著者
宮 紀子
出版者
京都大學人文科學研究所
雑誌
東方学報 = Journal of Oriental studies (ISSN:03042448)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.91, pp.450-309, 2016-12

This paper is translation and annotation on 1280's edict "which prohibited for sarta'ul (Muslims and Jews) to slaughter sheep by slitting the throat and to perform the sunnat (circumcision) 禁囘囘抹殺羊做速納" preserved in Yuan dian-chang (57, f. 11a9-f. 11b10.). Reading various primary sources such as Yuan shi 元史, Jāmi'al-Tavārīkh, Il Milione in the original, make clear that promulgation of this edict caused by keen struggle for power and money between two parties ; one was the Muslims led by Ahhmad Fanākatī who was a minion and the Finance Minister of Qubilai-Qa'an 世祖, the other was composed of the high officials and Uighur merchants that were mostly Nestorian Christians and put their hopes on Prince Činkim. The ultimate purpose of this prohibitory decree was to interrupt the former business on a Eurasian scale. In order to slander Ahḥmad' party, it enumerated some instances ; Sufi's rebellions which happened at Bukhara (there were dependencies of Tolui's family.) in Central Asia and another cities under the Hulegu ulus, and Hulegud vizier's betrayals which held secret communication with the Mamluk or Joči's ulus adopting a slogan of Islamic state. It must be far from Qubilai's true intention. Actually, he repealed it as soon as Činkim was confined. The struggle of two parties continued after Qubilai's death. His grandson Ananda not 553 only entered into rivalry with Činkim's son Temur-Qa'an ����宗by exploiting this situation but also attempted to obtain the cooperation of Hulegud Gazan-Qan and Mongol princes of Central Asia for the purpose of becoming next Qa'an. Thus he pretended to be a Muslim. Besides, as supporting evidences for prompt and frequent exchange of information between Dai on yeke Mongγol ulus 大元大蒙古國 and Hulegu's ulus, I furnish some themes such as collecting Buddha's ashes and it' welcome ceremonies, producing Mappa mundi (world map) and Rāh-nāmah (portolano), manufacturing portraits of Mongol royal families and planning capitals. Then I reconsider about the context of many manuscripts of "History of Mongol" in the Jāmi'al-Tavārīkh can be classified into two main groups from miniature painting's angle. Finally I point out a serious scandal that may be one of the causes of discord between Qubilai and Činkim, that is to say, Ayurbarwada-Qa'an 仁宗 was not Qubilai's great-grandson but was his love child.
著者
二宮 紀子
雑誌
十文字学園女子大学紀要 = Bulletin of Jumonji University (ISSN:24240591)
巻号頁・発行日
no.50, pp.123-136, 2020-03-28

今年度4 月にМ L 教室が設置されたことを機に、幼児教育学科のピアノ演奏に関わる科目、特に「音楽基礎Ⅱ」( 1 年次後期開講)の準備講座を自主ゼミという形で開講した。また現行では子どもの歌の伴奏法の内容を扱っている「保育内容の指導法(音楽表現)」( 3 年次前・後期開講)の授業をМ L 教室で行った。本稿はこの2 つの実践の報告である。М L 教室では学生一人に1 台の電子ピアノが割り当てられるため、楽譜の読み方や子どもの歌の伴奏を考える際に必要となってくる音楽理論を、実際に弾いて音として確かめながら学ぶことができる。その利点を生かしながら、受講者全員でまずピアノの課題の楽譜を、あるいは子どもの歌を全員でドレミで歌い、拍に合わせてリズムを叩くという準備を行ってから弾くという学習を行った結果、読譜力の育成、音楽理論理解、ピアノの演奏技術習得に効果が認められたことを、講座終了後の学生の姿や授業終了後に行った学生アンケートの分析から見ることができた。日本の音楽教育で読譜や理論の学びを難しいものにしている原因の一つがドレミ唱法の混乱である。ハニホヘトイロハという音名を定めておきながら、固定ド唱法と称してドレミを音名としても使い、階名であるドレミとの混乱を招いた。ピアノを弾くというだけであれば、五線による楽譜もピアノの鍵盤も固定ドの原則で作られているので、固定ドだけを学べばよいと考える教員もいる。しかし、音楽のしくみ、音階や和音の機能などは移動ド(階名)の考え方に基づいていること、何より保育者になる学生達には子どもの声の高さに合わせて自在に高さを変えて歌える力を身につけてもらいたいことから、階名としてのドレミ唱法を理解してほしいと考えている。学生が、混乱を招きかねない2 種類のドレミ唱法を経験しながら奏法と理論をどのように学んだか、М L 教室ならではの学習の流れと工夫点を振り返り今後の授業実践に反映させたい。
著者
宮 紀子
出版者
中國文學會
雑誌
中國文學報 (ISSN:05780934)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.59, pp.99-132, 1999-10
著者
宮 紀子
出版者
史学研究会 (京都大学文学部内)
雑誌
史林 (ISSN:03869369)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.88, no.6, pp.814-844, 2005-11

