著者
岡本 昌夫
出版者
日本比較文学会
雑誌
比較文学 (ISSN:04408039)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.4, pp.23-33, 1961-09-20 (Released:2017-06-17)

It is commonly known that the New Style Poetry of the Meiji Era, called ‘ Shintaishi ’ in Japanese, started under the influence of Western Poetry. In point of style and metre, the translation poems of the Early Meiji Era seem to have given examples for the New Style Poetry. Ōwada’s Ōbeimeikashishū (Selected Poems from Famous Western Authors) published in 1894, is especially considered to be among those examples by the later Meiji poets, though there are some other previous works, such as Shintaishishō (Selections from New Style Poetry) translated by Inoue, Takayama and Yatabe. In Ōbeimeikashishū Ōwada translated more than one hundred Western poems into Japanese in seven-and-five syllable metre verse, just as Inoue and two others had done in their Shintaishishō. But his selection of seven-and-five syllable metre in his translation was the result of deliberate consideration and experiments of the translator, not because of his imitative instinct. Ōwada composed various styles of poems previous to his Ōbei- meikashishū and found seven-and-five syllable metre fittest for the New Style Poetry. Thus after many experiments by such translators, as Ōwada, the form of the New Style Poems of the Meiji Era was established, which was brought to its perfection by such poets as Shimazaki Tōson and Tsuchii. Bansui
著者
ジョンソン モーリス 北垣 宗治 ウィリアムズ フィリップ
出版者
日本比較文学会
雑誌
比較文学 (ISSN:04408039)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.20, pp.176-156, 1977

<p> ジョナサン・スウィフトが『ガリバー旅行記』を書く準備のために、旅行に関する本を調べたこと、そしてそのような本が彼の蔵書の中にあったということはよく知られているが、彼の日本の扱い方については、あまり研究がなされていない。ガリバーの最初の三つの航海のいずれにおいても言及されているが、日本は、第三回目の航海では、異国風の名前をもった想像上の国の中の一つの実在の国として、意味ありげに扱われている。われわれは、リリパット(小人国)、ブロブディングナグ(大人国)、フウィヌム国渡航記も、日本に関する著作からヒントを得ているということを示すつもりだが、この論文においてわれわれの関心の中心となるのは、「ラピュタ、バルニバービ、ラグナグ、グラブダブドリップおよび日本渡航記」である。</p><p> 第一部ではラガード・アカデミーの自動文字盤をエンゲルバート・ケンプファーの『日本誌』に印刷された十七世紀の仮名の表によって解明したい。ガリバーの文字盤には日本の仮名文字が使われていることがわかる。</p><p> 第二部では、スウィフトが、実際の日本旅行についての歴史的材料を用いることによって、彼の冒険の中に見られるいくつかのもっとも想像力豊かな要素だけでなく、特にガリバーの性格づけの指針を得ているという証拠を示したい。</p><p> ケンプファーとウイリアム・アダムズという二人の十七世紀の日本旅行者から、一人の人物を引き出してみると、ガリバーに非常に近い人物となる。われわれが合成によってつくり出したガリバーは、英語を話す船乗りで、彼は「オランダ人」となり、海や見知らぬ土地で長い年月痛ましい経験をし、最後に日本へとたどり着く。尋問を受けた後、江戸へ連行され、数々の経験を重ねた後「国王」に西洋の事情を報告するものとなり大砲や船の作り方を教えて重用され、遂には日本の衣服や風習、さらには結婚生活にも慣れ、英国に戻る気持を完全になくしてしまう。</p><p> ケンプファーとパーチャスは、すぐれた「馬」の島と同様に、小人国や「ヤフー」を思わせる人間の島についての報告のよりどころともなっている。彼らの記録には、ガリバーの旅行記と合致する、都市の形態や大きさ、ガラス製品に対する反応、政府の政策といった、数多くの類似点が見られるのである。(佐々木肇・訳)</p>
著者
山本 有幸
出版者
日本比較文学会
雑誌
比較文学 (ISSN:04408039)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.2, pp.60-78, 1959

