著者

後藤 乾一

出版者

Japan Society for Southeast Asian Studies

雑誌

東南アジア -歴史と文化- (ISSN:03869040)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1992, no.21, pp.202-204, 1992-06-01 (Released:2010-03-16)

被引用文献数

1 1

著者

高橋 昭雄

出版者

東南アジア学会

雑誌

東南アジア -歴史と文化- (ISSN:03869040)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2011, no.40, pp.165-170, 2011 (Released:2016-12-14)

参考文献数

3

著者

吉川 利治

出版者

東南アジア学会

雑誌

東南アジア -歴史と文化-

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1994, no.23, pp.129-130, 1994

著者

吉田 信

出版者

東南アジア学会

雑誌

東南アジア -歴史と文化- (ISSN:03869040)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2008, no.37, pp.3-27, 2008 (Released:2016-12-13)

参考文献数

47

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This article takes a historical approach to the legal status of the Japanese in the Dutch East Indies with particular emphasis on the law making process. It is widely known that the Dutch government made a legal distinction between its colonial population as Europeans and “inlanders (natives).” The criterion of this distinction was that the concerned group could be regarded as either “civilized” or not. According to the law, the Japanese were classified as “inlanders” until the introduction of the Japanese Law. However, as the navigation treaty between the Dutch and Japanese governments concluded in 1896, the Dutch government was confronted with whether or not to change the legal status of the Japanese in the East Indies. They subsequently enacted the so-called Japanese Law to elevate the Japanese from “inlanders” to quasi-Europeans. A parliamentary discussion regarding this law reveals the notion of civilization held by the law-makers and Dutch politicians. In addition, this article describes how the Japanese recognize this law in relation to its social significance in the East Indies.

著者

斎藤 照子

出版者

東南アジア学会

雑誌

東南アジア -歴史と文化- (ISSN:03869040)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2013, no.42, pp.59-79, 2013 (Released:2016-12-15)

参考文献数

18

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In the 18th−19th century Burma, a variety of metallic currencies casted freely by any individuals were circulated side by side with gold, silver, copper and lead bullion. Accordingly, people had to call assayers and weighers who gauged the quality and weight of these currencies in every commercial transaction. An attempt at standardizing currencies was made by two kings; King Bodaw-hpaya at the end of the 18th century and King Mindon in 1865. The first monetary reform was not successful, while the second one proved to be successful, despite the similarity in terms of policy content and methodology. Conventional studies on these monetary reforms have failed to inquire into the causes of the failure and success of each reform. This paper argues that the first reform could not eliminate the middlemen such as brokers and assayers who played important roles in providing as well as circulating monies. As for the second reform, ironically enough, it was given a momentum by the loss of Lower Burma in the 2nd Anglo-Burmese war in 1852. The Lower Burma, the important supplier of the staple to the Central Burma was annexed to the British India. The royal government had to procure necessary staples with the currencies acceptable to the British Burma. Only option for the government was to issue the standardized currency similar to the British Indian Rupee in terms of quality and weight. Basing on the Burmese case study, we suggest that studies on the monetary systems would surely provide several useful insights to understand the 18−19th century Southeast Asia. (1)The study on monetary systems in the 18−19th centuries reveals that the process of political integration and economic integration did not occur simultaneously. In terms of currency circulation, different areas coexisted within a politically integrated area and it was not rare such an area was connected to areas belonged to other polities. (2)Research on Southeast Asian monetary system before the colonial period will surely provide ample opportunities for the comparative studies not only within the area but also between SEA and the neighboring countries such as China, India and Japan. (3)The study of currencies leads us to the deeper understanding of segmented markets and the important roles of middlemen who connect demands and supplies, which we can observe up to now in many places in Southeast Asia.

著者

百瀬 侑子

出版者

Japan Society for Southeast Asian Studies

雑誌

東南アジア -歴史と文化- (ISSN:03869040)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2002, no.31, pp.97-112, 2002-05-30 (Released:2010-03-16)