中国の歴代王朝は、孔子と儒教を尊重し、山東省曲阜筆の孔子廟とそこに住まう孔子の子孫を特別に保護してきた。衍聖公とは、宋代以降、本家の当主が世襲してきた爵位である。孔子の子孫は、戦争や一族の内紛によって、次第に曲阜から全国各地に散らばっていった。『新安文献志』には、大元ウルスの至正年間に、衍聖公が徽州在住の孔子の子孫に発給した極めて珍しい命令書が収録されている。この命令書は、携帯する者が孔子の正統な子孫であることを証明し、かれらが江南に進学する際に、宿泊費、旅費、食費、書籍購入費を、当地の廟学、書院が支給することを命じた一種のパスポートであった。とうじ、孔子の子孫のみならず顔子、孟子の子孫もこの特別待遇をうけられた。こうした命令書の発給が可能になった背景には、仁宗アユルバルワダ以降の朝廷によって進められた衍聖公の権力の強化と、全国から集められた孔・顔・孟三氏の家系図の整理事業があったと考えられる。Successive Chinese dynasties have esteemed Kongzi 孔子 (Confucius) and Confucian learning and have bestowed special privileges to the temple of Kongzi at Qufu 曲阜 in Shandong and to his descendants. Yanshenggong 衍聖公 was the hereditary title of nobility granted to the heirs of Kongzi after the Song dynasty. The descendants of Kongzi were gradually dispersed throughout the land from Qufu due to warfare and internal strife within the family. As a result of the Jurchen advance into northern China in particular, the main line of Kongzi was split into two houses, and holders of the title Yanshenggong arose in Qufu under the Jin dynasty and also in Quzhou 衢州 under the Southern Song. Furthermore, amidst the turmoil at the demise of the Jin dynasty, the Mongol court, or the bureaucrats who administered the Shandong area under their rule, strove from early on to protect Qufu and the descendants there, but, because of over zealousness on both sides, the awkward situation of having two holders of the title Yanshenggong at the same time arose at Qufu. The situation was soon remedied by the intervention of the Mongol court, but this was ultimately simply papering over a deeper rift, and become a source of the long-term conflict within Kongzi family at Qufu. On the other hand, after take over of the Southern Song by the founder of the dynasty, Kublai khan, the Kongzi family in Quzhou relinquished the title of Yanshenggong, and thereafter only one person held the title. However, the questions of just when after the time of Kublai the Yanshenggong obtained real power, what concrete authority was exercised, and what orders were issued to temple schools 廟学 and private academies 書院, the Kong family and Confucian scholars throughout the land has never been examined. Nor can it be said that historical sources of various types such as texts, stone inscriptions and archival government documents that are concerned with the relationship between the Kong family in Qufu and branches of family around the nation have been sufficiently explored. In the work known as the Xinanwenxianzhi 新安文献志 are found the extremely rare written orders of 55th Yanshenggong, Kong Kejian 孔克堅, to Kong Kehuan 孔克煥, and his three brothers, descendants of Kongzi who resided in Huizhou 徽州 during the Zhizheng 至正 era of the Daion ulus (Yuan dynasty). This written order verified the holder as a genuine descendant of Kongzi and functioned something like a passport, ordering that the costs of lodging, travel, food, and book purchases be born by the local temple schools and academies when these descendants traveled in the South江南. Moreover, the same written orders were issued to other descendants of Kongzi throughout the nation. The famous mid-Ming era official Wu Kuan 呉寛 actually saw one of these documents. Furthermore, it was not only the descendants of Kongzi, but also those of Yanzi 顔子 and Mengzi 孟子 who also received such special treatment. Because a particularly plush lifestyle was guaranteed them, there were even cases of officials resigning their posts to become itinerant scholars. Kong Keqi 孔克斉, the author of Zhizhenghiji 至正直記, was probably able to travel about the land and obtain vast knowledge, and establish his reputation as a collector of books and rubbings by virtue of having received such an order from the Yanshenggong. The historical background that made the issuing of such orders by the Yanshenggong possible was the deliberate bestowal and strengthening of the authority of Kong Sihui 孔思晦, the 54th Yanshenggong (who had Jurchen blood and was the father of Kejian) by the imperial court after Renzong 仁宗 (Ayurbarwada), and the fact that he was provided personnel, material assistance, and funding because his home functioned as the national general headquarters of Confucian scholars and as a government office. It should also be noted that Kong Sihui himself directed the organization of the lineages of the three families, Kong, Yan, and Meng.
著者
宮 紀子
出版者
京都大学
雑誌
若手研究(B)
巻号頁・発行日
2008

13-15世紀にペルシア語、漢語等で著された文献を収集、当時の多言語辞書を利用して分析し、以下の新事実が判明。(1)モンケがフレグ大王のもとに常徳を派遣した目的は東西の薬草の名前の統一にあった(2)Nasira1-dinT丘siに中国の歴史と天文学を教えた医師の名は傅野(3)14世紀初頭にペルシア語に翻訳された中国の医学書Tanksuq namahの原本は李駒の『日希萢子脈訣集解』十二巻(4)和算の発展はモンゴル初期における東西学術交流の延長(5)ケシク制度の原型は旬奴に遡る(6)ブラルグチの重要性(7)クビライの宰相アフマドもブラルグチの長官(8)アフマド暗殺は江南の富の掌握をめぐる皇太子チンキムとの権力闘争の結果。