<p> Engelbert Kaempfer,naturaliste et voyageur allemand,après avoir séjourné au Japon pendant trois ans de 1690 à 1692,écrivit un vaste livre sur l'histoire japonaise,<i>The History of Japan</i>. Cette oeuvre,publiée en 1727 après la mort de l'auteur,connaissait immédiatement le plus vif succès,par sa documentation et sa description objectives,auprès du public européen du XVIII<sup>e</sup> siècle.</p><p> Vers 1760,Diderot,rédacteur en chef de l'Encyclopédie,rédigeait consultant toujours l'oeuvre de Kaempfer, un article sur l'histoire des idées japonaises sous le titre de ((Japonais (philosophie des) )).</p><p> Nous présentons d'abord,en le confrontant avec <i>l'History of Japan</i> de Kaempfer,le texte de Diderot dont les matières sont en majeure partie empruntées à l'oeuvre de Kaempfer. Puis, en analysant un peu attentivement l'article de Diderot,et dégageant ainsi certains traits caractéristiques de sa composition : l'arrangement des matières,la manière des citations,ainsi que les réflexions semées par endroits,nous y remarquons quelques intentions cachées de l'auteur,disons mieux,quelques aspects mal connus des idées sociales,politiques et religieuses de Diderot lui-même.</p>
著者
松井 貴子
出版者
学術雑誌目次速報データベース由来
雑誌
比較文学 (ISSN:04408039)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.39, pp.7-21,178-177, 1996

<p> Modern Japanese literature is closely related to the visual arts. This fact is especially apparent in the literary theory of the Meiji poet and essayist Masaoka Shiki (1867 -1902). Shiki's theory of <i>shasei</i> ("drawing from life"), an ideal which has exercised immense influence on modern Japanese literature, first emerged from his indirect encounter with the art theory of Italian painter Antonio Fontanesi (1818 - 1882). Arriving in Japan in 1876, Fontanesi taught painting and art theory for two years at Tokyo's Kōbu Bijutsu Gakkō. Among his students were Koyama Shōtarō (1857? 1916) and Asai Chū (1854 - 1907), two painters who in turn later were to become the teachers of Nakamura Fusetsu (1866- 1943), Shiki's friend and chief source of information about Western art theory. Through his exchanges with Fusetsu, Shiki gained an entirely new insight into literature, and a new literary vocabulary as well.</p><p> This essay makes a detailed study of the influence which Fontanesi and Western art theory had on Shiki, and how this influence is reflected in Shiki's various crtical and literary wrtings. In particular I focus on the following six points:(1) Fontanesi's reception in Meiji Japan, (2) Fontanesi's expansion of the field of subjects considered appropriate for artistic representation to encompass all phenomena, however apparently trivial or mundane, (3) Fontanesi's teachings regarding compositional principles, especially the deliberate selection of elements for representation..., (4) Making the central theme of the work stand out..., (5) Arranging individual elements into an aesthetically satisfying whole, (6) The influence of Fontanesi's ideas as reflected in Shiki's own creative work.</p><p> Shiki was able to apply the theory and vocabulary of the visual arts to his study of <i>literature</i> because he recognized the points in common to both. This insight in effect allowed him to forge a new theory of literature from the <i>art</i> theory which Fontanesi had taught, skillfully adapting the principles of the latter, primarily visual genre, to the very different problems of language and literature. Thus, Shiki's literary theory, which exerted considerable influence on later novelists as well as on tanka and haiku poets, in turn was strongly influenced by Western art theory. The emphasis that Shiki places on reinforcing literary "practice" with a well-constructed aesthetic theory —— borrowing widely across cultures and genres —— serves as evidence of his strong desire to recast native Japanese literary genres into forms viable for the modern world.</p><p> Although the influence of Western art theory on Shiki has been recognized among scholars for several decades, the exact process by which Shiki came to know of and assimilate Fontanesi's ideas has remained unexplored. This paper seeks to redress this oversight, providing a glimpse into the way Western aesthetic theory infiltrated Japanese literature and art during the Meiji period.</p>
著者
信時 哲郎
出版者
日本比較文学会
雑誌
比較文学 (ISSN:04408039)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.34, pp.139-150, 1992-03-31 (Released:2017-06-17)

