著者

志内 一興

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.110, no.4, pp.563-585,695-69, 2001

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In 1979, a bronze tablet called "Tabula Contrebiensis" was found at Botorrita, 20 km south of Zaragoza, in the middle Ebro valley in Spain (Roman Hispania). There inscribed 20 lines of Latin text, including a dispute over irrigation among the indigenous people. It can be dated 87 B. C. Hispania had its first contact with Rome in 218 B. C., the date of the outbreak of the Second Punic War, and was conquered completely in 19 B. C. by Vipsanius Agrippa. In the course of Roman conquest, it has been assumed that a cultural change, referred to as "Romanization" or "Latinization", was carried out, and it really had profound effects on Hispania. In fact, now in Spain, we can see many traces of ancient Rome. And so, this inscription, at first glance, can be interpreted as signifying advances of uses of Roman law procedure or Latin language by indigenous people. On the other hand, however, when we examine the text taking account in detail several terms used in it, in the light of other contemporary Latin inscriptions and the conditions in which it was inscribed, we can identify clearly indigenous people in Hispania experiencing Roman Empire and not bound by such an interpretation. In this sense the author shows in this article that "Romanization" is not cultural change that took place only between militarily and culturally superior Rome and indigenous Spaniards. It's a more complicated phenomenon. This paper is the author's first step toward the work of inquiring into "experienced Rome" by contemporary people.

著者

吉見 義明

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.90, no.8, pp.1278-1281, 1981

著者

藤田 覚

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.114, no.12, 2005

著者

柿沼 陽平

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.120, no.5, pp.825-831, 2011-05-20 (Released:2017-12-01)

著者

藤田 覚

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.90, no.10, pp.1544-1554, 1981-10-20 (Released:2017-10-05)

著者

島津 毅

出版者

史学会 ; 1889-

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.125, no.8, pp.1359-1394, 2016-08

著者

高垣 亜矢

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.121, no.10, pp.1743-1765, 2012

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The aim of this article is to reexamine the characteristic features of the distribution structure of the cow and horse leather industry in western Japan focusing on the activities of deputy managers (tedai 手代) in charge of wholesale warehouses and their temporarily employed eta (穢多) subordinates (tesaki 手先). During the region's late premodern period, the leather that was produced by the inferior caste of eta from the hides of dead animals was sent to the village of Watanabe in Osaka, where the leather wholesaling industry was concentrated. The most influential research done to date on the people who directed the distribution of leather from these warehouses is the work done by Tsukada Takashi, who has argued that within the intermediary role played by the wholesalers in both buying and selling, leather merchants gained control of distribution. That being said, based on the results from research concentrating on the history of distribution during the period, which has shown definite differences between wholesalers and middlemen, the author assumes that it was tedai who functioned as middlemen, and concludes that it is necessary to reconsider tedai activities. To begin with, the author explicitly shows that the role of wholesale middlemen was represented by the activities of warehouse deputy managers and that the buying and selling of leather was directly transacted by them on the basis of personal relations established between deputy managers and local eta. Secondly, tesaki were also involved in leather commerce, their role was temporary in merely helping to collect freight for the wholesalers. Since tesaki were temporary employees, they could be employed by other wholesalers. In such cases, tesaki posed a disturbance the leather collection of their former employers. Although the activities of tesaki were similar to those of tedai, there was a difference in that the former traded on the basis of transient relationships for profit, while the latter worked for the profit of warehouse which they served. The author concludes that the activities of tedai and the eta caste tesaki brought about significant changes in both the structure of leather distribution throughout western Japan, in general, and in the internal village structure of Watanabe, in particular. In so doing, this type of leather merchant as the dominant actor in the leather trade. Thus, leather merchants such as tedai and tesaki who actively engaged in transactions had a large impact on the traditional order of the leather wholesale distribution system.

著者

服藤 早苗

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.97, no.6, pp.1089-1095, 1988-06-20 (Released:2017-11-29)

著者

岩下 誠

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.120, no.1, pp.114-115, 2011

著者

ピジョー ジョーン

出版者

The Historical Society of Japan

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.98, no.6, pp.1128-1141, 1989-06-20 (Released:2017-11-29)

著者

井上 貴子

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.107, no.3, pp.321-354, 1998