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Kamishibai originated in Japan's early Showa era for children's amusement perfomed by street performers. Later, Kamishibai was introduced into school education. During the wartime era, Kamishibai was used as a military propaganda media by the Japanese government.After Japanese Forces occupied Indonesia, Kamishibai began to be used as a tool for pacifying the local peoples and to force them to cooperate with the Japanese military administration.This parer analyzes why Kamishibai were produced and also clarifies what kinds of Kamishibai were produced in Indonesia under the Japanese Occupation.Some of the author's results are:(1) Kamishibai on the subject of “destroying the USA and UK” were produced for the purpose of propagandizing the significance of the war.(2) Kamishibai on the subject of “saving money” and “increasing production” were produced for the purpose for the propagandizing the wartime economic policy.(3) Kamishibai on the subject of “labor” and “social services” were produced for the purpose of maximizing contributions from Indonesians.(4) Kamishibai on the subject of “tonarigumi” and “fujinkai” were produced for the purpose of organizing Indonesians.(5) Kamishibai on the subject of “heiho” and “kaiin yoseijo (seamen's training center)” were produced for the purpose of recruiting Indonesian young men.(6) There were many Kamishibai produced based on actual stories.These topics were also used in movies, plays and radio broadcasts. The Japanese propaganda bureau used a number of media for the same campaign topic to get improve their results. Kamishibai had economical, mobile and popular characteristics. For example, Kamishibai could be produced at low cost, delivered to small remote villages by bicycle, and used of indoctrinating even illiterate people.

著者

野田 彦四郎

出版者

Japan Society for Southeast Asian Studies

雑誌

東南アジア -歴史と文化- (ISSN:03869040)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1971, no.1, pp.101-121, 1971-10-28 (Released:2010-03-16)

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Very few articles on the study of international relations between the Chakri Dynasty in Thailand and the Ch'ing Dynasty in China during the first half of the nineteenth century have been published, although the relationship between them has had a great effect on the modern history of Thailand. This is one reason why the author wants to fill this gap in our historical studies on the subject.Three major periods in the relations between these two countries are: a) the period of increased trade and developed political relations from 1821 to 1843, b) the period of decreased trade and declined political relations from 1843 to 1861, c) the period of broken and alienated relations from 1868 to the e of the Ch'ing Dynasty.Since the first period of the Ch'ing Dynasty was a golden age, the Chine emperors regarded Chakri kings in Thailand as a and asked them to show their submission through tribute trade to the Peking Court, while their treatment of envoys from Thailand was tempered with mercy. Chinese historical documents of the period also show us trade commodities from and to Thailand, a well as Chinese relief activities for wrecked Thai ships on the coast of southern China and the role of overseas Chinese in trade between Bangkok and Canton. Since 1843 of the reign of Rama III in Thailand, the tribute trade from Thailand began to declined.

著者

鈴木 中正

出版者

Japan Society for Southeast Asian Studies

雑誌

東南アジア -歴史と文化- (ISSN:03869040)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1981, no.10, pp.3-16, 1981-06-30 (Released:2010-03-16)

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Because the Chinese Ch'ing Dynasty deemed Burma a troublemaker in the Southeastern border area of the province of Yunnan, it sent four successive expeditions to Burma during the years from 1766 to 1790. The Shan states on the borders had long been sending tribute to the Burmese court of Ava but the practice was disrupted due to the disorder in Burma caused by the dynastic alternation of the mid-eighteenth century. The newly established Konbaung dynasty claimed their right to collect tribute from the Shan states and while carring on a campaign in Ayuthaya, Siam (1764-67). The Ch'ing emperor thought it necessary to punish and expel the marauders at their borders. The Ch'ing at the zenith of its power mobilized all its resources to chastise Burma but the new dynasty in Burma made every effort to withstand the invaders.The last Ch'ing expeditionary army evacuated Burma at the end of 1769, after concluding a truce agreement on reciprocal restitution of the war captives and surrenders. The Ch'en-lung emperor, however, never consented to turn over the princes of the Shan states who had surrendered to the Ch'ing side, thus putting the border area in a state of severe tension. But a rebellion occured in the province of Sze-ch'uan in 1771 diverting the emperor's concern from Burma and his resentment was gradually dissipated.For the purpose of normalizing relations with the Ch'ing, Burma attempted to negotiate twice, in 1772 and in 1777. Their effort, however, was in vain because the Ch'ing emperor continued to demand from Burma, unilateral restitution of war captives. Among the Shan rulers on the borders, however, there emerged a move to normalize the relations between their two powerful neighbors in order to bring about trade relations which profitted the border states. In 1787, the prince of Keng Ma, a Shan state on the Yunnan side, sent a friendship mission to Burma disguised as a Ch'ing court mission: Burma sent a return mission to Peking in 1788. This brought the two countries' relations nearly to completion. In 1790, the prince of Bhamo on the Burmese side, sent a mission to Peking on his own initiative, unnoticed by the court of Burma. Thus the long disrupted Sino-Burmese relations came to be normalized despite the fact that the Ch'ing court declared Burma as its vassal state and Burma had no intention of accepting such a status