Miyazawa Kenji read Emerson’s Essays First and Second Series, which was translated into Japanese by Togawa Shūkotsu in 1911-1912,in his junior high school days. As Ōsawa Masayoshi has pointed out, Miyazawa’s belief in Hokke may have been influenced by Emerson. However, in this essay, I would like to focus my attention on another aspect of Emerson’s influence upon Miyazawa Kenji. Miyazawa is considered a unique poet in Japan; especially his poetic theory is said to be unique in the history of Japanese literature. I would like to show that Miyazawa’s poetic theory was influenced by Emerson’s essay “The Poet.” The fundamentals of Miyazawa’s theory can be summarized as follows. The main part of the poet’s work is to listen to the voice of nature carefully. The poet is a representative of human beings, for he can describe the truth that nobody has ever discovered. Therefore, a good poem may seem inconsistent and difficult to understand. These characteristics correspond to Emerson's attitude to poetry as described in "The Poet." Although Miyazawa insisted that his works were not poems but mental sketches, if we consider the strong influence of Emerson’s poetic theory on him, we should regard his mental sketches as poems and Miyazawa Kenji as a poet. The poet Miyazawa Kenji was born when he read Emerson's essays.
著者
今野 喜和人
出版者
日本比較文学会
雑誌
比較文学 (ISSN:04408039)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.35, pp.39-49, 1993-03-31 (Released:2017-06-17)

Qui n’éprouve d’embarras devant les trois monologues contradictoires de «Yabu no naka» («Dans le Fourré») d’Akutagawa Ryûnosuke, dans lesquels chacun des trois personnages (Tajômaru, Masago, Takehiro) s’avoue auteur de la mort de Takehiro? Beaucoup de critiques-détectives se sont efforcés de trouver le coupable, mais aucune des solutions ne se révélant absolument convaincante, on commence à lire dans ces trois récits autant de drames psychologiques indépendants, et non pas des mensonges et la vérité. Nous adoptons nous aussi cette perspective, et la figure de Masago retient notre attention. Victime d’un viol par Tajômaru, elle n’en cause pas moins (volontairement ou non) la mort des deux hommes (Tajômaru qui n’échapperait pas à la peine de mort et Takehiro qui meurt de trois manières (!)). Elle s’impose à nous comme Femme fatale, thème favori de la littérature occidentale au XIXe siècle. Akutagawa s’est certainement inspiré de Théophile Gautier (l’image de Nyssia dans «Le Roi Candaule»), mais nous voulons faire remarquer l’influence éventuelle d’O. Henry. Les figures contradictoires de Masago—chaste et voluptueuse, froide et passionnée, féminine et masculine—retracées par ces trois narrateurs peuvent être interprétées, soit comme des variantes de la Femme fatale, soit comme les visages d’une femme telle que la dépeint la déposition de sa mère, placée avant les trois monologues. C’est dans cette ambiguité que réside l’originalité de l’oeuvre, et Masago apparaît comme l’un des personnages les plus énigmatiques produits par la littérature japonaise moderne.
著者
西谷 博之
出版者
日本比較文学会
雑誌
比較文学 (ISSN:04408039)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.20, pp.28-37, 1977

<p> "Eikyo" and "Gyujin", published in 1942, are both based on Chinese classics. "Eikyo" is the story of Prince Kaigai's life including his exile. The protagonist Soko,who was compelled to realize the few remaining days of his life, does nothing but try to indulge in as many pleasures as possible before the dark prophecy of his future is fulfilled. -We can see the strong influence of Walter Pater's estheticism in Soko's way of life.</p><p> On the other hand,in "Gyujin" which depicts the life of Minister Shykusou Hyō there is the influence of Kafka's existentialism. His irrational death is probably the first one in Japanese literature. After all these two works by Nakajima may be regarded as unique in the history of Japanese literature.</p>
著者
衣笠 梅二郎
出版者
日本比較文学会
雑誌
比較文学 (ISSN:04408039)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.2, pp.40-49, 1959-03-31 (Released:2017-06-17)

