著者
熊谷 学而 川原 繁人
出版者
日本言語学会
雑誌
言語研究 (ISSN:00243914)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.155, pp.65-99, 2019 (Released:2019-10-02)
参考文献数
98
被引用文献数
1

本研究では,ポケモンの名付けにおける新たな音象徴的イメージを検証した2つの実験を報告する。実験1では,進化後のポケモンの名前として,開口度の大きい母音[a]が,開口度の小さい母音[i, u]よりもふさわしいことが明らかになった。また,有声阻害音の数の効果を検証した結果,進化後のポケモンの名前として,有声阻害音が2つ含まれる名前は,それが1つしか含まれていない名前よりふさわしいこともわかった。実験2では,母音と有声阻害音の優先性や相乗効果の検証も行った。その結果,ブーバ・キキ効果と同様に,母音の効果より,子音の効果のほうが強く現れること,そして,母音と有声阻害音の組み合わせは,どちらか一方を含む場合よりも,進化後のポケモンの名前として判断されやすいことが明らかになった。さらに,本研究では,実験2で得られた母音と有声阻害音の音象徴的効果について,制約理論である最大エントロピーモデル(Maximum Entropy (MaxEnt) Grammar)の枠組みでの分析も提供し,音象徴を生成言語理論の視点から捉える。
著者
井上 史雄
出版者
The Linguistic Society of Japan
雑誌
言語研究 (ISSN:00243914)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.1986, no.89, pp.68-101, 1986-03-25 (Released:2010-11-26)
参考文献数
47

An attempt at an areal division by means of grammatical characteristics of dialects of Japan is presented here. The data is part of a preliminary report of a national linguistic survey of grammatical forms, which was codified into a form available for computation.The data was adapted to a multi-variate analysis called Hayashi's “Quantificational Theory Type Three” which is similar to “ 1'analyse des correspondences” developed in France.Ryukyu dialects spoken in Okinawan islands were first characterized as quite different from the other dialects. The Hachijo dialect was next differentiated from the dialects of Mainland Japan. Dialects of Mainland Japan were then divided into two main groups of the western and eastern Japan. Dialects of Kyushu island were characterized as a little different from those of other western dialects. The most impressive result may be that the dividing line between the western and eastern dialects of the Mainland was situated between Gifu and Nagano prefectures, which coincides with many geographical and cultural boundaries.The result shows that the application of multi-variate analysis to dialectal data is fruitful and significant. The division of dialectal areas should be attempted by considering as much data as is available. The dividing method which makes use of a limited number of bundles of isoglosses may sometimes be misleading.

9 0 0 0 OA 韓国語の母音

著者
梅田 博之
出版者
The Linguistic Society of Japan
雑誌
言語研究 (ISSN:00243914)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.1994, no.106, pp.1-22, 1994-11-30 (Released:2007-10-23)
参考文献数
23

In the Seoul dialect, the pronunciation of vowels is different according to the age of speakers, and so the vowel system is also different. Generally speaking, speakers over sixty years of age pronounce the vowel e in two ways;one is [*] and the other is [*:].The former [*] corresponds to the Middle Korean vowel e in a low or high accent and the latter [*:] to e in a low-high accent.These two vowels appear almost complementary to each other, i.e. [*] appears as a short vowel and [*] appears as a long vowel in most cases.In spite of that, I think that each of these two vowels falls to a different phoneme for the following reasons: (1)each vowel of the Seoul dialect, except [*] and [*], has an opposition of quantity in the word-initial syllable, but the sound value of a long vowel is not different from the correspnding short vowel, (2) usually, [*] appears as a long vowel and [*] as a short vowel, but there are a few examples where [*] appears as a short vowel and we can also find a few examples where [*] appears as a long vowel.Therefore I consider [*] and [*] correspond to different phonemes.Consequently, there are nine vowel phonemes, /i, e, e, a, a, o, u, i, a/;and each vowel has the opposition of quantity in the word-initial syllable in older people's pronunciation.The vowel system of speakers over sixty years of age is shown as [2] of table 1.In contrast to older speakers, younger people have a very simple vowel system which consists of seven vowels, /i, e, a, o, u, i, A/. Thus we find the very interesting situation that speakers of the Seoul dialect have different vowel systems depending on their age group.This is the result of diachronic changes that have occurred over the last few decades.I investigated eighteen informants who were native to the mid-town area of Seoul in 1988 and 1989 to clarify how vowels changed according to the age of speakers.The types of vowel systems shown at table 1 were found in the investigation.The vowel changes according to the speakers'age groups can be pictured as shown at the table 5.[*:] of groups [1] and [2] phonemically changed into [i:] in groups [3] and [4] for basic words which they learned orally in their childhood, but in literary words they borrowed [*:] from the older people's pronunciation.[*:] was brought into the pronunciation of group [5] by the influence of the written language, i.e.spelling pronunciation, as language education began to follow a regulated curriculum from primary school, and additionally due to the analogical change in the verb conjugation which first occurs in this group. In group [6], [i:] and [*:] joins [*:] due to the increasing influence of the written language and in addition by the analogical change in verb conjugation.In group [7], long vowels lose length and accordingly [*:] changes into [A], losing lip-rounding.With respect to the front vowel opposition, group [1] and [2] have a clear distinction in initial syllables, but in non-initial syllables it hasalready disappeared as a rule except in morpheme-boundary position. Roughly speaking, most informants of groups that follow group [3] show unstable distinction even in initial syllables.Considering the above-mentioned vowel change, it can be summarized that the change goes on very gradually in each age group because it occurs under the linguistic influence of elderly groups to restrain from the change and also being receded by interference of the written language and analogical change.Thus we see the reason why the different vowel systems can exist synchronically in the same speech community.
著者
永澤 済
出版者
日本言語学会
雑誌
言語研究 (ISSN:00243914)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.159, pp.37-68, 2021 (Released:2021-03-30)
参考文献数
28

