著者
彭 国躍
出版者
学術雑誌目次速報データベース由来
雑誌
言語研究 (ISSN:00243914)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.103, pp.117-140, 1993

It is a known fact that in early-modern Chinese there were many ways of expressing politeness, but they have not studied systematically. This paper investigates the features and the system of polite expressions in early-modern Chinese in three aspects from a pragmatic perspective. 1. Non-deictic Feature Polite expressions in Japanese have certain specific linguistic forms, such as (お, ご), but in early-modern Chinese the same politeness could be expressed by many different expressions. For instance, when calling somebody by name, Japanese will only say (お名前), but in early-modern Chinese they used "貴姓, 高姓, 上名, 大名, 賢名"etc. and polite expressions were not specified and symbolized as social deixis.2. Conversational Implicature Feature Unlike polite expressions in Japanese, those in Chinese all have clear literal meanings, such as 大(big), 小(small), 下降(descending), 登堂(ascending). The meaning of polite expressions was the conversational implicature derived from the literal meanings of these words. The author proposes an inferring process of the conversational implicatures derived from the literal meanings of polite expressions. 3. Pragmatic System The derivation of the conversational implicature of polite expressions in early-modern Chinese was governed by a set of pragmatic rules. The author proposes the maxim of evaluation which governed polite expressions in early-modern Chinese.Maxim of Evaluation: (a) give positive evaluation to the others as much as possible, (b) give negative evaluation to oneself as much as possible.The author also points out that in early-modern Chinese society, when applicable, this maxim was restrained by the following criteria as for what was positive and what was negative evaluation. 1. quality 2. nobility 3. intelligence 4. height 5. size 6. economic status For example, in the big-small criterion, one should call the interlocutor and the things belonging to him big, such as 大名(big name=your name), 大人(big person=you), 大官(big officer=you). Likewise one should call oneself and the things belonging to him small, such as 子人(small person=me), 小房(small house=my house), 小婿(small son-in-law=my son-in-law).rights:日本言語学会 著作物の原典は印刷刊行された『言語研究』に掲載されているものである

1 0 0 0 標準語私見

著者
金田一 京助
出版者
日本言語学会
雑誌
言語研究 (ISSN:00243914)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.1949, no.13, pp.1-14, 1949
著者
杉藤 美代子
出版者
日本言語学会
雑誌
言語研究 (ISSN:00243914)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.1981, no.79, pp.1-32, 1981-03-31 (Released:2010-11-26)
参考文献数
31

Some relation is considered to exist between voice raising or lowering and the articulation of vowels. Because there exist not a few dialect in Japanese whose accent have some restrictions according to vowel hight. The common characteristics of those dialects are that low vowels seldom follow the accented high vowels.The present paper reports the results of the investigation about the timing relation between fundamental frequency change and vowel hight, and also about physiological mechanism of /kusa/ or /kusa/ with low vowels following accented high vowels.The subjects of the experiment were selected from native speakers of the Kinki dialect which is free from the above restrictions. The words mainly studied here were, (1)/ai/, /ei/, /ie/.(2)/aCa/, /aCi/, /iCa/, /iCi/(C: voiced consonant), with three accent types A (ao), B (of) and C (oo).(3)/kusa/, /kuse/, and /kusi/.Narrow and wide band spectrograms were obtained from those speech materials, and onsets of Fo change and those of formant transition were measured and their timing relations were compared.The results were as follows:(1) 1./ai/ and /ei/: the onset times of voice raising and lowering (Pt) lag behind the onset times of formant transition (Ft) as was reported before in regard to /ai/.2./ie/ was found to have the tendency of synchronizing Ptwith Ft, while the timing of Ptin /ie/ and /ie/ precede that of Ft (Fig. 1, 2, 3, and Table 1).(2) Similar results were observed in words containing /VCV/ sequences (Fig. 4, 5, 6, 7). The results sugest that phonatory controls have something to do with the articuratory controls.(3) Fo contours of [a] in /kusa/ start high and show a sharp descent, while those of [i] in /kusi/ start comparatively low and level (Fig. 10, 12).The second vowel of /kusa/ has more sharp descent.As the results of electromyographical study, it is known that there is a positive correlation between the pattern of cricothyroid (CT) activity and the raising and lowering of F0. It was revealed that the activity of sternohyoid (SH) was related to the sharp descent in the Fo contours of type A and type B in the Kinki dialect (Fig. 8, 9). SH is also known to participate in jaw opening, tongue lowering and tongue retraction.Synchronizing the timing of voice lowering in F0 and toungue lowering in words containing high and low vowel sequences is considered to be related with activity of SH. Accurate tongue lowering for articulation and sharp decent in F0may be needed in the pronounciation of words like /kusa/ or/kusa/(Fig. 13, 14). It is considered to have relationship with the fact that low vowels seldom folow the accented high morae in some dialects.
著者
福井 玲
出版者
日本言語学会
雑誌
言語研究 (ISSN:00243914)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.148, pp.61-80, 2015 (Released:2016-05-17)
参考文献数
28