著者

右田 裕規

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.126, no.9, pp.41-63, 2017

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一九世紀後半から二〇世紀初期の君主制国家では、王室の祝祭を記念するための商品が大量に売買されていた。多種多様な商品が祝祭の記念品として流通し、厖大な人口がそれらに群がる光景が日本を含めて一様に拡がっていた。内外の君主制ナショナリズム研究の一部、とりわけ「伝統の発明」論を理論的枠組みとした研究群の解釈では、一連の祝祭記念商品は歴代君主の事蹟を中心とした国民的記憶を持続的に保持・想起させる重要な媒体として社会的に作用したとされる。しかしながら近代都市消費文化についての諸知見に従うと、世紀転換期の大量生産流通機構の成立が都市世界で生成した知覚と欲望の様式は、伝統性や持続性とは対称的な質を含みこんでいた。つまり近代的な経済技術機構が都市居住者たちに惹起したのは、過去ではなく新奇さや現在性を価値づける反-伝統的な態度、新しい商品を次々に欲望・忘却する反-持続的な態度であった。本稿では、この知見を参照項としつつ、大正・昭和初期の日本社会とりわけ都市世界での祝祭記念商品の売買様式の相貌について検討する。呈示するのは次の二点である。第一に、同時代の都市住民たちは祝祭時の記念商品群を(当該の祝祭の時事的新奇性と結びついた)ある種の「流行品」としてしばしば解読・欲望していたこと。第二に、都市購買層の間では一連の記念商品を短期的に消費・処分する傾向が見られたことである。この二点から、祝祭記念商品という媒体が(君主一族の事蹟で枠づけられた)国民的記憶の編成運動に対して含んだ反作用的な契機が本稿では指摘される。いいかえると、祝祭記念商品の大量生産・流通という史的場面から、産業資本主義と君主制ナショナリズムの協同的契機を一義的に読みとる一部研究の解釈図式の問題性が、都市世界での記念品売買の相貌に即して析出される。

著者

佐藤 公彦

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.91, no.1, pp.43-80,145-143, 1982-01-20 (Released:2017-11-29)

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Eight trigrams sect (Pa-kua-chiao 八卦教) was the most popular religious secret society in north China through the Ch'ing dynasty, and in the process of its expansion we can often find a lot of boxing training by its members. In this paper we will consider the relationship between the Eight trigrams sect and boxing training such as I-ho-chuan (義和拳), etc.. Eight trigrams sect is said to have been founded by a man called Li Ting-yu (李廷玉) in either the Shun Chih (順治) or Kang Hsi (康煕) reign periods at the beginning of the Ch'ing dynasty. It was organized according to the principle of the division into eight trigrams, and also divided into a "Wen" (文) or literary sect, and a "Wu" (武) or military one which had widely developed itself ; the society consisted of four "Wen" trigrams and four "Wu" trigrams. The combination of Eight trigrams sect and boxing training had already taken place in early Yung Cheng (雍正) period. In the Wang Lun (王倫) rebellion (1774), which was raised by a society called Ching-Shui-Chiao (清水教), a branch of the Eight trigrams sect, the boxing styles used inside the sect had been Pa-kua-chuan (八卦拳, Eight trigrams boxing), Chi-hsin-hung-chuan (七星紅拳 Seven star red boxing), and I-he-chuan (義合拳, Righteous harmony boxing). From this we can see that the I-ho-chuan was the same as the White Lotus religion or more precisely as the boxing which had combined with the military sect of Eight trigrams sect, Ching-Shui-chiao. From the incident of the I-ho-chuan in 1778, 1783 and 1786, we can guess that the I-ho-chuan had close relationship with the Li (離) trigram, a branch of the Eight trigrams sect. In 1813, Eight trigrams sect raised an uprising. A careful examination of the materials on the boxing in this uprising such sources as those on general leader of the military sect, Feng Ke-shan (馮克善), the group members led by Sung Yueh-lung (宋躍〓) and the case of Ke Li-yeh (葛立業) who learned and practiced I-ho school boxing (義和門拳棒), show that I-ho school boxing had been practiced inside Sung Yueh-lung's group in the Chili-Shantung boundary area, and that this group belonged to the chain of Li trigram. Hence we can easily identify the I-ho school as one of small regional group in the Li trigram in Eight trigrams sect. It becomes clear that the reason why boxing was combined with the Li trigram, representative of Wu trigrams, depends on the principle of organization. The boxing practiced in the Eight trigrams sect had been influenced by its religious thought, and came to have incantationary-religious characteristics, The I-ho-chuan and Eight trigrams sect in Chin-hsiang (金郷) county seem as though they were in conflict, but this example proves that there was a close relationship between the two. It is clear that historically boxing such as the I-ho-chuan, Pa-kua-chuan, etc., expanded widely in the north-west Chili-Shantung boundary area and south-west region of Shantung, by maintaining continuous relationship with Eight trigrams sect. Another phenomenon, however, also appeared. Social disturbance and confusion after the late Tao-Kuang (道光) period, brought about a wide expansion of the boxing training that was not directly related with Eight trigrams sect. The boxing which had combined with Eight trigrams sect, though taking on religious character, gradually started to secede from it, was accepted as a function of violence or defence in rural society. In the Hsien-Feng (咸豊) and Tung-Chih (同治) Periods, boxing which had permeated into rural society gradually came to be related to "Tuan militia" (団) and the "Allied village societies" (lianzhuanghui 連荘会) coexisted with the order of rural society, and built up the social foundation for the organization of I-ho-chuan society. Eight trigrams sect, not only scattered widely in this way, but also combined forces with bandits in the process of the mutual permeation with(View PDF for the rest of the abstract.)

