著者
向井 佑介
出版者
東洋史研究会
雑誌
東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.68, no.3, pp.516-528, 2009-12
著者
向井 佑介
出版者
京都大學人文科學研究所
雑誌
東方学報 = Journal of Oriental studies (ISSN:03042448)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.88, pp.81-110, 2013-12

This paper will consider the Sinification of the Buddhist stupa, which originated in India, through an examination of archaeological findings, iconographic materials and written documents from early Chinese Buddhism. First, I examine how early Chinese Buddhist temples were planned, and how religious activities were practiced in there. The pagodas at that time were placed in the center of temples and played important role in religious activity. Recent excavation at the northern Wei temple on the western hill of the Yungang 雲岡 caves clarifies that the buildings of this temple consisted of a pagoda placed in a courtyard and a square-shaped monastery surrounding it. This finding indicates that this style of temple, which originated in the Gandharan vihara, was introduced into Chinese Buddhist temples by the late 5th century. In addition, investigation of the Siyuan-fosi 思遠佛寺 temple at Fangshan 方山and the Siyan-fotu 思燕佛圖 temple at Chaoyang 朝陽 proves that the inside of these pagodas were decorated with clay statuary and wall paintings. The inside of these decorated pagodas was a space for not only worship by believers but also meditation by monks, and through these religious practices they prayed for ascending to Tusita 兜率 heaven where Maitreya Bodhisattva 彌勒菩薩 was believed to live. Second, I discuss how people understood the cosmology of Chinese pagodas by fusing the Buddhist perspectives of the universe with traditional Chinese ideas about immortality and ascension. In China, Buddhist stupas were changed into many-storied tall buildings, on the top of which small stupas were placed. This change occurred because the Buddha was thought to be similar to Chinese immortals, and pagodas were built on the model of the tall buildings on which immortals were deified. The objects called Lupan 露盤 on the top of pagodas symbolize the Chinese traditional idea of immortals, as the origin of this term lies not in Buddhist literatures but derives from the word Chenglupan 承露盤, dew basins on the top of the tall buildings for immortals. On the other hand, pagodas, at that time, were sometimes united with Mt. Sumeru 須彌山, and people desired to ascend to Tushita heaven of Maitreya Bodhisattva through this mythic mountain. Connecting heaven and earth, pagodas embodied ideas about immortality and ascension, and increased peoples' belief in them.
著者
向井 佑介
出版者
早稲田大学考古学会
雑誌
古代 (ISSN:04522516)
巻号頁・発行日
no.129, pp.177-214, 2012-09
著者
向井 佑介
出版者
京都大學人文科學研究所
雑誌
東方学報 (ISSN:03042448)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.85, pp.133-177, 2010-03

In the last few decades, a considerable number of tombs were discovered and our knowledge about the mortuary system in the Northern Wei 北魏 Period has rapidly deepened. The transformation of mortuary system in the 5th century reflects not only the Sinification process of the Tuoba Xianbei 拓跋鮮卑 but also intercultural conflict between agricultural and nomadic traditions. The purpose of this paper is to reveal the Sinification process of nomads analyzing the transformation of burial structure and customs in the 5th century. First, I re-examined chronological framework of potteries unearthed from the tombs in the southern suburbs of Datong 大同 and concluded it to be right for the most part. According to the Sinification process of the Tuoba Xianbei, crafting technique of potteries was improved in stages, especially in the late 5th century. Secondly, the burial structure must have been variable according to the status or wealth of its owners. Since early part of the Northern Wei period, a small group of the aristocracy had already been buried in the brick-chambered tombs, such as the tombs at Meidai Village 美岱村 and the mural tomb at Shaling Village 沙嶺村. The brick chamber tombs with curvy-side square plan and pyramidal ceiling were rapidly diffused as the upper-class burials in the late 5th century, while the pit-style or underground cave style burials with wooden coffins held the majority in the lower and middle class cemetery. The square-shaped chambers with terracotta figurines and funerary couches were prepared for its owners' next life. These things indicate that the new type of burial structure which had been diffused in the late 5 th century was attended by ideological changes on burials.
著者
向井 佑介
出版者
史学研究会 (京都大学文学部内)
雑誌
史林 (ISSN:03869369)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.87, no.5, pp.563-602, 2004-09