中国漢文において助動詞「令」は〈使役〉を表すが,日本中世の和化漢文では,本来の〈使役〉用法から派生したとみられる独自の非〈使役〉用法が非常に広範囲に使用されている。この「令」の機能について,従来,取り除いても文意に影響しないとの見方や,〈謙譲〉〈再帰〉〈意志動詞化〉等の意を表すとの見方が示されてきたが,統一的な結論は出ていない。本稿では,従来の意味中心の分析ではなく,構文機能に目を向けることで次のように結論した。非使役「令」の機能は動詞マーカー/動詞化である。助詞や接辞を表し得ない和化漢文で,和語の軽動詞「する」を代替した。その起源は,本来使役を表す「S令V」構文が(他)動詞文と意味的に隣接するケースにおいて,「令」の表す使役の意が後退して単なる動詞マーカーと解釈されたものと推定される。Vの位置には,意志行為,非意志現象,無生物主体の事象,形容詞まで幅広く立つ。先行研究で「令」は「致」との類似性が指摘されたが,「致」の後続語は意志行為に限られかつ「令」の場合のような動詞化はせず名詞的性格にとどまる点で,両者の機能は異なる。
著者
宮良 信詳 新川 智清
出版者
日本言語学会
雑誌
言語研究 (ISSN:00243914)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.1994, no.105, pp.1-31, 1994-03-15 (Released:2007-10-23)
参考文献数
13

This paper presents a view of the phoneme /i/, which has never been discussed in the vowel system of the dialects of the main island of Okinawa. The phoneme /i/ has [+ back, + high, -labial] as its main distinctive features, but phonetically is realized as [ i ] (front high vowel) ; hence, it is necessary to posit a rule of changing /i/ into [ i ]. However, the postulation of /i/ brings about a great simplification in the phonological system.The postulation of /i/ provides a principled basis for the contrast of [waki] 'reason' and [wat_??_i] ‘armpit’, or [tii] ‘hand’ and [t_??_ii] 'blood', where palatalization applies not to /waki/ or /ti/, but to /waki/ or /ti/. The addition of /yi/ to the distribution of /y/ and subsequent vowels in the Yonabaru dialect does not change such a restriction-effective in Standard Japanese as well-that /y/ occurs only with [+back] vowels. Rather, the establishment of yi makes it possible to give a simpler account of the alternation of -yi and -yu in the non-past morpheme /yu/, sinceyi need not be derived directly from /yu/. In addition, only when [_??_ikiN] 'the world' is derived from /syikin/ does the presence of /i/ give an account of why, as in [_??_it_??_a] ‘down’ being derived from /sita/, the expected progressive palatalization is not applied to /k/. The incorporation of /i/ into the phonological system provides a means of making a phonological distinction between homophonous words; /kwi/ ‘voice’ and /kwi/ ‘stake’ derive the same phonetic form [kwii] through the application ofThe postulation of /i/ brings about a typological simplification in that Ryukyuan dialects typically have a 6-vowel system, and also contributes to the comparison of correspondences between phonological systems of related dialects.
著者
熊谷 学而 川原 繁人
出版者
日本言語学会
雑誌
言語研究 (ISSN:00243914)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.155, pp.65-99, 2019