After four years’ stay in England, Fumio Murata (1836-1891) edited Seiyo-Bunken-Roku (1869-1871), in which he briefly alluded to Western prosody. In 1873,Hiraku Toriyama (1837-1914) published Seiyo-Zasshi drawing materials from Western books. It had an excellent article on Western prosody. In 1876, Kiyoshi Nakane (1893-1913) issued Nihon-Bunten which was a book on Japanese grammar treated in the same way as English grammar, and in which he touched upon prosody and said, “ Japanese poetry has no rhyme.” Shuji Izawa (1851-1917), who had studied music in the United States, emphasized the importance of rhyme and published rhymed songs in Japanese in 1878. Shoichi Toyama (1848-1900), Ryokichi Yatabe (1852-1899) and Tetsujiro Inoue (1855-1944) took interest in English poetry, and, in imitation of it, they invented and published the new-style poetry in Shintaiishi-Sho (1882). Kencho Suematsu (1855-1920), while staying in England, contributed “Kagaku-Ron” to Tokyo-Nichinichi-Shimbun (1884-1885). He said, “Japanese poetry usually has no rhyme.” Indeed Japanese poetry had no rhyme though it was sometimes rhymed unintentionally, but these poets attempted to write verses modelled on Western poetry, and even composed rhymed verses in spite of the characteristics of the Japanese language. At first the new-style poetry was generally crude, but it developed into present Japanese poetry.
著者
佐藤 光
出版者
日本比較文学会
雑誌
比較文学 (ISSN:04408039)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.55, pp.22-35, 2013

<p> It has already been noted that Yanagi's book entitled <i>William Blake</i> (1914) gives proper explanation in Japanese about idiosyncratic features of Blake's philosophy, such as his emphasis on energy, passion and imagination and his unique form of antinomian Christianity. However, one of the characteristics of Yanagi's studies on Blake, which has so far been overlooked, is that he frequently uses the term 'temperament' to describe Blake's art. According to Yanagi, Blake fully expresses his 'temperament' in his poetry and paintings, and his philosophy is also based on his 'temperament', derived not from abstract reasoning but from careful introspection of his everyday experience. 'Temperament', Yanagi says, plays a significant role in the process by which one establishes one's sense of values, and Blake was faithful to his 'temperament'.</p><p> Yanagi used the word 'temperament' without translating it into Japanese because he learned the concept by reading English books about religion, psychology, philosophy and fine arts in which 'temperament' was used as a crucial keyword. The list of the authors that Yanagi must have referred to includes William James, James Huneker, A. C. Swinburne, Arthur Symons and Laurence Houseman. It is most likely that Yanagi interpreted Blake under the influence of the philosophical theory of 'temperament' by James, as well as contemporary Blake studies. In this sense <i>William Blake,</i> the book that Yanagi published in 1914, is a composite result of his studies of religion, philosophy and Blake's art.</p>
著者
溝渕 園子
出版者
日本比較文学会
雑誌
比較文学 (ISSN:04408039)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.47, pp.102-113, 2005

<p> In Russian literature, various images of Japanese have been described. These can be divided broadly into two figurative types, the 'musume'(the 'geisha') and the 'samurai' (as 'noble savages' types). These groups have also been frequently represented in other European literatures. However, additional types that have not been conventionally categorized have also appeared. This paper investigates one particular aspect of the images of Japanese represented by Russian writers, by analyzing the popular historical novel, <i>Tri Vozrasta Okini-san (Three Ages of Okini-san)</i>.</p><p> First, by describing the love story in Nagasaki between a Russian navy officer and Japanese 'musume', I analyze Pikul's novel from the point of view of Orientalism (Edward W. Said) and trace the typical formation of Orientalism in the novel.</p><p> Secondly, the historical context will be discussed. The story is set during the period of the Russo-Japanese War of 1904-1905,and the Russian Revolution of 1917. The best-selling novel was published for political purposes in 1981, during the cold war and just following the boycott of the Moscow Olympics. I will examine the political problems involved in the 'samurai' figure in the novel. This paper takes the position that Pikul's novel reconfirmed justifications for dominating Asia, that is, there is evidence of 'Russian Orientalism'.</p><p> In post-Soviet Russian literature, however, we can find images of Japanese that do not conform to historically stereotypical images. The popular detective novel <i>Leviafan (Leviathan)</i> by Bolis Akunin will be used to illustrate indications of changing images, although stereotypical images of 'musume' and 'samurai' do tenaciously remain.</p>
著者
生地 竹郎
出版者
日本比較文学会
雑誌
比較文学 (ISSN:04408039)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.22, pp.17-27, 1979-12-25 (Released:2017-06-17)