著者

石井 規衛

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.120, no.9, pp.1596-1597, 2011-09-20 (Released:2017-12-01)

著者

山本 英貴

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.117, no.4, pp.539-560, 2008-04-20 (Released:2017-12-01)

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This article attempts to clarify the process of writing and copying the diary of the Tokugawa Shogunate through an analysis of the Keeper of the Diary (Nikki-gakari 日記掛) and comes to the following conclusions. To begin with, the office of Diary Keeper was created sometime between 1737 and 1746, consisting of one supervisor and two assistants. The Keeper was to direct the various Bakufu offices to submit to him reports of their activities and then hand them to the Diary Secretariat (Nikki-Kata Omote-Yuhitsu 日記方表右筆) for entry into the Bakufu diary. This secretariat was looked after by one supervisor and one assistant rotating on a monthly basis, and the system which lasted until at least 1822. Secondly, since no copies of the Bakufu dairy existed at the time the Keeper was set up, the office issued a report in 1791 describing the reproduction of the diary and how much of it had been preserved or lost. Consequently a project was launched to copy the extant parts of the diary, with talented scribes from outside the office specially assigned to copy the content recorded between 1631 and 1790. From that time on, the Keeper and Diary Secretariat cooperated in making the copies, thus marking a significant change in how the Bakufu dairy was recorded. Another copying project was conducted during the Koka 弘化 Era (1844-47) when the Ohikaecho 御扣帳 copy of the dairy was completed.

著者

佐藤 博信

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.92, no.4, pp.449-471,566-56, 1983-04-20 (Released:2017-11-29)

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The present paper attempts to clarify the basic movements of the Oyama Family (小山氏) of Shimotsuke province (下野国), a warrior clan who, together, with the Ashikaga Family, played a central role as one of the "patrician" families of the eastern provinces during the Muromachi and Sengoku periods. The method of analysis utilized takes on the form of individual investigations concerning consecutive Oyama family heads. As a result of organizing both documents issued and received by these family leaders on the basis of a complete analysis of such objective data, a preinitiation name (osanana 幼名), current name (tsusho 通称), given name conferred at initiation (namae 名前), title in the central goverment (kanto 官途), title in the provinces (juryo 受領), and abbreviated signature (kakiHan 花押), the author attempts to shed light on the fundamental political and historical substance of the generational changes which took place during the resurgence of the clan following the rebellion of Oyama Yoshimasa (小山義政) in the Namboku-cho period. The study begins with Yasutomo (泰朝) and continues through the family headships from Mitsuyasu (満泰), to Mochimasa (持政), Shigenaga (成長), Masanaga (政長), Takatomo (高朝), Hidetsuna (秀綱), Masatane (政種), and Hidemune (秀宗). The investigation demonstrates that not only the objective documentary evidence was born from a regular pattern of change, but also the particular generational changes were in many cases marked by intra-family conflicts. Also, within this historical process the author sees an important function played by the relationship of the Oyama Family to the Muromachi Bakufu government in the eastern provinces (Koga Kubo 古河公方). The conclusion that it was this close relationship to the Koga Kubo Ashikaga Family which determined the political destiny of the resurrected Oyama Family during the Muromachi and Sengoku periods. That is, the decline of the eastern Ashikaga Family power in the late Sengoku period necessarily led to the fall of the Oyama clan and consequently paved the way for its later retainership ties to the Go-Hojo Family (後北条氏).