著者

石澤 良昭

出版者

Japan Society for Southeast Asian Studies

雑誌

東南アジア -歴史と文化- (ISSN:03869040)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2002, no.31, pp.3-26, 2002-05-30 (Released:2010-03-16)

著者

永野 善子

出版者

東南アジア学会

雑誌

東南アジア -歴史と文化- (ISSN:03869040)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2009, no.38, pp.226-230, 2009 (Released:2016-12-14)

著者

山形 眞理子

出版者

東南アジア学会

雑誌

東南アジア -歴史と文化- (ISSN:03869040)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2017, no.46, pp.88-92, 2017

著者

伊藤 未帆

出版者

東南アジア学会

雑誌

東南アジア -歴史と文化- (ISSN:03869040)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2013, no.42, pp.103-108, 2013 (Released:2016-12-15)

参考文献数

7

著者

小島 敬裕

出版者

東南アジア学会

雑誌

東南アジア -歴史と文化- (ISSN:03869040)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2016, no.45, pp.149-153, 2016 (Released:2018-06-01)

参考文献数

1

著者

岩城 高広

出版者

Japan Society for Southeast Asian Studies

雑誌

東南アジア -歴史と文化- (ISSN:03869040)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2001, no.30, pp.144-147, 2001-06-01 (Released:2010-03-16)

著者

吉開 将人

出版者

Japan Society for Southeast Asian Studies

雑誌

東南アジア -歴史と文化- (ISSN:03869040)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2002, no.31, pp.79-96, 2002-05-30 (Released:2010-03-16)

参考文献数

51

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Lingnan (Guangdong and Guangxi in China) and northern Vietnam have a long history of relation dating back to ancient times. However, after Vietnam's independence from China, the history of both areas came to have completely different meanings for both Chinese and Vietnamese historians. This article is an attempt to discuss the history of both areas as an unity, based mainly on recent archaeological studies.The topics discussed here are:(1) The conquest of the Lingnan area by the Qin dynasty began within one year after the unification of the Warring States and that northern Vietnam was outside of the Qin's conquest area.(2) The Nanyue kingdom established by Zhaotuo at the end of the third century B. C. in the Lingnan area had different control systems over different areas of the kingdom. Northern Vietnam was one of them.(3) Except that several artifacts belong to early Shang dynasty, all of the early dated findings related to Chinese cultural tradition, such as a bronze pot, coins and mirrors unearthened in northern Vietnam, are dated the Nanyue period, the second century B. C.(4) The significance of the Nanyue period as the starting point of political and cultural relation between Lingnan and northern Vietnam should be highly valued.(5) Official seals for special titles and other archaeological facts showing as continuation of local tradition indicate that political control over native leaders and the cultural tradition since the Nanyue period basically continued in these areas, even after the conquest of Nanyue by emperor Wudi of the Han dynasty in 111 B. C. until the middle of the first century A. D.Several historical issues during the first millennium A. D. and problems about the construction of self-image and historical identities by both Vietnamese and Cantonese historians after independence of Vietnam from China are also discussed.

著者

市川 健二郎

出版者

Japan Society for Southeast Asian Studies

雑誌

東南アジア -歴史と文化- (ISSN:03869040)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1986, no.15, pp.90-105, 1986-05-20 (Released:2010-02-25)

著者

久保 忠行

出版者

東南アジア学会

雑誌

東南アジア -歴史と文化- (ISSN:03869040)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2020, no.49, pp.234-238, 2020 (Released:2022-06-01)

参考文献数

2

出版者

Japan Society for Southeast Asian Studies

雑誌

東南アジア -歴史と文化- (ISSN:03869040)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1976, no.6, pp.169-199, 1976-11-25 (Released:2010-03-16)

著者

山本 達郎

出版者

Japan Society for Southeast Asian Studies

雑誌

東南アジア -歴史と文化- (ISSN:03869040)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1991, no.20, pp.133-135, 1991-05-30 (Released:2010-03-16)

著者

津田 浩司

出版者

東南アジア学会

雑誌

東南アジア -歴史と文化- (ISSN:03869040)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2020, no.49, pp.223-228, 2020 (Released:2022-06-01)

参考文献数

3