著者
伊東 七美男
出版者
公益財団法人 史学会
雑誌
史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.100, no.8, pp.1355-1395,1505-, 1991-08-20 (Released:2017-11-29)

In the naval system in classical Athens, trierarchs used in principle state hulls and sea-going equipment. In prescription, when their services were over, users had to return them in good condition. Those did not do so were recorded in naval documents as a debtor to the State. The object of this treatise is to make clear the actual situation of debts and their collection, and to consider the historical background. In order to attain this aim, naval inscriptions (IGII^2 1604-1632) have been mainly examined. They record details of the administration of the Athenian navy over about 55 years from the 370s to the 320s B.C.. This examination suggests important points in regard to the controlling power of the State over its wealthy citizens and their social power. From an examination of the inscriptions, the following points can be infered. (1)Debts tended to reach long terms, and each debtor was inclined to have plural and long-term debts. This confirms a view generaly pointed out by many scholars; which shows both a tendency to delay repayment of debts and. inactivity of collection in the navy. (2)However, except for the concentrated collection of debts in the first half of 350s., collection seems to have become active at latest after the middle of 340s B.C., this can be thought to have been greatly influenced by external circumstances: formed the preparations at war against Macedon in the second half of 340s, and security of sea trade routes after the battle of Chaeronea, above all measures for corn supply in the face of food crises. (3)The sum of collected money at times reached more than 10 talents. With 10 talents one could supply 26-27 sets of sea-going equipment. Therefore, collections were of considerable importance for consolidating the navy as a facfor to make sea trade active. (4)It is not necessarily clear whether the intensification of collecting debts had a direct relation to the policies of Eubulus and Lykurgus. But at least there is a possibility that their policies had some influence on it. The author concludes from the above that the character of administration of the Athenian navy in the first half of the fourth century B.C. differs significantly from that of the second. And in its background there seems to have been urgent and difficult circumstances : Social War and relations with Macedon and food crises etc.. Only in the face of such situations was debt collection intensified. It also gives an interesting clue to considering the power of the wealthy citizens in those days.
著者
伊藤 真実子
出版者
公益財団法人 史学会
雑誌
史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.117, no.11, pp.1981-1989, 2008

博覧会に関する研究は歴史学のみならず多方面から進められ、業績は厚みを増している。このことから現時点における博覧会研究の動向を整理し、その意義をふりかえってみることには意味があろう。博覧会研究は、一九、二〇世紀に各国で開催された万国博覧会を対象としたものがその中心となっている。とりわけ開催国となったアメリカ、イギリス、フランスで一九八〇年代から、日本国内では一九八〇年代後半から研究が盛んになってきている。欧米における研究は開催国の視点からのそれを中心としている。日本での研究は、日本における初めての万博開催が一九七〇年であったことから、そこにいたるまでの時期における万博参加の経過ならびに、そこで得られた参加経験から導かれた内国勧業博覧会の開催にかかわる問題群を中心にすえて進展してきた。本稿では、まず欧米における万国博覧会研究の動向をおさえ、次いで国内における博覧会研究の動向について考察を加えてみたい。
著者
遅塚 忠躬
出版者
公益財団法人 史学会
雑誌
史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.91, no.6, pp.963-1008,1098-, 1982-06-20 (Released:2017-11-29)