中国北朝の瓦は五世紀末頃に瓦当文様や製作技法が大きく変化し、それは隋唐期以降の瓦に多大な影響を与えている。本稿は、瓦当文様や製作技法の検討から当該期の変化を年代的に整理するとともに、刻印や箆書きの文字瓦の分析により瓦生産の特質を明らかにすることを目的としたものである。従来、文字瓦に対する研究は記載された文字の意味を探ることに終始してきたが、筆者は文字の記載位置や製作技法の分析を文字内容の検討とあわせておこなうことにより、北朝から隋唐期の文字瓦が一連の系譜として理解しうることを指摘した。品質管理と労働管理の必要性から出現した北朝の文字瓦は、隋唐期になると変質していくが、その出現と展開は瓦当文様や製作技法の変遷と対応するだけでなく、当時の政治的・社会的背景をも反映していることを明らかにした。
著者
岡村 秀典 稲葉 穣 船山 徹 向井 佑介 菱田 哲郎 今井 晃樹 稲本 泰生 廣川 守
出版者
京都大学
雑誌
基盤研究(B)
巻号頁・発行日
2008

雲岡石窟の研究に関連して、480年前後に北魏王朝が造営した方山思遠寺址などの仏教寺院址とその出土遺物を調査し、北魏仏教寺院址の全体像を明らかにした。また、北魏孝文帝が481年に奉納した舎利文物が河北省定州市で発見され、そこから出土した金属器とガラス器について蛍光X線分析をふくむ考古学的・理化学的調査を実施した。その結果、仏教文化の東伝にともなって新しい青銅器やガラス器の制作技術が西から伝わったことを明らかにした
著者
向井 佑介
出版者
東洋史研究会
雑誌
東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.73, no.1, pp.1-34, 2014-06
著者
向井 佑介
出版者
東洋史研究会
雑誌
東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.73, no.1, pp.1-34, 2014-06

In this paper, I consider the seat of the spirit (神坐) in tombs and the idea reflected in them through an examination of archaeological findings and written materials from the Han to the Tang period in China. The seat of the spirit found in tombs first emerged during the Western Han period with the change in tomb structure from tombs with wooden caskets to brick or stone-chamber tombs. The new burial style that emerged at that time was based on the conception that the spirit of the dead would either continue to live in the tomb or that the spirit would travel to the nether world and return to this world through the tomb. The seat of the spirit in tombs was the place where the spirit of the dead resided, and it was the site where participants in the funeral performed rituals for the tomb's occupant. In the Wei and the Jin period, the lavish burials of the Han period fell out of favor, and with the spread of plain burials, construction of a shrine beside the tomb was prohibited and tomb structure and mortuary goods were simplified. In plain burials, the seat of spirit, thought to be a prerequisite for tombs, and the custom of performing a ritual for the tomb occupant were continued. At that time, there were opposing ideas about the seat of the spirit in tombs; the interpretation in the Confucian classics was alienated from the sensibilities of the general public. According to the Confucian classical rules, the spirit of the dead should be worshiped at a mausoleum, so the seat of spirit in a tomb was considered a provisional feature. On the other hand, many people at that time thought that the seat of the spirit was the place where the tomb occupant would reside, so they practiced rituals for dead ancestors at tombs. In Northern China after the latter half of the fifth century, most of the populace in the Northern Wei came to think that the spirit of the dead resided in the burial chamber and practiced rituals at the front of the coffin (corpse) in the burial chamber because the spirit and body were inseparably linked to one another. This was probably because the people of the Northern Tribes could not grasp how the seat of the spirit could be separated from the coffin (corpse) in tomb. According to the distinction of traditional Chinese ritual, however, the burial rituals for the body of the dead as an inauspicious ritual should not be mixed with the auspicious ritual for the spirit. In the latter half of the Northern Dynasties, this problem was resolved, and the seat of the spirit was made independent of the location of the coffin (corpse) that was set on funerary furnishings, and this new burial custom was carried on to tombs of the Sui and the Tang dynasties.