著者
宮良 信詳 新川 智清
出版者
日本言語学会
雑誌
言語研究 (ISSN:00243914)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.1994, no.105, pp.1-31, 1994-03-15 (Released:2007-10-23)
参考文献数
13

This paper presents a view of the phoneme /i/, which has never been discussed in the vowel system of the dialects of the main island of Okinawa. The phoneme /i/ has [+ back, + high, -labial] as its main distinctive features, but phonetically is realized as [ i ] (front high vowel) ; hence, it is necessary to posit a rule of changing /i/ into [ i ]. However, the postulation of /i/ brings about a great simplification in the phonological system.The postulation of /i/ provides a principled basis for the contrast of [waki] 'reason' and [wat_??_i] ‘armpit’, or [tii] ‘hand’ and [t_??_ii] 'blood', where palatalization applies not to /waki/ or /ti/, but to /waki/ or /ti/. The addition of /yi/ to the distribution of /y/ and subsequent vowels in the Yonabaru dialect does not change such a restriction-effective in Standard Japanese as well-that /y/ occurs only with [+back] vowels. Rather, the establishment of yi makes it possible to give a simpler account of the alternation of -yi and -yu in the non-past morpheme /yu/, sinceyi need not be derived directly from /yu/. In addition, only when [_??_ikiN] 'the world' is derived from /syikin/ does the presence of /i/ give an account of why, as in [_??_it_??_a] ‘down’ being derived from /sita/, the expected progressive palatalization is not applied to /k/. The incorporation of /i/ into the phonological system provides a means of making a phonological distinction between homophonous words; /kwi/ ‘voice’ and /kwi/ ‘stake’ derive the same phonetic form [kwii] through the application ofThe postulation of /i/ brings about a typological simplification in that Ryukyuan dialects typically have a 6-vowel system, and also contributes to the comparison of correspondences between phonological systems of related dialects.
著者
熊谷 学而 川原 繁人
出版者
日本言語学会
雑誌
言語研究 (ISSN:00243914)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.155, pp.65-99, 2019 (Released:2019-10-02)
参考文献数
98

本研究では,ポケモンの名付けにおける新たな音象徴的イメージを検証した2つの実験を報告する。実験1では,進化後のポケモンの名前として,開口度の大きい母音[a]が,開口度の小さい母音[i, u]よりもふさわしいことが明らかになった。また,有声阻害音の数の効果を検証した結果,進化後のポケモンの名前として,有声阻害音が2つ含まれる名前は,それが1つしか含まれていない名前よりふさわしいこともわかった。実験2では,母音と有声阻害音の優先性や相乗効果の検証も行った。その結果,ブーバ・キキ効果と同様に,母音の効果より,子音の効果のほうが強く現れること,そして,母音と有声阻害音の組み合わせは,どちらか一方を含む場合よりも,進化後のポケモンの名前として判断されやすいことが明らかになった。さらに,本研究では,実験2で得られた母音と有声阻害音の音象徴的効果について,制約理論である最大エントロピーモデル(Maximum Entropy (MaxEnt) Grammar)の枠組みでの分析も提供し,音象徴を生成言語理論の視点から捉える。

6 1 0 0 OA 韓国語の母音

著者
梅田 博之
出版者
日本言語学会
雑誌
言語研究 (ISSN:00243914)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.1994, no.106, pp.1-22, 1994-11-30 (Released:2007-10-23)
参考文献数
23