Dans son article sur "La place de la Revolution francaise dans l'histoire du monde", G.Lefebvre a bien affirme qu'elle avait ete, pour la premiere fois dans le monde, la revolution de l'egalite et, comme telle, avait marque le point de depart du mouvement democratique. Il avait raison quand il a constate que c'etait grace a la participation des classes populaires que la Revolution francaise avait pu etre la revolution de l'egalite. Sans aucun doute, l'originalite de la Revolution francaise, en comparaison avec les autres revolutions bourgeoises, consiste en ce fait qu'elle a ete accompagnee des revoltes des masses populaires, surtout de la "revolution paysanne". Mais, cette originalite de la Revolution francaise, d'ou vient-elle? Pourquoi devait-elle etre une revolution bourgeoise accompagnee de la revolution paysanne? Je voudrais proposer une solution a ce probleme en considerant la position internationale de la France au XVIII^e siecle et, en fin de compte, ajouter un autre point de vue a la place de la Revolution francaise dans l'histoire. On sait bien que, par sa grave crise economique du XVII^e siecle, la France avait pris un net retard sur l'Angleterre et, malgre sa croissance economique du XVIII^e siecle, elle n'a pas pu le rattraper. Ainsi, a la veille de la Revolution, elle a ete un pays relativement en retard dans le systeme mondial du capitalisme en cours de formation. A cause de cette position internationale, la societe francaise d'Ancien Reginie a ete marquee de trois traits caracteristiques : 1)une puissante bureaucratie ou "etatisme", indispensable, dans la rivalite commerciale du monde, pour diriger une economie nationale en retard ; 2)faiblesse de la bourgeoisie qui a ete, non seulement tardive dans sa croissance, mais aussi etroitement liee au regime existant par l'etatisme ou le dirigisme du gouvernement et par la voie d'anoblissement ; 3)survivance persistante d'une grande masse de petite paysannerie que la faible croissance industrielle de la France, en contraste avec le cas de l'Angleterre, n'a pas pu faire disparaitre au cours de l'industrialisation. Ainsi, la Revolution francaise devait etre accomplie, a cause de la faiblesse de la classe bourgeoise, par la participation de la masse paysanne. On peut dire que la Revolution francaise devait etre une revolution bourgeoise accompagnee de la revolution paysanne puisque la France avait ete situee au rang des pays relativement en retard dans le systeme mondial de cette epoque. Or, il existe une autre revolution accompagnee de la revolution paysanne. C'est la revolution russe. Certes, elle a bien depasse le cadre de la revolution bourgeoise. Mais, il y a une condition commune entre ces deux revolutions ; c'est que la France de la fin du XVIII^e siecle et la Russie du debut du XX^e, toutes les deux, ont ete situees au rang des pays relativement en fetard dans le systeme mondial de chaque epoque. A cause de cette position internationale, deux revolutions devaient etre accompagnees de la revolution paysanne. La difference entre ces deux revolutions, l'une a ete bourgeoise et l'autre proletarienne, pourrait etre expliquee par la difference des epoques : apres la Revolution francaise, la bourgeoisie a refuse le concours de la paysannerie (donc il n'y avait que des "reformes d'en haut" au XIX^e siecle), et, a partir du XX^e siecle, la revolte paysanne pouvait se reunir avec la revolte proletarienne pour donner le jour a la revolution socialiste. Ainsi, la Revolution francaise a ete la derniere des revolutions bourgeoises et la premiere des revolutions en pays relativement sous-developpes. En d'autres termes, elle se situe entre la revolution anglaise et la revolution russe.
著者
齋藤 貴弘
出版者
公益財団法人 史学会
雑誌
史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.106, no.12, pp.2101-2125, 1997

The cult of the healing god Asklepios was a very popular one in the Greco-Roman world. The so-called Telemachos monument (SEG. XXV. 226) tells a story about the introduction of this god in Athens in 420 B.C. We already have many studies about Asklepios, but very few of these studies present an appropriate view concerning the significance which the introduction of Asklepios had on politics and religious activities in Athens in the last half of the fifth century. In conclusion, the author argues that the introduction of Asklepios in Athens was a religious policy to reconstruct the Athenian religious piety which had been squashed by the great plague. The new festival for Asklepios involved the following major themes. The Epidauria, the new festival for Asklepios, was an attempt to link the god Asklepios with the Eleusinian goddesses. Such an association would strengthen the Eleusinian cults by providing the Greek people, especially the Delian League, a concept they could easily identify with. In turn, this plan was supposed to provide Athens with a revival from the plague, and to encourage her allies to dispatch offerings of "first fruits" to Eleusis. The introduction of the festival and the construction of a shrine were carried out in cooperation with the Epidaurian priests, Eleusinian priests and Telemachos, all according to a detailed plan. But conflict arose between the Kerykes and Telemachos. The problem involved the enlargement of the Asklepieion, the sanctuary of Asklepios in the city. Telemachos' motive for an enlargement of this site would have concerned the establishment of the healing cult. Finally, this incident clearly identifies the religious changes that were occurring at this time. Furthermore, the multiplicity of values held by the people of Athens during this period can also be identified.
出版者
公益財団法人 史学会
雑誌
史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.126, no.2, pp.1-39, 2017

