著者

野尻 亘

出版者

桃山学院大学

雑誌

桃山学院大学人間科学 (ISSN:09170227)

巻号頁・発行日

no.35, pp.55-76, 2008-07-07

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Since the 1980s, the Asian economies have witnessed rapid economic growth, starting with the NIES and followed by the ASEAN nations, China, and India. The three defining characteristics of this economic development are 1) urbanization (concentration of populations in urban areas and the expansion of metropolises) 2) industrialization (the transition from import substitution to export promotion development strategies, and from labor-intensive industries to high-tech electronic industries), and 3) trade development (expanded exports).These high-growth Asian cities are characterized by factors such as the following 1) the rise and fall of historical dynasties (formation of cities on historical city sites), 2) the propagation of religion (formation of cities serving as religious centers), 3) the rise of colonialism (establishment of colonial cities), 4) the influx of immigrants from China (formation of ethnic neighborhood and trading cites).According to urban geographer, Dr. McGee, Asian cities were either sacred cities (religious centers or centers of deified authority), or market cities (trading centers for surrounding villages, bazaar centers, etc. ) prior to industrialization and modernization. This led to their being made into colonial cities once they initiated contact with the west. The colonial cities took on a variety of functions as port cities and centers of trade and political control. In the contemporary period following independence, the original status of sacred city was restored for some of these areas. That is, to ensure the success of national governments utilizing the historical concentration of power in the colonial cities, they became religious centers in a new form of nationalism.The populations of the Asian cities rose dramatically from the 1950s through the 1970s, yet this was not a case of the urban demand for labor absorbing excess rural labor. On the country, due to the spread of the commercial economy to the villages, subsistence farming declined and poverty became rampant in the rural setting. This pressure on the villages was a major reason for accelerated population influxes from rural to urban areas.The influx of labor, which far exceeds the employment capacity of these cities, is known as "excess urbanization" or "urbanization-without-industrialization." The migrants were absorbed in informal sectors related to the cities' various industries, including peddling, outdoor-stands, and so on, and they moved into slums and squatter areas.From the 1980s onward, due to factors such as economic and financial globalization as well as the end of the Cold War, the Asian cities were incorporated into the world system, which lead to even more dramatic leaps in development. Greater influx of foreign capital, industrialization, and capital accumulation led to the further expansion of urban areas and to great changes in the the cityscapes. In the 1990s, "mega-metropolises"began to form, where large cities and surrounding areas comprise huge urban areas of more than ten million people. This period marked the rise of new towns along highways and railways and the development of residential areas for the middle class, which represent more sophisticated use of urban land and the "verticalization" of the city landscape. At the same time, these cities began to see urban sprawl, characterized by a disorderly distribution and coexistence of urban elements such as massive shopping centers, golf courses, foreign-owned plant facilities, etc., alongside densely populated rural suburbs that still maintain the traditional rural environment.Dr. McGee refers to the massive cities that have developed in this way as "mega urban regions" or "extended metropolitan areas. "

著者

高橋 ひとみ/川端 秀仁/衞藤 隆

出版者

桃山学院大学

雑誌

桃山学院大学人間科学 (ISSN:09170227)

巻号頁・発行日

no.45, pp.89-110, 2014-03-28

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Children are given visual acuity tests at school. The purpose of the tests is to facilitate school education. There are two types of visual acuity: far- and near-vision visual acuity. Far-vision visual acuity is required, for example, when reading something written on a whiteboard in a classroom. On the other hand, near-vision visual acuity is needed when reading textbooks, notebooks, or when looking at computer screens. However, only far-vision visual acuity tests are typically included in medical examinations at public schools. We believe that a near-vision visual acuity test is necessary, and so in this paper we analyze some basic data about the relationship between children's near-vision visual acuity and their learning efficiency. For the purposes of the paper, we examined both far-vision and near-vision visual acuity, refraction test, questionnaire survey of children at an elementary school. We found that approximately20% of the children had poor, near-vision visual acuity. In addition,8% of the children had only poor near-vision visual acuity. We further found that children with poor far- and near-vision acuity had more learning difficulties compared with children of normal visual acuity. Among children with learning difficulties, the percentage of children with poor far-vision acuity was the same as that of children with poor near-vision acuity. Children whose far-vision visual acuity is found to be lacking are given remedial treatment. We therefore strongly recommend the addition of near-vision visual acuity tests in public schools so that children found to have near-vision acuity problems can be given treatment too. We have to carry out near-vision visual acuity tests and guarantee all children an opportunity to learn.

