著者
辻 直四郎
出版者
日本言語学会
雑誌
言語研究 (ISSN:00243914)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.1949, no.14, pp.1-21,114, 1949

After a brief account of the position in the Upanishadicliterature of the Maitri-up.(ξ1), the author enters upon adetailed discussion of the textual history of the same Upanisad. The proto-text, according to the author, consistedof the parts corresponding to I. 2-IV. 3 (±IV. 1) of Cowell's edition, and it then developed into the shorter or Southern recension with its three subdivisions and the longeror Northern recension represented by Cowell's edition (ξ2).<BR>Taking the latter rec. as the basis of his investigation theauthor next proceeds to the problem, how far the well-knownsaihdhi-peculiarittes of the Maitrayaniya-school were observed by the Maitri Up.(ξ3). Among these school-peculiarities themost important is, of course, the change of the final unaccented-e or-as in-a before an accented vowel, since in thiscase accentuation was a vital element of the phonetic change.After a thorough examination the author arrives at the conclu-. sion that the cases of fallacious application or negligenceof correct application of this saldhi-rule are in a negligibleminority against the opposite cases, and this state of affairsextends even to the later additions (prep. VI and VTI) of thelonger recension. The author surmises that the !iaitri t., asit stands in Cowell's edition was completed when the knowledge of the Vedic accentuation was yet kept alive among the Maintrayenlyas, say ca. 200 B. C.(ξ4).
著者
坂元 宗和
出版者
日本言語学会
雑誌
言語研究 (ISSN:00243914)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.1990, no.98, pp.27-45, 1990

上代日本語のe甲, O甲の来源は, 開口度の増加によるi甲>e甲, U>o甲であり, 母音音節の場合はそれぞれye, woに発展した。<BR>上代は短い期間なので, 古い用例が必ずしも古形とは言えず, 改新の先駆である場合がある。従って, i甲~e甲, u~o甲のダブレットの用例の新旧から変化を判定するのではなく, 別の音韻変化を伴う語例を利用した。たとえば, e甲の場合には, フキ甲 (吹き) とフ江 (笛) を結びつける中間形*ブイ, o甲の場合には, シヅ江 (下枝) の前項とシモ (下) に共通祖形*シムを推定すれば, 各一方は自然な音韻変化であるから開口度の増加が結論できる。さらに, ビアトゥス回避の法則がからむ語例と, 同音語を導く枕詞の例を補足し, 傍証とした。<BR>通説のa後接説の根拠となった完了の助動詞リは連体形にアリが付いて成立したものではなく, アリの異形態リが付いたものであることを, 他のビアトゥス回避の結果から推測した。従って, i甲+a>e甲, u+a>o甲ではない。
著者
柘植 洋一
出版者
日本言語学会
雑誌
言語研究 (ISSN:00243914)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.1976, no.70, pp.57-76, 1976-11-30 (Released:2010-11-26)
参考文献数
34

This paper deals with the problems concerning the so-calld ‘Gutturalgesetze’ of Ga'az, the classical language of Ethiopia. Although we already have M. Cohen's outstanding article on this subject (Cohen, 1927), we don't think all the problems are given due solutions. So here we re-examine the matter to popose better solutions or interpretations or to support Cohen's views by giving certain additional proofs.To face with the problems first it is important to make it clear that in the vowel system of the language, the first order vowel of the Ethiopic syllabary stands in the opposition to the fourth order vowel by quality and not by quantity, and that these two vowels are not neutralised after a laryngal consonant as in Tigrinya, another Ethiopian language closely related with Ge'az.Cohen maintains that the first ‘Gesetz’ should be interpreted in two ways: allongement soppose and allongement reel. We reject his view and try to illustrate that the orthographical change reflects the sound change of a to a before a syllable-closing layngal, which had already begun by the sixth century. As for the second and the third ‘Gesetz’ we slightly modify Cohen's opinions and give some newly found evidenceLastly, laryngal verbs, i.e. verba mediae gutturalis and verba tertiae gutturalis, are treated. The question of the first and second person forms of the verba med. gutt. is never settled till we take the type p forms of the strong verbs into consideration at the same time. We make this point clear and proceed to submit an alternative solution. As to verba tert. gutt. we agree with Cohen. We also take up some relevant topics which he misses.
著者
田村 すゞ子
出版者
日本言語学会
雑誌
言語研究 (ISSN:00243914)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.1978, no.74, pp.37-56, 1978-10-31 (Released:2010-11-26)
参考文献数
1

The dialect dealt with in this paper is the one spoken in Rankin Inlet. N. W. T., which the author learned in 1977 from Mr. S. T. Mallon of the Government of N. W. T. and others, most of whom were native speakers of the dialect.