In the Seoul dialect, the pronunciation of vowels is different according to the age of speakers, and so the vowel system is also different. Generally speaking, speakers over sixty years of age pronounce the vowel e in two ways;one is [*] and the other is [*:].The former [*] corresponds to the Middle Korean vowel e in a low or high accent and the latter [*:] to e in a low-high accent.These two vowels appear almost complementary to each other, i.e. [*] appears as a short vowel and [*] appears as a long vowel in most cases.In spite of that, I think that each of these two vowels falls to a different phoneme for the following reasons: (1)each vowel of the Seoul dialect, except [*] and [*], has an opposition of quantity in the word-initial syllable, but the sound value of a long vowel is not different from the correspnding short vowel, (2) usually, [*] appears as a long vowel and [*] as a short vowel, but there are a few examples where [*] appears as a short vowel and we can also find a few examples where [*] appears as a long vowel.Therefore I consider [*] and [*] correspond to different phonemes.Consequently, there are nine vowel phonemes, /i, e, e, a, a, o, u, i, a/;and each vowel has the opposition of quantity in the word-initial syllable in older people's pronunciation.The vowel system of speakers over sixty years of age is shown as [2] of table 1.In contrast to older speakers, younger people have a very simple vowel system which consists of seven vowels, /i, e, a, o, u, i, A/. Thus we find the very interesting situation that speakers of the Seoul dialect have different vowel systems depending on their age group.This is the result of diachronic changes that have occurred over the last few decades.I investigated eighteen informants who were native to the mid-town area of Seoul in 1988 and 1989 to clarify how vowels changed according to the age of speakers.The types of vowel systems shown at table 1 were found in the investigation.The vowel changes according to the speakers'age groups can be pictured as shown at the table 5.[*:] of groups [1] and [2] phonemically changed into [i:] in groups [3] and [4] for basic words which they learned orally in their childhood, but in literary words they borrowed [*:] from the older people's pronunciation.[*:] was brought into the pronunciation of group [5] by the influence of the written language, i.e.spelling pronunciation, as language education began to follow a regulated curriculum from primary school, and additionally due to the analogical change in the verb conjugation which first occurs in this group. In group [6], [i:] and [*:] joins [*:] due to the increasing influence of the written language and in addition by the analogical change in verb conjugation.In group [7], long vowels lose length and accordingly [*:] changes into [A], losing lip-rounding.With respect to the front vowel opposition, group [1] and [2] have a clear distinction in initial syllables, but in non-initial syllables it hasalready disappeared as a rule except in morpheme-boundary position. Roughly speaking, most informants of groups that follow group [3] show unstable distinction even in initial syllables.Considering the above-mentioned vowel change, it can be summarized that the change goes on very gradually in each age group because it occurs under the linguistic influence of elderly groups to restrain from the change and also being receded by interference of the written language and analogical change.Thus we see the reason why the different vowel systems can exist synchronically in the same speech community.
著者
清瀬 義三郎則府
出版者
日本言語学会
雑誌
言語研究 (ISSN:00243914)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.1989, no.96, pp.23-42, 1989-11-25 (Released:2010-11-26)
参考文献数
68

Among the five vowels in Modern Japanese, the vowel u is a highcentral unrounded sound [w]. Accordingly, the vowel triangle of Modern Japanese is somewhat anomalous, lacking a rounded high-back vowel [u]. How did this sort of vowel system form historically?A reconstruction of eight vowels in Old Japanese, the central dialect of the Nara period (710-84), is commonly accepted. Although interpreted otherwise by some, the so-called ko-otsu distinctions must have been due to the vocalic oppositions, i≠ï, e≠ë, and o≠ö. The vowel diagrams of Old Japanese drawn by scholars adopting the eight-vowel theory are, however, in conflict with what some consider to be phonetic universals. In particular, there are only three vowels (i, i, and u) at the high level but four (e, ë, ö, and o) at the mid.There is no problem with assuming that the sound values of (C) a, (C) i, (C) u, (C) e, and # o were identical with those of the corresponding vowels in Modern Japanese. The problem reduces to determining the sound values of Cï, Cë, Co, and Cö. Judging from the positions of the Chinese Characters, used as man' yogana, in the Ancient Chinese rhyme tables, one may infer that -ö(following a consonant) was phonetically identical with # o (not following a consonant), which was [o], and that the sound value of -o was [u], a high-back vowel. Thus, o with no preceding consonant should be described as ö. Likewise, ï was very likely high-central and ë mid-central. Drawing a diagram based on the inferred sound values, i, ï, u, and o form a high vowel series, front to back; e, ë, and ö form a mid vowel series, front to back; and a is a low-central vowel, just as in the vowel triangles of Altaic languages.Internal reconstruction on the basis of the verbal stems of Old Japanese indicates that all eight vowels could be coupled with all consonants, including zero, in Archaic (pre-Nara) Japanese. The eighth century was the close of a transitional era, when the ko-otsu distinction remained only in a few environments. At the outset of the Heian period (794-1192), the phonetic changes ï>i, ë>e, and o>ö took place in all environments. The remaining five vowels have continued into the modern period, forming the “anomalous” vowel system of Modern Japanese.
著者
定延 利之 田窪 行則
出版者
The Linguistic Society of Japan
雑誌
言語研究 (ISSN:00243914)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.1995, no.108, pp.74-93, 1995-11-30 (Released:2007-10-23)
参考文献数
26