著者

竹中 暉雄

出版者

桃山学院大学

雑誌

桃山学院大学人間科学 (ISSN:09170227)

巻号頁・発行日

no.34, pp.210-131[含 英語文要旨], 2007-12

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This paper mainly discusses the following six points.1. In order to understand the political background of Gakusei, we have to recognize not only the opposition of the Ministry of Finance on the grounds of financial difficulties, but also the fact that the issue of Gakusei was in conflict with the contract which was made with Ambassador Iwakura.2. Gakusei was hastily issued to make the political achievements of the cabinet members who remained in Japan.3. The most influential Sangi (cabinet member), Shigenobu Ookuma, did not hesitate in breaking the contract. On the other hand, Kaoru Inoue who was the temporary head of the Ministry of Finance did not make good use of the contract as the best excuse to restrict new projects such as Gakusei. In order to understand their actions, it is necessary to comprehend the formation process of Ambassador Iwakura and the contract itself.4. Ookuma could not play as important role in the process of making the contract as he had intended, and as he mentioned in his retrospective talk.5. Inoue could not make a secret promise with the cabinet leaders about his own overseas travel in the process of making the contract, while the political opponent of Inoue went abroad as one of the attendants of Ambassador Iwakura.6. The breach of contract by the cabinet members who remained in Japan was clouded after all, because Ambassador Iwakura also did not keep the contract, and because it became impossible to blame Ookuma and Ooki who became indispensable ministers as a result of the political change in 1873.

著者

小林 信彦

出版者

桃山学院大学

雑誌

桃山学院大学人間科学 (ISSN:09170227)

巻号頁・発行日

no.28, pp.19-62, 2004-12-10

著者

和栗 珠里

出版者

桃山学院大学

雑誌

桃山学院大学人間科学 (ISSN:09170227)

巻号頁・発行日

no.45, pp.123-150, 2014-03-28

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For the Republic of Venice the16th century was a time of hardships and changes. Above all the so-called Italian Wars and the repeated attacks on her colonies by the Ottoman Empire exhausted La Serenissima politically, militarily, and economically. One of the measures she took in order to break the financial deadlock was auctioning of offices. It was an expedient way out, which has been thought to have corrupted the republican spirit and reinforced the oligarchic tendency in Venice. The most profitable was auctioning the prestigious posts of the Procuratori di San Marco (PSM). Normally their number was fixed at nine (three for each of three sections, namely de Supra, de Citra, and de Ultra). However, during the crucial years after the defeat in Agnadello, not only were the PSM posts put on `sale' (they were not really `sold', but who offered a larger loan to the government was likely to be elected), but also the numerical limitation was ignored. In this way, in the single year of1516five men were created PSM without predecessors and brought their patria from10,000 to14,000 ducats each. Such a measure was regarded as jeopardizing the republican tradition of Venice and was abolished as soon as she had accomplished the reconquest of lost territories. But in the course of the century Venice was to face other crises in which this dishonorable method was revived again and again. The problem about the PSM was that, unlike other government offices for nobles (with the one exception of that of Doge), they were lifetime posts. Ordinary or extraordinary, all the PSM remained in office until they died or got elected Doge. As a result, their number could increase cumulatively. Examining all the PSM of the16th century (149men in all) with their predecessors and successors (or without one or both of them) and their length of tenure, we can find out how each post was succeeded to (or was not) and the total number of the PSM in each year. In this way I made the following facts clear : 1) most of the PSM `by money' didn't have predecessors or successors ; 2) in the1520's and1530's the PSM posts were auctioned many times and in the late1530's their total number hit the peak (as many as29PSM at a time) ; 3) between the Battle of Preveza (1538) and the War of Cyprus (1570-73) no PSM post was auctioned and the total number decreased naturally until the original number was regained in the early1560's ; 4) after the War of Cyprus auctioning of the PSM posts was abolished again and the original number was regained by the early1600's. Conclusion : auctioning of government offices was not a permanent institution but an emergency measure and the mechanism of normalization worked constantly ; however, for the PSM, the aftermath of auctioning lingered much longer than with other offices because of the lifetime tenure, permitting wealthy nobles to stay in power.