本稿は,中世韓国語で声の高さを示すために用いられた傍点について,それがなぜ付けられていたのか,なぜ,傍点という形式が用いられたのか,15世紀末頃から傍点を付けない文献が現れ始め,17世紀以降は完全に廃止されてしまうのはなぜなのか,また傍点を付けた人々はどのような言語的背景を持っていたのか,という基本的でありながらこれまで論じられてこなかった課題について論じた。また,傍点によって表されるピッチアクセントの変化とその地域差という問題との関わりについてもそのための基礎となる考察を行った*。
著者
庄垣内 正弘
出版者
日本言語学会
雑誌
言語研究 (ISSN:00243914)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.2003, no.124, pp.1-36, 2003

The author found fragments of Chinese texts in Uighur script at the St. Petersburg Branch for Oriental Studies of Russian Academy of Sciences and identified their corresponding Chinese originals. The phonological system of the Chinese written in Uighur is basically the same as that of the northwestern dialects of Tang and Five Dynasties. Although the fragments were composed later during the period of Yuan Dynasty, its phonological system is undoubtedly quite different from that of colloquial Chinese used in Yuan Dynasty. As a result of detailed examination of the texts, it has become clear that the phonological system behind the texts is well reflected by the Uighur inherited reading of Chinese characters similar to the Japanese Ondoku system, i.e., Chinese reading of Chinese characters.<br>On the other hand, it is occasionally observed that Chinese characters are sporadically inserted between Uighur lines in the above texts. These inserted Chinese characters must have been read in Uighur. These Chinese characters appear not only as words, but also as phrases and sentences. An interesting fact is that in some bilingual texts such as &Prime;Thousand Character Essay&Prime;the Uighur inherited, reading of Chinese is followed by its corresponding Uighur translation. Furthermore, in other texts represented by &Prime;Abhidharmakosabhasya-tika Tattvartha&Prime;, it is recorded how Uighur speakers read Chinese texts in Uighur pronunciation, translating the contents into the Uighur language. Taking these facts into consideration, a conclusion is inevitable that Uighurs had their own way of reading Chinese texts which is typologically comparable to the Japanese Kundoku system, i.e., Japanese reading of Chinese characters.<br>Japanese is known as a language in which Ondoku and Kundoku are well developed. It is extremely difficult to understand the contents of Chinese texts merely by listening to Ondoku reading, where a large number of homonyms are created by the loss of many phonological distinctions. Japanese Buddhist monks recite Chinese Buddhist texts following the Ondoku system, but at the same time they understand the contents by Kundoku reading utilizing ideographic nature of Chinese characters. The author would like to argue that Uighur monks of the Yuan dynasty period employed the same kind of method when reciting Chinese texts.
著者
ロング ダニエル 任 榮哲
出版者
学術雑誌目次速報データベース由来
雑誌
言語研究 (ISSN:00243914)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.117, pp.37-67, 2000

本論では,「方言認知地図」という手法を用い,韓国の大学生400人余りを対象にしたアンケート調査から,韓国語の地理的変種に対する使用者の認識を追究する.結果としては,まず,方言の認知領域が行政区画である「道」と一致する傾向の強いことがわかった.そして,韓国人は,北部諸方言の詳細な特徴がわからなくても「北のことばは自分たちとは違う」と意識しており,朝鮮半島を南北に分断する政治的境界線がインフォーマントの言語変種意識に強く反映されている.また,ソウルで話されていることばが「最も快適なことば」として全国的に高い支持を得ているものの,それが「標準語」ではなく,「ソウル方言」と認識されているという興味深い結果も得られた.さらに,偏差値を算出すると,それぞれの地方の話者が母方言への愛着を持っている様子が浮き彫りになった.なお,各地で地元の方言が好意的に捉えられている中で,慶尚道だけに「方言コンプレックス」の傾向が現れるという特徴的な現象も見られた.
著者
櫻井 映子
出版者
日本言語学会
雑誌
言語研究 (ISSN:00243914)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.1997, no.112, pp.98-131, 1997-11-25 (Released:2007-10-23)
参考文献数
16