In this paper the author intends to m ake a survey of the research and translation of Homer and the Homerids in Japan since the Restoration of Meiji the Great, under the title of “The Study of Homer in Japan”. This time he is not ambitious enough to sound the depth,length and width of Homer’s influence upon Japanese mind and literature. Roughly speaking, the history of the study of Homer in Japan consists of three generations. In the first generation, three translators, Tatsusaburo Uchimura, Nonohito Saito and Bansui Tsuchii (or Doi) are conspicuous. None of them majored in Greek in their college days. Their zeal, however, for Greek culture as an origin of European culture, which Japanese intellectuals admired deeply in those days, led them to conquer the most difficult language in Europe. Tatsusaburo Uchimura, brother to Kanzo Uchimura, one of the outstanding Protestant evangelists in Japan, attem pted a verse translation of the Iliad for the first time and published Books I to IV of the epic in 1904 under the title of Toroi no Uta (Song o f Troy). Nonohito Saito, brother to Chogyu Takayama, philosopher and writer, was the first man to attem pt the translation of the Odyssey, but could not finish it, dying an untimely death of tuberculosis. The first lines were printed posthumously in 1913. The first complete Iliad was published in 1940 by Bansui who was himself one of the representative poets in the Meiji Age. His complete Odyssey was published in 1943, though it was not the first one. Both were translated in verse. —< View PDF for the rest of the abstract. >—
著者
三浦 俊彦
出版者
日本比較文学会
雑誌
比較文学 (ISSN:04408039)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.29, pp.7-21, 1987-03-31 (Released:2017-06-17)

From 1920 to 1921, Bertrand Russell lectured in China at the Peking Government University, and came to Japan in July 1921. His thoughts were received enthusiastically by Young China. Russell also loved the Chinese character and culture deeply. On the other hand, he was ill-impressed by Japan, and had difficulties with the police and newspaper cameramen. Consequently, his contact with Japan was not as intimate as that with China. But doubts can be raised as to whether Russell’s relationship with China was as deep as it appeared, when it is noticed, first, that some progressive Chinese became angry about Russell’s admiration of the traditional Chinese culture. Secondly, Russell and his lover Dora, who frequently clashed over other points, found themselves in perfect agreement about China, perhaps because they failed to understand China properly. In short, Japan and China, seemingly quite different for Russell, lay equally outside the range of his sympathies. Russell wrote that the Chinese reminded him of the English in their merits. Thus it may be concluded that Russell simply read merits and demerits of his true object of interest, England or the West, into these two Eastern countries.
著者
井上 英明
出版者
日本比較文学会
雑誌
比較文学 (ISSN:04408039)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.15, pp.14-24, 1972

<p> Arthur Waley (1889–1966) was silent about <i>The Tale of Genji</i> after he completed the English translation from the original Japanese in 1935, except for his book review on Professor Kazuo Oka's <i>Genjimonogatari no Kisoteki Kenkyu</i> (1954, Tokyo).</p><p> This was in striking contrast to his voluminous and numerous achievements in the Chinese field made after he completed the translation of <i>Genji</i>. However, we are able to understand Waley's views of <i>The Tale of Genji</i> in his closing days, by his book reviews on Ivan Morris's <i>The World of the Shining</i><i> Prince — Court Life in Ancient Japan —</i> (1964, Oxford). In this book review, Waley still holds fast to his own views which appeared in 1935, that the ending of <i>The Tale of Genji</i> is perfect. In opposition to Professor Morris's conclusion, Waley thinks that it is quite definite that <i>The Tale of Genji</i> is complete. He considers that the last line of <i>The Bridge of Dreams</i> appearing in the last chapter of this <i>Tale</i> is a perfect ending to which the wavering and suspicious character of of <i>Kaoru</i> comes into effect. Waley suggests that if <i>The Bridge of Dreams</i> was continued by the authoress in order to make readers "know something more about<i> Kaoru</i>'s and <i>Niou</i>'s reactions to <i>Ukifune</i>'s retirement to a nunnery", as Professor Morris thinks, <i>The Tale of Genji</i> should have become like one of the works of Wilkie Collins.</p><p> It may be said in the conclusion that if the points of the technique in <i>The Tale of Genji</i> consisted in the elasticity of time, for instance, "flash back", "anticipation", "digression",and "sudden acceleration" in the time sequence of plot, which characterize the turn of Western novels in this century, Waley's views on <i>The Tale of Genji</i> being perfectly complete must have appeared under the atmosphere of his Bloomsbury group.</p><p> In writing this paper, I am indebted to <i>Madly Singing in the Mountain — An Appreciation and Anthology of Arthur Waley</i>, edited by Professor I. Morris in 1970.</p>
著者
飛ヶ谷 美穂子
出版者
日本比較文学会
雑誌
比較文学 (ISSN:04408039)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.55, pp.7-21, 2013-03-31 (Released:2017-06-17)