著者

有山 輝雄

出版者

桃山学院大学

雑誌

桃山学院大学人間科学 (ISSN:09170227)

巻号頁・発行日

no.35, pp.7-25, 2008-07-07

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In studying the history of media, it is most important to identify the type of people who read a certain book. However, it is very difficult to do so when only limited reference materials are available. This paper analyzes which type of people read Karl Marx's "Capital " in Yanagawa Town, Fukushima Prefecture (present Date City) in 1928, using materials offered by Abe Kaishundo, a newspaper distributor in the town. The analysis reveal that as many as 16 residents of this small town in the Tohoku region read "Capital ," a rather difficult book for the general public. Those 16 residents were either members of the upper level in the town, or agricultural engineers engaged in silkworm-related business. None of them had ever been involved in any leftist movements. It seems that such people struggled to obtain pointers to overcoming the difficulties Yanagawa-Town residents were facing at that time.

著者

赤瀬 雅子

出版者

桃山学院大学

雑誌

桃山学院大学人間科学 (ISSN:09170227)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.6, pp.45-66, 1994-01-30

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Dans la litterature japonaise moderne, beaucoup d'ecrivains evoquent les voyages en bateaux. En effet, au Japon, des que l'on veut de rendre voyager a l'etranger, on doit prendre le bateau ou bien l'avion. De 1886 a 1945, mis a part quelques exceptions, on prenait le bateau pour aller en Chine, en Europe ou en Amerique. Ainsi la situations des marins connut un essor assez improtant dans le monde. Pendant le traversee, marins ou passagers occoupent leur temps d'une maniere tout a fait different que lorsqu'ils sont a terre. Sur le bateau, les heures coulent tres vite ou lentement comme sur une autre planete. Aussi, les sentiments des marins et la psychologie des voyageurs en mer contrastent-ils avec ceux des gens qui vivent a terre. KANAGAKI Robun (1829-1894), NAGAI Kafu (1879-1959), MAEDAGAWA Koichiro (1888-1957), KISHIDA Kunio (1890-1954), appartiennent a differentes ecoles, a differentes generations, mais connaissent profondement la particularite du voyge en bateau ou du travail en bateau. Ces quatre ecrivains avaient tout a fait conscience de cela. Au travers leurs oeuvres, on apercoit l'exaltation de la vie nomade.

著者

和栗 珠里

出版者

桃山学院大学

雑誌

桃山学院大学人間科学 (ISSN:09170227)

巻号頁・発行日

no.39, pp.29-56, 2010-12-15

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The 16th century Venice is generally conceived to be oligarchic. Under the aristocratic regime, influential noble families weaved up kin-group network and tried to devide among themselves important state offices. But it remains unclear which specific families were the most `influential'. This paper aims at solving this question through the analysis of the Procuratori di San Marco (PSM abbr.). The PSM were one of the most important state offices. They were originally no other than the custodians of the treasury of the St.Mark's Basilica. But because those appointed to the PSM were considered the most wise men in Venice, many people entrusted their property and legacy to them. Not only the individuals but also the government utilized the PSM as depository of various incomes. From 1454 the PSM could sit and vote in the Senate, from 1496 could hold the office of Savio Grande concurrently, from 1523 could sit and vote as zonta members in the Consiglio dei Dieci. Thus by the 16th century, the PSM had come to wield a tremendous power in every way: financially, politically, socially and culturally. For the noble families, having more than one PSM member was a great source of honor and profit. The 16th century made it easier for rich families to obtain the PSM position by a kind of `simony' of the state offices. One notes that in such cases very young nobles, even in their twenties and obviously with little experience in the political world, were elected to the PSM. It may seem strange because the PSM were second only to the Doge (Prince) in the hierarchy of the Venetian Republic and the position for eldest members of the aristocracy. But it becomes understandable if we take into consideration that the PSM were, different from all the other offices but the Dogeship itself, lifetime position which its holders could keep as long as they lived. In other words, it was family tactics to put a young member in this position in order to stay close to the core of the power as long as possible. Analyzing all the PSM elected in the 16th century, we find that five families, namely, the Grimani, the Contarini, the Priuli, the Mocenigo and the Venier, occupied about 30 percent and with other five, namely, the Corner, the Giustinian, the Cappello, the Lezze and the Morosini, the top ten families occupied more than 45 percent. And a genealogical study reveals intricate matrimonial relations among them. In this way, we can identify the most influential families of the 16th century Venice. However, we must not forget that the Venetian Republic was not totally oligarchic. Not a few PSM who didn't belong to these families were also great leaders of the time. For a further understanding of the early modern Venice, more detailed prosopography will be required.