This paper attempts to construct a dynamic model of dialogic discourse. We posit a cognitive interface between language and knowledge-base. This interface contains pointers or indices which control the access path to the knowledge-base and the temporary memorybase set up for each dialogue session. Utterances in a dialogue can be seen as instructions for operations on this interface:registering, searching, copying, and inferring, etc. We examine the nature of these operations by analyzing Japanese interjections such as "eeto" and "ano(o)". The mental processes which those interjections reflect can be well described using the data-base and the working buffer. "Eeto" reflects that the speaker is securing the working space in the buffer, whereas "ano(o)" reflects that the speaker is extracting linguistic information from the data-base.
著者
泉井 久之助
出版者
日本言語学会
雑誌
言語研究 (ISSN:00243914)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.1957, no.32, pp.121-136, 1957-12-31 (Released:2010-11-26)
著者
高山 知明
出版者
The Linguistic Society of Japan
雑誌
言語研究 (ISSN:00243914)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.1992, no.101, pp.14-34, 1992-03-25 (Released:2007-10-23)
参考文献数
11

The contrast of the vowel length in Modern Japanese results from the coalescence in Vu hiatuses as [iu][eu][au][ou], which changed into long vowels. This paper intends toexplain what factors were relevant to these changes. It presents two points as follows.(1) As a result of the above-mentioned changes, i) the indivisible units that had two morae, i.e. the long vowels, came to be established. ii) the syllable u came to be restricted to be at the initial positions of morphemes. These processes are worthy of notice from the functional point of view. They are regarded consonant with the trend, which has been already pointed out, of the phonological evolution in the history of Japanese language: that the delimitation of morphemes has been manifested by the phonotactic and tonal rearrangement resulting from several different changes.(2) The manner of changes in Vu and in Vi was conditioned by the phonetic nature of Vu and of Vi. Vu hiatuses were vulnerable to the changes into long vowels under the condition that the [j] follows all consonants except [w].
著者
上野 善道
出版者
日本言語学会
雑誌
言語研究 (ISSN:00243914)
巻号頁・発行日
no.130, pp.1-42, 2006-12
著者
鈴木 孝夫
出版者
The Linguistic Society of Japan
雑誌
言語研究 (ISSN:00243914)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.1962, no.42, pp.23-30, 1962-10-31 (Released:2013-05-23)
参考文献数
4

In the vocabulary of sound symbolism of Present-day Japanese, there are a great many examples of word-pairs such as kira-kira: gira-gira, both of which denote substantially the same thing (or event), but connote differently. The denotata of these two are the same sense-impression we obtain from looking at some light-giving object e. g. the sun, and the connotatum of the former is, broadly speaking, our appreciation of the experience, whereas that of the latter seems to be a certain sense of displeasure, if not of disgust. Here we find our emotive attitude towards the event reflected faithfully in a contrastive sound pair; k: g, thus the expressive value of sounds peculiar to Japanese is exploited to the full. The kind of naturalistic connection here illustrated between the meaning of a word and its sound, however, does not normally exist outside the sphere of onomatopoeia in a wide sense of the term. But the author points out in this article that there are a number of word-pairs, mostly of colloquial usage, which, having nothing to do with onomatopoeia, can be regarded in their semantic structure as close parallels to the example above cited. A case in point is the pair; tori: dori. Now tori here means a bird or a chicken looked on as an edible thing, and dori stands for the inedible part, i. e. lungs and intestines, of a bird. One more example; hure: bure. A bure is trembling in general. A bure for a trembling of the hand as one takes pictures. To these are found corresponding verbs as well. Discussing these and other similar pairs in some detail, the author concludes that the functioning of morphophonemic contrasts of this kind are of two levels. As for denotative meaning, the contrast t: d etc. has an associative function. As for connotative meaning the same contrast has a dissociative, i. e. distinctive function.
著者
五十嵐 陽介
出版者
日本言語学会
雑誌
言語研究 (ISSN:00243914)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.150, pp.33-57, 2016 (Released:2016-11-17)
参考文献数
44