1 0 0 0 OA 書評論文

著者
林 礼子
出版者
日本言語学会
雑誌
言語研究 (ISSN:00243914)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.1995, no.107, pp.129-152, 1995-03-25 (Released:2007-10-23)
参考文献数
34
著者
高津 春繁
出版者
日本言語学会
雑誌
言語研究 (ISSN:00243914)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.1939, no.1, pp.59-71, 1939-01-25 (Released:2010-11-26)
著者
野田 尚史
出版者
日本言語学会
雑誌
言語研究 (ISSN:00243914)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.1994, no.105, pp.32-53, 1994-03-15 (Released:2007-10-23)
参考文献数
26

This paper sets out to analyze various types of thematized or topicalized sentences in Japanese and Spanish under a single procedure of ″thematization ″. Sentences analyzed include so-called double-subject sentences and pseudo-cleft sentences in Japanese and left-dislocated sentences, cleft sentences, and pseudo-cleft sentences in Spanish.Thematization is the procedure whereby a copy of the constituent designated as the theme is attached to the head of the proposition, and the original constituent in the proposition is then pronominalized. For example, double-subject sentence (1) is derived by thematization from the proposition (2), in which the head noun zisyo modified by an adjective is designated as the theme.(1) Zisyo wa atarasii no ga ii.(2) atarasii zisyo ga ii [theme: zisyo]Differences in the procedure of thematization in Japanese and Spanish are:1) In Japanese the theme-marker wa is attached to the theme; inSpanish nothing is attached.2) In Japanese the theme of a sentence may be an argument of the predicate, a genitive noun, or a head noun modified by an adjectiver genitive noun; in Spanish only an argument of the, predicate may be thematized.3) In Japanese the pronominalized constituent generally becomes null; in Spanish it becomes a clitic pronoun.
著者
原 誠
出版者
日本言語学会
雑誌
言語研究 (ISSN:00243914)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.1971, no.58, pp.20-38, 1971-01-25 (Released:2010-11-26)
参考文献数
1

本稿で「スペイン語」という表現を用いる場合は原則として標準語とされているカスティーヤ方言のことであることをはじめにお断りしておく。さてさっそく本論に入らねばならないが, 筆者としてはスペイン語通時音韻論に存在すると筆者が考える一傾向を指摘するためにまずスペイン語通時音韻論に関する五つの現象を紹介したいと思う。
著者
小林 英夫
出版者
日本言語学会
雑誌
言語研究 (ISSN:00243914)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.1942, no.10-11, pp.69-124, 1942-11-30 (Released:2010-11-26)
著者
尾上 圭介
出版者
日本言語学会
雑誌
言語研究 (ISSN:00243914)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.1973, no.63, pp.1-26, 1973

The present paper is an attempt to describe and reorganize the usage of Japanese particles <I>wa</I> and ga and to give it a theoretical interpretation.<BR>The author maintains that two elements are involved for sentence formation, i. e. Sentence Kernel and Sentence Frame. <I>Wa</I> is one realization of the Sentence Frame and thus completes sentence formation. <I>Ga</I> is only a component of the Sentence Kernel. A Sentence Kernel has the semantic function as a dictum, i. e. the core material of a Sentence. It is shown that the special constraint on the usage of "near-sentences"containing <I>ga</I> but not any Sentence Frame follows from this hypothesis.
著者
尾上 圭介
出版者
日本言語学会
雑誌
言語研究 (ISSN:00243914)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.1973, no.63, pp.1-26, 1973

The present paper is an attempt to describe and reorganize the usage of Japanese particles <I>wa</I> and ga and to give it a theoretical interpretation.<BR>The author maintains that two elements are involved for sentence formation, i. e. Sentence Kernel and Sentence Frame. <I>Wa</I> is one realization of the Sentence Frame and thus completes sentence formation. <I>Ga</I> is only a component of the Sentence Kernel. A Sentence Kernel has the semantic function as a dictum, i. e. the core material of a Sentence. It is shown that the special constraint on the usage of &ldquo;near-sentences&rdquo;containing <I>ga</I> but not any Sentence Frame follows from this hypothesis.