著者

小林 信彦 Nobuhiko Kobayashi

出版者

桃山学院大学総合研究所

雑誌

桃山学院大学人間科学 (ISSN:09170227)

巻号頁・発行日

no.23, pp.35-75, 2002-07

著者

赤瀬 雅子

出版者

桃山学院大学

雑誌

桃山学院大学人間科学 (ISSN:09170227)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.20, pp.29-53, 2000-12-20

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When taking a generel survey of the history of modern Japanese literature, we often find some works which discuss the differences between European and Asian culture. Educated people are especially ardent about comparative studies of French and Japanese culture. A prominent literary critic, Miyoko Nakano, stated that though Riichi Yokomitsu's Ryoshu (Loneliness on a Journey) won a favorable reputation, it was a mediocre work. However, she appraised Hisao Juran's Jujigal (Cross Street) as far more outstanding. Juran Hisao, born in 1902 in Hakodate, Hokkaido, grew up in an affluent family. Juran loved freedom so much that he abandoned schoolwork at the age of 15. When he was 20, he became a journalist and started writing plays. In 1920, he went to Tokyo to study French playwriting theory under Takashi Kashida, whose work shows the ubiquitous influence of his own teacher, Jacques Copor. In December 1929, Juran arrived in Paris, after a long journey via the Trans-Siberian Railroad, where he spent three years under the tutelage of Charles Duran. (In fact, his penname, Juran, was taken from Duran). Specific information about his activities during this period is unknown. In 1933, 33-year-old Juran returned to Japan at last. In Jujigai, his masterpiece, Juran describes metropolitan Paris in detail and links two French and Japanese political scandal: the Stavisky Incident in French and the so-called High Treason Incident in Japan. The main character, Takayoshi, and the female protagonist, Yukiko, are taunted by the some fate. In the High Treason Incident, the Japanese government accuses both characters fathers, innocent civilians, of being criminals and tries to put them to death. Twenty years later, while Takayoshi and Yukiko are studying in Paris, they become victims of the Stavisky Incident. They are both killed by the authorities, although neither of them has anything to do with the incident. Throughout this fictional work, Juran describes the hopelessness of politics in French and Japan, recognized especially by people living in the countries capitals. Juran's unique, refined writing is reminiscent of the works of Restif de la Bretonne, Eugene Shue, and Francis Carco. In Jujigai, Juran successfully draws a clear picture of Paris as an abyss.

著者

小田 亮 Makoto Oda

出版者

桃山学院大学総合研究所

雑誌

桃山学院大学人間科学 (ISSN:09170227)

巻号頁・発行日

no.2, pp.p1-20, 1991-03

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This essay has two aims; one is to show the perspective Levi-Strauss's structural analysis of myths has offered, and the other is to point a resemblance between myths and novels in the way of being against the narrative. For the former, I do a demonstration of a structural analysis on three African myths, and point out in the analysis that no myth is isolated from others and that there is no single or privileged code which excludes other codes in the formation or interpretation of myths. On the other hand, the novel is an unorthodox genre and a newcomer in the European literature. While the epic which is the counterpart of the narrative in the Latin-European literary orthodoxy has canons or privileged codes, the novel doesn't. Unlike the narrative or epic, and like myths viewed from the stand-point of structurism, novels have no self-conclusion in their nature of intertextuality and always put several codes in play against the autocracy of any single code the narrative demands.