<p>本研究では,ポケモンの名付けにおける新たな音象徴的イメージを検証した2つの実験を報告する。実験1では,進化後のポケモンの名前として,開口度の大きい母音[a]が,開口度の小さい母音[i, u]よりもふさわしいことが明らかになった。また,有声阻害音の数の効果を検証した結果,進化後のポケモンの名前として,有声阻害音が2つ含まれる名前は,それが1つしか含まれていない名前よりふさわしいこともわかった。実験2では,母音と有声阻害音の優先性や相乗効果の検証も行った。その結果,ブーバ・キキ効果と同様に,母音の効果より,子音の効果のほうが強く現れること,そして,母音と有声阻害音の組み合わせは,どちらか一方を含む場合よりも,進化後のポケモンの名前として判断されやすいことが明らかになった。さらに,本研究では,実験2で得られた母音と有声阻害音の音象徴的効果について,制約理論である最大エントロピーモデル(Maximum Entropy (MaxEnt) Grammar)の枠組みでの分析も提供し,音象徴を生成言語理論の視点から捉える。</p>
著者
高山 知明
出版者
The Linguistic Society of Japan
雑誌
言語研究 (ISSN:00243914)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.1992, no.101, pp.14-34, 1992-03-25 (Released:2007-10-23)
参考文献数
11

The contrast of the vowel length in Modern Japanese results from the coalescence in Vu hiatuses as [iu][eu][au][ou], which changed into long vowels. This paper intends toexplain what factors were relevant to these changes. It presents two points as follows.(1) As a result of the above-mentioned changes, i) the indivisible units that had two morae, i.e. the long vowels, came to be established. ii) the syllable u came to be restricted to be at the initial positions of morphemes. These processes are worthy of notice from the functional point of view. They are regarded consonant with the trend, which has been already pointed out, of the phonological evolution in the history of Japanese language: that the delimitation of morphemes has been manifested by the phonotactic and tonal rearrangement resulting from several different changes.(2) The manner of changes in Vu and in Vi was conditioned by the phonetic nature of Vu and of Vi. Vu hiatuses were vulnerable to the changes into long vowels under the condition that the [j] follows all consonants except [w].
著者
定延 利之 田窪 行則
出版者
The Linguistic Society of Japan
雑誌
言語研究 (ISSN:00243914)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.1995, no.108, pp.74-93, 1995-11-30 (Released:2007-10-23)
参考文献数
26

This paper attempts to construct a dynamic model of dialogic discourse. We posit a cognitive interface between language and knowledge-base. This interface contains pointers or indices which control the access path to the knowledge-base and the temporary memorybase set up for each dialogue session. Utterances in a dialogue can be seen as instructions for operations on this interface:registering, searching, copying, and inferring, etc. We examine the nature of these operations by analyzing Japanese interjections such as "eeto" and "ano(o)". The mental processes which those interjections reflect can be well described using the data-base and the working buffer. "Eeto" reflects that the speaker is securing the working space in the buffer, whereas "ano(o)" reflects that the speaker is extracting linguistic information from the data-base.
著者
早田 輝洋
出版者
The Linguistic Society of Japan
雑誌
言語研究 (ISSN:00243914)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.2000, no.118, pp.5-27, 2000-12-25 (Released:2007-10-23)
参考文献数
13

上代日本語の二段活用動詞は終止・・連体・・已然・で語幹末母音が/u/と交替する.この交替は文献時代では既に文法化していた.しかし,文法化する以前の音韻的条件は何だったのであろうか.語幹末母音が/u/と交替するのは,乙類音節で終る語幹末母音の次に終止語尾/-u/,連体語尾|-ru|,已然語尾/-re/の来る時であるが,終止語尾/-u/の場合は母音の融合かも知れぬゆえ考察から外すと/-ru//-re/の前,即ち/-r/の前ということになる.しかし,受身接辞/-rare//-raje/の前では交替は起きない.日本語の歴史を通じて,その/r/の音はr的な音であること,その音が当面の母音交替に関係ないことを論じ,ついで奈良時代の東西方言の対応や服部仮説から連体接辞の祖・*rua,巳然接辞の祖・*rua-giを再構すると,当該の母音交替は後続音節*ruaの母音*uによる逆行同化を思わせるものとなることを示す.過去接辞/-isi//-isi-ka/の・態素構成にも示唆する所がある。
著者
永澤 済
出版者
日本言語学会
雑誌
言語研究 (ISSN:00243914)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.159, pp.37-68, 2021