本稿は、『大串兎代夫関係文書』(国立国会図書館憲政資料室所蔵)中から、大串が敗戦直後に断片的に書き残した憲法改正論はどのようなものか明らかにし、天皇に統治権を残しているという形式をもって国体・帝国憲法に固執した者と批判してきた従来の日本国憲法成立史の枠組を修正するものである。<br>大串は、終戦の詔書を非常大権の発動と捉え、詔書にしたがい、自主的にポツダム宣言を履行し民主化を進めようとした。特に大串が拘ったのは、バーンズ回答で示された日本の政府形態は日本国民の自由意志で決定するという点であった。大串はこれを国体の問題と捉え、国民投票によって天皇制存続を決定した後に、憲法改正をすべきと考えた。<br>大串の憲法改正案の特徴は、次の三点である。<br>第一に、前文として国民宣言と憲法上諭を設け、統治権が天皇に帰属すること、統治権者としての天皇の権威が国家存立の基礎にあること、ただし統治権の施行は国民に対して責任を負う政府が行うことを宣明し、国体の本質を明らかにした。天皇が国民意志にもとづき統治権を行うことは本文でも明記され、天皇の役割は儀礼的な権限や裁可に限られた。<br>第二に、憲法上諭で、憲法改正の発議権を国民に認め、改正手続の法的正当性を確保しようとした。<br>第三に、同時代の草案ではあまり見られない国民投票、地方自治の章が設けられ、国民の権利として、法の下での平等、教育、勤労、選挙が明記された。<br>このように大串の憲法改正案は天皇に統治権を残したが、それは国民の総意で国家権威として認められ、役割も儀礼的なものに限定されていた。よって実質的には、日本国憲法の象徴天皇制とほぼ同じ内容を備えていた。さらに、国民意志にもとづく政治を徹底し、国家の重要事案の最終判断を国民投票に付そうとしていた点では、一種共和主義的なものを志向しており、その点では社会民主主義者や共産主義者と相重なる特徴を有していた。<br>
著者
朴澤 直秀
出版者
公益財団法人 史学会
雑誌
史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.104, no.6, pp.1115-1142,1208-, 1995

The clarification of the actual relationships between authorized Buddhist sect temples and their patrons (danka 壇家) is necessary if we are to 1)better our understanding of religious policy and registration of community members under the Tokugawa regime, 2)discover the actual patterns of everyday life in rural and urban Japanese society during that time, and 3)expand the study of ideas existing among the various social strata of the time. In the research on the subject to date, scholars have come to understand the relationship (jidan 寺壇 relationship) in the literal sence and have proceeded to investigate the relationship from the viewpoint of the relationship between political power and Buddhism or the common people. However, at the same time, we should also try to understand this relationship between temples and their patrons in terms of the organization of the congregations themselves, referred to in the source materials as danchu 壇中, thus focussing on the relationships between patrons. This viewpoint also demands that we look at the relationships between patrons and non-patrons of a temple living in the same area: that is, the relationship between those who were members of speciflc danchu and those who were not, resulting in an important insight on the local society around a given temple. In reality, temple-patron relationships were much more complicated in many areas depending on regional characteristics, and each member of a local community was entangled in patron relationship to different temples in the area. It is this intricate pattern of jidan relationships that is the focus of the present paper: that is, the author is attempting to examine the relationship between temples and their patrons in terms of the patron organization and the entanglement of belief systems in any one village or local area. For this purpose, he presents the case of the area around the village of Yoita 与板, Santo-Gun 三島郡, in the region of Shimo-Echigo 下越後. Shin 真 Buddhism has been predominant around the area. After clarifying the local patron organizations, he attempts to place the resulting temple-patron relationships in terms of beliefs by going beyond the temple-patron relationships and viewing, the total relationship between the religious institutions and the local community as a whole through an analysis of local kami 神 beliefs, centering around village guardian deities, in addition to a description of how the Yoita branch of the Nishi-Honganji 西本願寺 Shin sect was established. From these examples, he concludes that 1)a village-level patron organization existed with the function of not only local beliefs but the relationship between the patron organization and its patron temple (danna-dera 檀那寺), or religious sect, and 2)a relationship that transcended relationships between individual temples and their patrons also existed, which tied local religious institutions (shrines and temples alike) to all local groups and individuals.