著者

小林 信彦 Nobuhiko KOBAYASHI 桃山学院大学文学部

出版者

桃山学院大学総合研究所

雑誌

桃山学院大学人間科学 (ISSN:09170227)

巻号頁・発行日

no.20, pp.55-79, 2000-12

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In Japan there are many mountains on which images of Yakusi 藥師 are found. Bhaisajyaguru, the Indian counterpart of Yakusi, however, has nothing to do with mountains, which are favourate places of Japanese kamis 神. Yakusi has been worshipped by the Japanese as one of kamis, as is suggested by a verse in the Bussokusekika 佛足石歌.

著者

山川 偉也 Hideya Yamakawa 桃山学院大学法学部

出版者

桃山学院大学総合研究所

雑誌

桃山学院大学人間科学 (ISSN:09170227)

巻号頁・発行日

no.24, pp.219-240, 2003-01

著者

平井 啓之 村田 全 山川 偉也 Hiroyuki HIRAI Tamotsu MURATA Hideya YAMAKAWA 桃山学院大学文学部 桃山学院大学文学部 桃山学院大学文学部

出版者

桃山学院大学総合研究所

雑誌

桃山学院大学人間科学 (ISSN:09170227)

巻号頁・発行日

no.3, pp.p1-110, 1992-03

著者

出原 博明 Hiroaki DEHARA 桃山学院大学文学部

出版者

桃山学院大学総合研究所

雑誌

桃山学院大学人間科学 (ISSN:09170227)

巻号頁・発行日

no.22, pp.31-55, 2001-12

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Detachment is particular to Kyoshi's attitude in telling stories. He hardly ever reveals himself. However, this short story has one scene in which he reveals himself. The scene is that of the red camellias. The story is a love story of 75 year old Kyoshi, the narrator, and 21 year old Eiko. At its early stage the story presents the scene of Kyoshi sitting in the garden of his house, watching the red camelliias in full bloom there. Those red flowers begin to dance in the air around him. He feels as if he were surrounded by young women and loses himself in ecstasy. Suggesting something very erotic, this scene could be evidence of 75 year old Kyoshi still keeping the fire of eros burning in him. He falls in love with Eiko when she calls on him for the first time with one of his disciples. Then he takes up a positive attitude. He produces a number of haiku suggestive of his love for her. He even gives the doll named Tsubakiko to her as a present. Let me compare this story with Yasunari Kawabata's novella The Sound of the Mountain, whose theme is also an old man's love for a young woman. Both stories are set in Kamakura, a few years after the end of World War II. Both Kyoshi and Kawabata were citizens of Kamakura. In Kawabata's story, 62 year old Shingo, the narrator, is shocked to discover a truth by means of thorough psychoanalysis of a very strange dream he had. The truth he digs out is that there are eros and sexual desire latent at the bottom of his love for 20 year old Kikuko, his daughter-in-law. He suffers a lot from this morally. He examines himself minutely in view of his conscience, which Kyoshi never does. Shingo is baffled and feels uneasy about his date with Kikuko. He has qualms of conscience, which Kyoshi would never have in the same situation. Kyoshi has a lot more nerve. He is beyond the weakness and susceptibility of the modern Japanese intelligentsia which Shingo represents. Kyoshi is bolder, stronger-minded, primitivistic, rooted in Nature itself, little influenced by modern Western thought. Kyoshi prefers the red camellia above all, which is symbolic of vitality, the fire of life, something primitive. A hundred haiku of his take the red camellia for their motif. In this story Eiko also makes a haiku: "I fear the naked tree among the cherry blossoms at night." The naked tree seems to symbolize something erotic, which attracts and at the same time scares Eiko, a virgin. She doubtless senses Kyoshi's erotic feelings for her. The things I point out above reveal Kyoshi's character. Kyoshi is quite different from Shingo who is a typical modern Japanese intellectual. He is a sort of sphinx in modern Japan. (With his strong will to live, Kyoshi took care of himself and sustained his reputation as one of the greatest haiku-poets until he died at the age of 85, while Kawabata, Nobel prize winner, committed suicide at the age of 73.)