琉球語南琉球語群宮古語の方言である池間方言と多良間方言は3種類のアクセント型が対立するいわゆる三型アクセント体系を有する。両方言のアクセント型の区別は広範な環境で中和する。また両方言は,日本語諸方言と比較して複雑なアクセント型の実現規則を有する。本稿は,両方言の韻律構造を記述するためには,2モーラ以上の語根および接語が写像される韻律範疇である韻律語を仮定しなければならないことを示す。また本稿は,韻律範疇を扱う理論的研究の知見を踏まえながら,問題の韻律範疇に韻律語の地位を与えることの妥当性に関する予備的な議論を行う。
著者
杉藤 美代子
出版者
The Linguistic Society of Japan
雑誌
言語研究 (ISSN:00243914)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.1978, no.74, pp.57-82, 1978-10-31 (Released:2010-11-26)
参考文献数
15

The kinds and number of word accent types of Japanese differ according to the dialect. Some dialects lack phonological distinction of word accent types. Systematization of accent types and distribution of dialectal accent areas have already been investigated by many scholars but quantitative studies concerning the accuracy of identification of accent types have rarely been tried before.Using synthetic stimuli, the auther conducted some identification tests of word accent types on high school students in six cities, which covered four different dialectal accent areas. In addition, stability of dialectal accent types pronounced by many informants in Nagasaki was compared with that in Osaka, and the Nagasaki dialect was found more unstable in producing accent types than the Osaka dialect.As the result of some perception experiments, individual differences were found both in the categorical boundary and in the identification accuracy. Dialectal difierences in boundaries were also found between certain accent types when one of the types was meaningless for certain dialectal subjects. The identification accuracy of subjects in Osaka, Tokyo, and Osaka had no significant difference, while it was significanly lower in Nagasaki where production of accent was unstable, and also in Fukui and Yonezawa whose dialects lack phonological distinction of accent types.Accent perception was presumed to have some connection with accent production.
著者
頼 惟勤
出版者
日本言語学会
雑誌
言語研究 (ISSN:00243914)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.1951, no.17-18, pp.1-46,182, 1951-03-20 (Released:2010-11-26)

Japanese Buddhist priests have tradition of sutra reading, This sutra reading is performed melodiously and is called-“Syomyo”. Some kinds of syomyb were brought from China at the time of T'ang dynasty. We called These Kan-on-syomyo: For the pronunciation of these syomyos is called kan-on that is, a kind of Sine-Japanese pronunciation.In this thesis the author warift to confirm the tone, in which Chinese characters were. pronounced at the time of Tang dynasty, utilizing Kan-on-syomyo as clues. Signs used. for describing sycmyo music are called “Hakase”, One hakase stands for one. Chinese character, like the Ssu-henfu in Chu.-yin-fu-hall. Utilizing these hakase signs as key under certain methodological considerations, the author wants to find out the tone class and tone' value. The composition of syomyo in hakases is always done under musical consideration-that is, determined by the position the. character takes in the musical structure of phrases. The result is that the same tone can be sung in. various ways.Because of the discrepancy between music and spoken language, the tone confirmed through this inquiry correspond only to a certain. group of characters which resemble each other as regards the tone class or tone value.
著者
大竹 昌巳
出版者
日本言語学会
雑誌
言語研究 (ISSN:00243914)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.148, pp.81-102, 2015 (Released:2016-05-17)
参考文献数
45

契丹語はモンゴル諸語と親縁関係を有する死滅した言語で,11–12世紀の契丹小字文献によってその姿を知ることができる。本稿は,契丹小字文献における母音の長さの書き分けについて,同源語の比較やテキストにおける分布特徴の分析,接尾辞の異形態や綴字交替の分析等を通じて以下の点を示す。(1)V, CVのように開音節型の字素の母音は長母音を表記している。(2)VCのように閉音節型の字素の母音は基本的に短母音を表すが,長母音ē+子音を表す一連の字素も存在する(Vは母音,Cは半母音を含む子音を表す)。また,比較言語学的観点からは,(3)契丹語の長母音には現代モンゴル語の(母音間の子音の脱落による母音縮合の結果生じた)二次的長母音に対応するものに加えて,(4)モンゴル祖語やテュルク祖語にかつて存在した一次的長母音と対応すると考えられるものが存在する可能性についても論じる*。
著者
板橋 義三
出版者
日本言語学会
雑誌
言語研究 (ISSN:00243914)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.2001, no.120, pp.106-116, 2001-12-25 (Released:2007-10-23)
参考文献数
15