<p>中国漢文において助動詞「令」は〈使役〉を表すが,日本中世の和化漢文では,本来の〈使役〉用法から派生したとみられる独自の非〈使役〉用法が非常に広範囲に使用されている。この「令」の機能について,従来,取り除いても文意に影響しないとの見方や,〈謙譲〉〈再帰〉〈意志動詞化〉等の意を表すとの見方が示されてきたが,統一的な結論は出ていない。本稿では,従来の意味中心の分析ではなく,構文機能に目を向けることで次のように結論した。非使役「令」の機能は動詞マーカー/動詞化である。助詞や接辞を表し得ない和化漢文で,和語の軽動詞「する」を代替した。その起源は,本来使役を表す「S令V」構文が(他)動詞文と意味的に隣接するケースにおいて,「令」の表す使役の意が後退して単なる動詞マーカーと解釈されたものと推定される。Vの位置には,意志行為,非意志現象,無生物主体の事象,形容詞まで幅広く立つ。先行研究で「令」は「致」との類似性が指摘されたが,「致」の後続語は意志行為に限られかつ「令」の場合のような動詞化はせず名詞的性格にとどまる点で,両者の機能は異なる。</p>
著者
服部 四郎
出版者
日本言語学会
雑誌
言語研究 (ISSN:00243914)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.1939, no.3, pp.1-27, 1939-09-25 (Released:2011-11-29)
参考文献数
17
著者
清瀬 義三郎則府
出版者
日本言語学会
雑誌
言語研究 (ISSN:00243914)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.1989, no.96, pp.23-42, 1989-11-25 (Released:2010-11-26)
参考文献数
68

Among the five vowels in Modern Japanese, the vowel u is a highcentral unrounded sound [w]. Accordingly, the vowel triangle of Modern Japanese is somewhat anomalous, lacking a rounded high-back vowel [u]. How did this sort of vowel system form historically?A reconstruction of eight vowels in Old Japanese, the central dialect of the Nara period (710-84), is commonly accepted. Although interpreted otherwise by some, the so-called ko-otsu distinctions must have been due to the vocalic oppositions, i≠ï, e≠ë, and o≠ö. The vowel diagrams of Old Japanese drawn by scholars adopting the eight-vowel theory are, however, in conflict with what some consider to be phonetic universals. In particular, there are only three vowels (i, i, and u) at the high level but four (e, ë, ö, and o) at the mid.There is no problem with assuming that the sound values of (C) a, (C) i, (C) u, (C) e, and # o were identical with those of the corresponding vowels in Modern Japanese. The problem reduces to determining the sound values of Cï, Cë, Co, and Cö. Judging from the positions of the Chinese Characters, used as man' yogana, in the Ancient Chinese rhyme tables, one may infer that -ö(following a consonant) was phonetically identical with # o (not following a consonant), which was [o], and that the sound value of -o was [u], a high-back vowel. Thus, o with no preceding consonant should be described as ö. Likewise, ï was very likely high-central and ë mid-central. Drawing a diagram based on the inferred sound values, i, ï, u, and o form a high vowel series, front to back; e, ë, and ö form a mid vowel series, front to back; and a is a low-central vowel, just as in the vowel triangles of Altaic languages.Internal reconstruction on the basis of the verbal stems of Old Japanese indicates that all eight vowels could be coupled with all consonants, including zero, in Archaic (pre-Nara) Japanese. The eighth century was the close of a transitional era, when the ko-otsu distinction remained only in a few environments. At the outset of the Heian period (794-1192), the phonetic changes ï>i, ë>e, and o>ö took place in all environments. The remaining five vowels have continued into the modern period, forming the “anomalous” vowel system of Modern Japanese.
著者
井上 史雄
出版者
日本言語学会
雑誌
言語研究 (ISSN:00243914)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.1990, no.97, pp.44-72, 1990-03-25 (Released:2010-11-26)
参考文献数
52
被引用文献数
3