In the Lithuanian language, prefixing of a simple verb does not always lead to perfective aspect, nor is, there general way of forming imperfective from prefixed perfective verb, such as at an early stage in the development of the Slavonic languages. Therefore, there are only few purely aspectual pairs of verbs with semantically empty prefixes.Most prefixed verbs, which are usually considered as perfective, can be interpreted as morphologically marked terminative (telic) verbs. This is the reason why Lithuanian contains a number of so -called neutral verbs which can express both imperfective and perfective aspect, mainly according to tense. In the Lithuanian tense -aspect system important parts are played by four simple tense forms (in the active voice) and four compound tense forms (both in the active and passive voice).Both perfect and imperfect of the compound tenses have determinations of 'phase', ‹terminalization› and ‹intraterminalization›, respectively. Terminative: aterminative (telic: atelic) character of verbs has an interaction mainly with these basic meanings of perfect and imperfect, which accounts for various aspectual meanings and 'taxis' functions of the Lithuanian compound tenses.
著者
平野 尊識
出版者
学術雑誌目次速報データベース由来
雑誌
言語研究 (ISSN:00243914)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.121, pp.19-48, 2002

「肩叩き」や「人助け」のような複合名詞について考える.このタイプの複合名詞の形成には,第一姉妹の原理が深く関わっていると言われてきた.しかし,「神隠し」や「虫食い」などの事例はこの原理では説明できない.本論では,このタイプの複合名詞の形成は,それが現れる文/談話との関連で考察する必要があることが議論される.複合化される要素は,文/談話的情報から復元できないからである.逆に,「文/談話」の「主語/題目」と同一指示のものは複合化する必要がない.これを基にして「基本構造」という概念を提案する.基本:構造:Topic[(N)(N)NV]V (Ni)(Ni) (N:複合化される名詞,i:同一指示)これに「同一名詞の反復を避ける原則」が適用され,名付け機能に応じて語彙化されるというのが本論の枠組みである.
著者
John H. KOO
出版者
日本言語学会
雑誌
言語研究 (ISSN:00243914)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.1982, no.82, pp.91-105, 1982-09-30 (Released:2010-12-22)
参考文献数
16
著者
大江 孝男
出版者
日本言語学会
雑誌
言語研究 (ISSN:00243914)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.1976, no.69, pp.16-35, 1976

In Daegu dialect one can find five types of tone. Two of them-high and non-high-are assigned to syllables with a short vowel ; the other three-rising, falling and low-level-to those with a long vowel.<BR>The investigation into forms consisting of only short syllables shows that the high tone manifests itself in connection either with a single syllable (type b) or with a sequence of more than one (type a) within each relevant syllable chain. By assuming a unit called "mora " which has a length equivalent to a syllable with a short vowel, accent patterns of these forms can be described as arrangements of morae with high and non-high tones. Using this analysis, accent patterns are distinguished by, (1) the position of the "kernel mora" that is the last mora with a high tone within each relevant word or phrase, (2) the tone of the mora immediately preceding the " kernel "(distinction between types a and b), and (3) the number of constituent morae.<BR>The three types of tone in syllables with a long vowel are thus analyzed as different combinations of high and non-high morae in respect totheir length and direction of tone-movement: the rising tone as a sequence of a non-high mora followed by a high mora, the falling tone as a sequence of a high mora followed by a non-high, and the low-level as a sequence of two non-high morae.<BR>Analyzing in this way, the system of accent patterns in Daegu dialect can be described in terms of tone-sequences composed of two distinctive heights within each word or phrase without regard to vowel quantity.
著者
服部 匡
出版者
日本言語学会
雑誌
言語研究 (ISSN:00243914)
巻号頁・発行日
no.125, pp.83-109, 2004-03
著者
佐藤 琢三
出版者
日本言語学会
雑誌
言語研究 (ISSN:00243914)
巻号頁・発行日
no.116, pp.1-21, 1999-12
著者
松森 晶子
出版者
日本言語学会
雑誌
言語研究 (ISSN:00243914)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.1989, no.95, pp.120-143, 1989-03-25 (Released:2010-11-26)
参考文献数
15

According to early autosegmental treatments of pitch-accent languages, such as Goldsmith (1976), Haraguchi (1977, 1978, 1979), each pitch-accent language has a finite number of Basic Tone Melodies, and tones are mapped to tone bearing units with regard to the universal convention known as the Well Formedness Condition. Rather than the concept of Basic Tone Melody, the present paper, basically continuing on from the idea given by Pulleyblank (1983), suggests that each tone is introduced to the tonal tier, one by one, by tonal rules. The correlative assumption of this approach is that tones are not automatically associated to tone bearing units by the Well Formedness Condition, but mapped to them only if specified by a particular association rule.The ultimate purpose of this study is to develop a type of approach to Japanese pitch-accent systems that incorporates recent developments in the autosegmental theory of other tonal and pitch-accent languages. Based on the notions such as floating tone, extratonality, etc., this paper presents a theory of tonal rules, which aims to explain all the varieties of Japanese pitch-accent systems, whereby all predictable information is not included by underlying phonological entries, but rather is ultimately supplied by a finite number of parameters.