e had worked well enough, but the wars, especially that one waged against Kazan, continued to mobilize the pomeschichiki. Peasants, on the other hand, were burdened with heavy taxes; and some of them even abandoned their land. (2) From the second half of 1550's to the first half of 1560's, various obligations were imposed on the peasantry as consequence of the outbreak of Livonian War. The War resulted in falling many fields into wasteland, (3) Up until the first half of 1570's, wasteland continued to increase. At the same time the dvory of peasants continued to be absorbed into the demesne and some hamlets. And in addition much of the wasteland was cultivated by the custom of noesdoin. Such actions should he regarded as expedients for avoiding the heavy taxes. In 1570's. such trends became more and more widespread. The new management system called the pomest'e, to which the evasion from the heavy taxes had given birth, was gradually taking root. In the meantime the Livonian War came to an end (1583) and Ivan the Terrible died (1584). In 1591 Boris Godunov brought forth a number of new feudal landpolicies. The measures called for demesne back to the land tax exemptions and the return of peasants which they had previously abandoned, It Is therefore safe to assume that Godunov's policies gave a new direction to the institution of serfdom.

著者

藤波 伸嘉

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.124, no.8, pp.1383-1420, 2015-08-20 (Released:2017-12-01)

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Unlike other Islamic polities that were colonized by the Western powers, the Ottoman Empire remained independent until the very end. Therefore, the relationship between Islamic law and the Empire's public law became an important topic in Ottoman jurisprudence, especially after the Young Turk Revolution of 1908, when the principle of national sovereignty (hakimiyet-i milliye) was proclaimed as a basis of the state's new constitution. This article addresses the views of Ottoman jurists regarding national sovereignty by analyzing Babanzade Ismail Hakki's Hukuk-i Esasiye, one of the first textbooks on Ottoman constitutional law. While continuing his predecessors' endeavors to defend Ottoman sovereignty, Ismail Hakki introduced a new approach to understanding the character of the Ottoman Caliphate. To wit, sovereignty derives solely from the nation which is one and indivisible. The state is a juridical person representing the nation's natural sovereignty. Consequently, the monarch, namely, the Sultan-Caliph, was no more than an organ of the state. Ismail Hakki discussed the development of parliamentarism in a way that enabled him to construct an alternative approach to world legal history. While in the West parliaments were the product of feudal privilege, in the East there was no such privilege, due to the fact that Islamic law dictated that all men were equal and also that the Caliphate was, in essence, nothing but a form of universal suffrage, through which the nation's will was expressed in the form of bay'a (oath of allegiance). Therefore, for Ismail Hakki, there was no reason to respect the three "privileges" that had been introduced into the Ottoman state governance since the late eighteenth century-the Capitulations (imtiyazat-i ecnebiye), autonomous provinces (eyalat-i mumtaze), and the religious privileges of non-Muslims (imtiyazat-i mezhebiye)-because they were contrary to the principle of equality among Ottomans and formed exceptions to the rules of a sovereign state system. While he took it for granted that the Ottoman nation was composed of various ethnic and religious groups, Ismail Hakki kept silent on the question of how to legally define the multi-ethnic and multi-religious character of the Ottoman constitution. He condemned the religious/ethnic quota system because, according to him, the Ottoman parliament represented the will of the one and indivisible nation as a whole. Religious/ethnic quotas contradict this fundamental basis of constitutional law. This attitude of Babanzade Ismail Hakki foreshadowed the subsequent legal tradition of the Turks to legitimize their Republic, which they alleged was ethnically homogenous.

著者

田中 美穂

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.110, no.7, pp.1370-1393, 2001-07-20 (Released:2017-11-30)

著者

寺尾 美保

出版者

史学会 ; 1889-

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.124, no.12, pp.2079-2103, 2015-12

著者

橘 誠

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.120, no.1, pp.107-108, 2011-01-20 (Released:2017-12-01)