In this paper, a geographical data matrix of dialectal forms which coincide with Standard Japanese forms was processed to ascertain the relation between their geographical distribution patterns and the dates of their appearance in documents. 80 Standard Japanese forms which are found in the “Linguistic Atlas of Japan” were classified by the centuries of their appearance in documents. Total values of usage for each prefecture were calculated. The resulting maps for four historical eras show that the oldest forms show a wide distribution throughout Japan, and that the newer forms show a small distribution area around Tokyo. The Kansai region where the old capital of Kyoto was situated shows less usage of standard forms.By referring to Tokugawa (1972), it was maintained that the forms had been produced continuously in the Kansai region in pre-modern ages. The forms, however, were not adopted as Standard Japanese, because the center of Japanese culture moved east to Edo (modern Tokyo). Thus a model of lexical diffusion from cultural centers was presented.Some other statistical characteristics of lexical nature were also examined, using multi-variate analyses. The time of an item's appearance in documents shows a close relation to its frequency of usage. Hayashi's quantificational theory type 3, cluster analysis and factor analysis showed that forms which are frequently used appear early in literature, and that forms which are rarely used appear later. The logical relation of historical changes in vocabulary was also discussed.
著者
井上 史雄
出版者
The Linguistic Society of Japan
雑誌
言語研究 (ISSN:00243914)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.1968, no.52, pp.80-98, 1968-01-31 (Released:2010-11-26)
参考文献数
30
著者
上野 善道
出版者
日本言語学会
雑誌
言語研究 (ISSN:00243914)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.2000, no.117, pp.129-152, 2000-03-25 (Released:2007-10-23)
参考文献数
5
著者
泉井 久之助
出版者
日本言語学会
雑誌
言語研究 (ISSN:00243914)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.1957, no.32, pp.121-136, 1957-12-31 (Released:2010-11-26)
著者
熊切 拓
出版者
日本言語学会
雑誌
言語研究 (ISSN:00243914)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.156, pp.97-123, 2019 (Released:2020-04-14)
参考文献数
31

アラビア語チュニス方言の一般的な否定文は,接頭辞maː-と接尾辞-ʃが述語の前後に共起することによって形成される。maː-は否定辞とみなされているが,-ʃの機能については定説がない。本研究では,否定以外の用法を含めた-ʃの機能の包括的な記述,およびモダリティの概念の導入という2つの観点から,-ʃの機能を論じる。-ʃは否定以外では疑問と想像を表し,否定においては「肯定的事態が事実でない」ことを表す。そこから,-ʃを非現実(irrealis)モダリティ辞と結論づける。「肯定/否定」の対立と-ʃの有無による「現実性/非現実性」の対立をかけ合わせると,次の4種のモダリティに整理できる。①肯定的現実性を表す文はmaː-も-ʃもなし,②否定的現実性を表す文はmaː-のみ,③肯定的非現実性を表す文は-ʃのみ,④否定的非現実性を表す文はmaː-と-ʃが共起。
著者
黒田 成幸
出版者
The Linguistic Society of Japan
雑誌
言語研究 (ISSN:00243914)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.1967, no.50, pp.85-99, 1967-01-20 (Released:2010-11-26)
参考文献数
17

The phonetic forms of the so-called soku-on (choked sound) and hatu-on (syllabic nasal) are accounted for in generative phonology by means of the introduction of three phonological rules, progressive assimilation, nasalization, and regressive assimilation, ordered in this way. It is shown that Chomsky's argument which denies the theoretical status of the phoneme in generative phonology is equally applicable to the soku-on and hatu-on; that is, there is no level of representation on which either the soku-on or hatu-on is represented by one and the same segment. However, if we assume that the soku-on and the hatu-on are, respectively, the segment “plus consonantal, minus nasal”, and the segment “plus consonantal, plus nasal”, the other features being unspecified, then the representation using the soku-on and hatu-on (say, of a word), is shown to be an inverse representation on the levels of each of the three phonological rules introduced above.(A representation is by definition inverse on the level of a rule R, if the application to it of R and the rules that follow R yields the correct phonetic representation.) The regressive assimilation rule is characterized among these three rules by the fact that on this level the inverse representation is minimal and nondistinct from the generative representation on the same level. A speculation on the perceptual mechanism is added which assigns special significance to this level. It is assumed that in perception during the analysisby-synthesis procedure the input phonetic signal is temporarily stored in the representation which contains the segments corresponding to the traditional notion of soku-on and hatuon, namely the minimal inverse representation on the level of regressive assimilation; it is then compared with the generative representation on the same level to see whether the two representations are distinct or not.