著者

軽部 恵子

出版者

桃山学院大学

雑誌

桃山学院大学人間科学 (ISSN:09170227)

巻号頁・発行日

no.44, pp.297-303, 2013-03-29

著者

侯 巧紅

出版者

桃山学院大学

雑誌

桃山学院大学人間科学 (ISSN:09170227)

巻号頁・発行日

no.35, pp.251-305, 2008-07-07

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In the Dazhidulun (大智度論), Indra tests King Sibi in order to discover a future Buddha. He is so persistent as to demand that he perform an observance called "declaration of the truth" (satya-vacana), which is handed down in Indian literary tradition. The Indians believe that a supernatural power subsists in the truth (satya) to work a miracle in an urgent crisis. It is when the truth is verbally expressed that a miracle takes effect. Insisting that he really intends to become a Buddha, King Sibi declares, "If your words should be true, may my broken body be restored." As soon as he speaks, his body is restored. Thus his words prove to be true. Indra is at last convinced that King Sibi earnestly wishes to becomea Buddha.On the other hand, in the Liudujijing (六度集經), Indra is only anxious about his own future and he is contented unless the king aims at the position of Indra. He is soon restored the injured body of the king after applying celestial medicine to him. The two versions of the story of King Sibi are thus incompatible with each other.The story of King Sibi was introduced into Japan from China. We find it told in three narrative collections in different ages, first in the Sanboe(三寶繪) of 984, next in the Kingenruijusho(金言類聚抄), the date of which seems to be sometime bwetween the late 11th century and the early 13th century, and last in the Sangokudenki (三國傳記) of the first half of the15th century.Minamoto-no-Tamenori (源爲憲), the compiler of the Sanboe, uses both the Dazhidulun and the Liudujijing, the two Chinese texts incompatible with each other, when he tells the story of´Sibi. He mostly follows the text of the Dazhidulun. Oddly enough, however, he does not notice the declaration of the truth as performed by the king. He is ignorant of this observance, well-known in Buddhist tradition. Without declaring the truth, the king in this version gets by on Indra's test when celestial medicine is applied to his damaged body. We do not know whether this Indra is eager to find a future Buddha or merely anxious about his own future. As a mixture of the two sources incompatible with each other, the story of King Sibi in the Sanboe is in confusion.Tanro(潭朗), the compiler of the Kingenruijusho(金言類聚抄), also tries to follow the text of the Dazhidulun when he tells the story of King Sibi. However, he does not read this Chinese text correctly. Like the compiler of the Sanboe, he does not know the motive of Indra for testing the king, nor does he know that Indra intends to evoke a declaration of the truth. Unlike Minamoto-no-Tamenori, he does not refer to celestial medicine when the king recovers, because he sticks to the Dazhidulun text. This story is also in confusion.Different from the two preceding Japanese versions, the story of Sibi as told by Gento(玄棟), the compiler of the Sangokudenki (三國傳記), does not follow any Chinese text. Except for the core of the story, King Sibi's gradual abandonment of his body, there is nothing that reminds us of a Chinese source. Words describing the characters who appear on the stage are all familiar to the Japanese. The whole text is in a perfect Japanese style. We find here no ambiguous points. King Sibi here is no longer a candidate for Buddhahood. He is merely an unusual person involved in an abnormal event. Freed from Chinese tradition, this version of King Sibi is truly Japanese.

著者

中山 恭子

出版者

桃山学院大学

雑誌

桃山学院大学人間科学 (ISSN:09170227)

巻号頁・発行日

no.33, pp.189-206, 2007-06-08

著者

小林 信彦 Nobuhiko KOBAYASHI

出版者

桃山学院大学総合研究所

雑誌

桃山学院大学人間科学 (ISSN:09170227)

巻号頁・発行日

no.17, pp.1-24, 1999-07

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Sagara's daughter reaches the ultimate truth, as soon as she learns the Saddharmapndarika. This episode exemplifies the supernatural speed with which the ultimate truth is reached. Saicho interpreted this episode as a case of "a woman's becoming a butsu". However, a male organ having already appeared on the body, Sagara's daughter is no longer female at the time of becoming a buddha.

著者

山川 偉也 山川 偉也

出版者

桃山学院大学

雑誌

桃山学院大学人間科学 (ISSN:09170227)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.6, pp.146-117, 1994-01-30