Penned at the end of 1904 and published in January 1905, ‘The Carlyle Museum' (CM) is one of Soseki's earliest pieces in remembrance of his days in London. The work is said to be rather prosaic and personal, and less fascinating than ‘The Tower of London', another London story with mysterious, dramatic visions. A great admirer of Carlyle, Soseki made his first visit to Carlyle's House on 3 August 1901, which served immediate material for CM. Also, preceding studies have revealed that a large part of detailed desciption is based on Carlyle's House Catalogue, a guidebook he brought home from London. This paper aims to introduce hitherto unnoticed sources of CM, concerning the very beginning of the work. In the first passage the narrator tells an interesting episode called “the story of Carlyle and the speechmaker”. The story has no relation either to Soseki's visit or to the guidebook, and has been considered to be a figment of his imagination. However, the present writer herein indicates a source book: namely, Literary Geography(LG), collected essays published by William Sharp in October 1904. In a chapter entitled ‘The Country of Carlyle', the author recounts “an amusing story” which bears a striking similarity to that in CM. As to description of Carlyle's appearance, Soseki seems to have taken hints, not from LG, but from Carlyle's portrait by E. J. Sullivan in the illustrated edition of Sartor Resartus. Sharp had much in common with Soseki. He was closely connected with D. G. Rossetti, George Meredith, Watts-Dunton, and many other literary figures and artists related to the Pre-Raphaelites. Like Carlyle, he was a Scotsman, and had a traumatic, distressful time in London. As Flavia Alaya rightly put it, “they were all ‘foreigners'” by nature.
著者
柴田 依子
出版者
日本比較文学会
雑誌
比較文学 (ISSN:04408039)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.35, pp.89-101, 1993

<p> Certains poèmes français de Rainer Maria Rilke (1875–1926), composés vers la fin de sa vie (1923–1926), sont profondément influencés par le haïku japonais, comme le remarque H. Meyer.</p><p> Rilke a fait du haïku, à partir de 1920, à travers la langue française, entre autres par l'intermédiaire de <i>Sages et Poètes d'Asie</i> (P-L. Couchoud, 1919), conservé à la Bibliothèque Nationale suisse de Berne.</p><p> C'est principalement dans le chapitre II de ce livre, «Les Epigrammes lyriques du Japon», que l'on trouve beaucoup d'annotations de sa main. Il a marqué et annoté 36 haïkus sur les 158 traduits en français et les quatre passages de ce chapitre qui expliquent les caractéristiques du haïku. Parmi ces 36 haïkus celui d'Onitsura sur les fleurs porte un astérisque ce qui est exceptionnel.</p><p> Il est intéressant de constater que ces caractéristiques du haïku se manifestent dans le premier poème du cycle «Roses» (1924–26). Le poème XIV et le haïku d'Onitsura semblent se faire écho.</p><p> En outre, dans sa lettre française à S. Giauque (1925) accompagnée de 29 haïkus, Rilke expose l'idée ultime qu'il se fait de la poésie, en donnant sa définition du haïku. Celle-ci consiste à transfigurer «le visible», une chose terrestre fragile, en «l'invisible», grâce à l'écriture concise et inspirée du haïku.</p><p> Enfin, Rilke compose lui-même trois pièces de <Haïkaï>; il en adopte même la structure et l'esprit dans son épitaphe sur d'une rose.</p><p> C'est pourquoi, on ne peut expliquer ses derniers poèmes sans tenir compte de l'influence du haïku.</p>