著者

高村 直助

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.106, no.9, pp.1630-1632, 1997-09-20 (Released:2017-11-30)

著者

伊藤 貞夫

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.106, no.11, pp.1901-1949, 1997

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The innovative works of two French scholars, F. Bourriot's Recherches sur la nature du genos and D. Roussel's Tribu et cite, which were both published in 1976, criticized radically the common view that polis society was based on a tribal system and have been supported by many Greek historians since they were appreciated by M.I. Finley in his notable book, Politics in the Ancient World. However, the author feels that their theories are not well founded, and that especially Bourriot's argument emphasizing the religious function of Athenian gene meets with definite invincible difficulties. First, regarding his interpretation of Philochoros' fragment (FGH 328 F35a), Bourriot's interesting reference to homogalaktai in Arist. Pol. 1252b is unsuccessful. The inhabitants of a village, called homogalaktai in that passage, must have been considered by Aristotle to be members of a local lineage in the anthropological sense rather than such joint owners of a pasturage, as Bourriot infers. Homogalaktai in Philochoros' fragment is probably an obsolescent term of the members of an aristocratic group in an Athenian phratry, while orgeones appear to imply upper commoners who stood together against homogalaktai as worshippers to their own god or hero in the course of the democratization of a phratry and also succeeded in organizing lower commoners in the classical period. Secondly, the positive part of Bourriot's theory that gene were originally sacerdotal families is also unpersuasive, because the author cannot cite sufficient evidence giving us both the technical term genos and the proper noun of a sacerdotal group. There are only too sporadic examples (Athen.234f.; Pindar. Olymp. VI71; Hdt. IX33; Demosth. LIX 117). Aesch. III 18, as well as Arist. Ath. Pol.57.2, does not necessarily establish that the term genos originally implied just the sacerdotal family, though in Aesch. III 18 the term happens to be used to represent a sacerdotal family. In Ath. P0l. 57.2 gene appear to be the aristocratic clans which often served as priests in their own phratries, in contrast with the sacerdotal families monopolizing the important priesthoods of communal temples. Thirdly, Bourriot's other insistence that aristocratic families were not called gene, but oikiai, is also not supported by sufficient evidence. From the archaic to the Roman imperial period, ancient authors appear to have usually used only proper nouns when referring to individual aristocratic families. The description of Bacchiadai (Hdt. V 92β; Diod. VII 9; Paus. II 4) sets a good example. It is also important that the above-mentioned dources concerned with Bacchiadai show the cooperative power and spirit of an aristo-cratic clan. As for Roussel's theory that ethne had no tfaces of a tribal system, there is definite epigraphical evidence against it. In an eastern Locrian inscription we find two kinds of primordial community, damos and koinan (ML 20 11. 3-4), besides polis as a constitutional unit of that ethnos (ibid. 11. 19-28). In comparison with an inscription of Elis, another ethnos which includes damos as a social organization (e.g. Buck 62 1.9), the Locrian koinan proves to be equivalent to the Elean patria (Buck 61 1.1), a kind of tribal group. Though the works of Bourriot and Roussel are significant contributions to the study of ancient Greek society, the original arguments of those scholars cannot nevertheless replace the view that phratriai and gene date back to the Dark Age and that gene were aristocratic groups ruling individual phratriai.

著者

中野 忠

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.98, no.11, pp.1843-1851, 1989-11-20 (Released:2017-11-29)

著者

廣瀬 憲雄

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.116, no.3, pp.365-383, 2007-03-20 (Released:2017-12-01)

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This article examines Japan's formal hierarchical relations with the kingdoms of Silla and Palhae through an analysis of diplomatic source materials. The author offers a new approach to the study of diplomatic source materials by treating them as formal correspondence distinguished according to office or social rank (shogi) and identifying them in terms of how they express levels of decorum. From the Enryaku era (782-) on, Japan's attitude towards both Sillae and Palhae was characterized by a refusal to express subordination to either. This attitude helped stabilize relations with Palhae, on the one hand, since Palhae recognized Japan's superiority due to its ongoing conflict with Silla and the weakening of its royal family. On the other hand, Japan's attitude resulted in a cessation of relations with Silla, due to the Korean kingdom's demand to be dealt with as a diplomatic equal. Concerning the hierarchical character of diplomatic documents exchanged between Japan and Palhae from the Enryaku era on, Japan's attitude as expressed in its correspondence, looked upon Palhae in a superior manner, but not as a tributary or vassal state, while Palhae recognized Japan's superior position, but, again, not in sovereign and subject relationship. The author concludes that such a relationship developed out of mutual compromise, indicating the existence of no great disequilibrium in the balance of diplomatic power wielded by the two parties in their relations. Here we discover a new way of looking at diplomatic relations in ancient East Asia as hierarchical in character without being tied to conditions of subservience like vassalage or tribute. Similar examples include the relations developed by the Tang Dynasty with such entities as the Turk Qaranate, the Uighurs, and Tibet.