著者
俵 章浩
出版者
日本科学史学会
雑誌
科学史研究. 第II期 (ISSN:00227692)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.51, no.262, pp.65-73, 2012-06-26

The purpose of this paper is to analyse the concept of pneuma (ruh) in On Cardiac Drugs, a medical work of Ibn Sina (980-1037). The idea of pneuma, the concept used to explain the physiology of the human body, originated in ancient Greece. Ibn Sina inherited this idea and gave it an important role in his medical theory. In his Canon of Medicine, the Galenic pneuma theory is expounded. In On Cardiac Drugs, by contrast, a property that cannot be explained by Galenic medicine is attributed to pneuma. It is a property of luminosity (nuraniyah), and moreover, luminous pneuma is said to resemble the substance of heaven (jawhar al-sama). This thought is neither found in works of ancient Greek medicine nor in the works of Arabic writers who played a role in introducing Greek medicine to the Arabic world.
著者
福島 真由美
出版者
日本科学史学会
雑誌
科学史研究 [第2期] (ISSN:00227692)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.9, no.96, pp.207-212, 1970-12
著者
所澤 潤
出版者
日本科学史学会
雑誌
科学史研究. 第II期 (ISSN:00227692)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.52, no.268, pp.221-230, 2013-12-24

The recently discovered physics notebook kept by Ms. Sho Iyoku around 1890 suggests a new perspective on the method of using the textbook Physics for Elementary School Students by Makita Goto et al. published in 1885, which is well-known as one of the best textbooks ever to be published in the history of science education in Japan. However, it has not been examined at all how it had been used in the classroom despite the fact that it is one of the most important dimensions of the evaluation of this document. The author analyzes Iyoku's notebook by combining the new knowledge of the question-and-answer method with the structure of each unit in the textbook. He then suggests that it is probable the teacher taught physics to pupils by making them copy what he wrote on a blackboard after the actual experiments in order not to make pupils refer to the textbook prior to the experiment. The author concludes that Iyoku's notebook may represent one of the first examples preceding the new teaching methodology dubbed "substitute notebook", which became widespread around 1900.
著者
渡邊 洋之
出版者
日本科学史学会
雑誌
科学史研究. 第II期 (ISSN:00227692)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.42, no.227, pp.129-139, 2003-09-25

This paper is to explain the process of the introduction of nutrias in Japan and the thoughts of various people who were related to it. Since nutrias was regarded as furred animals suitable for the wartime system and attracted the interest of the military, breeding of them was spread rapidly. However, the demand for nutrias furs was vanished by the defeat of WWII, then nutrias were ejected in the open air. At a later time, around 1950, breeding of nutrias became popular once again. But this boom was declined after several years and nutrias were ejected outdoors again because the boom did not expand beyond the stage of speculative business. This fact shows that in the historical context, the introduction and expansion of nutrias was not seen as a problem but even recommended, which is different from today's principle that any introduced species should be expelled. On the other hand, this paper can not confirm any fact showing the argument about the introduction of nutrias had some influence on the argument about what human society ought to be like. However, it shows that biologists have attempted to speak figuratively about nutrias by giving them various names, for example, shouri (this is a homonym of the word that means victory in Japanese) or rumin (this word means immigrants who are forced to wander in Japanese). This fact means that any discourse about the introduction of living things should become not only scientific but social.
著者
森脇 靖子
出版者
日本科学史学会
雑誌
科学史研究. 第II期 (ISSN:00227692)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.49, no.255, pp.163-173, 2010-09-24

In 1891, Silk Association of America warned Japanese vice-consul in New-York that the quality of Japanese raw silk was sub-standard. It advised both an improvement of silkworm breeds and a reduction in Japan's more than 300 silkworm breeds. In 1893, the engineers at the Institute of the Ministry of Agriculture and Trade (I.M.A.T.) began applying themselves to the task, though there was little scientific knowledge of breeding by crossing. By 1910, I.M.A.T. could not develop suitable silkworm breeds. However silkworm breeders had achieved some improvements through hybridization. When Kametaro Toyama who had known the breeder's breeding by crossing, began to interbreed in 1900, he did not know Mendelism. But Toyama had learned about the heredity and variation of hybridization, through the book, 'The Germ-Plasm' of A. Weismann. In 1901, he read the paper of H. de Vries and found out about Mendelism. From 1902 to 1905, he continued silkworm cross-experiments in Thailand (then Siam). In 1906, he confirmed that Mendel's law could be applied to silkworm in his doctoral dissertation. And he insisted on making f_1 hybrid for improvement of silkworm. In 1909, he published the book, 'Sansyuron' which he presented his method of breeding based on Mendelism. Only in 1910 did the engineers at the I.M.A.T., including S. Ishiwata, accept Mendelism and Toyama's methodology. After that, under the leadership of Toyama, I.M.A.T. began improving silkworm breeds and succeeded in producing an excellent f_1 hybrid by 1913. As a result, the Japanese raw silk was rapidly improved in quality.
著者
MATSUNAGA Toshio
出版者
日本科学史学会
雑誌
Historia scientiarum. Second series : international journal of the History of Science Society of Japan (ISSN:02854821)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.11, no.3, pp.218-225, 2002-03-30

In Japan, evolutionism became popular towards the end of nineteenth century. Mendelism became popular around 1920. Mendelian genetics has become one of the important branches of Japanese biology. But evolutionism did not become an academic subject among Japanese biological researchers. Popularization of Mendelism had not changed this state of evoutionism in Japan. In this report I will describe mainly the state of evolutionism in Japan untill the 1920s, and comment briefly on the state of evolutionism arter that.
著者
小島 智恵子
出版者
日本科学史学会
雑誌
科学史研究. 第II期 (ISSN:00227692)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.43, no.230, pp.106-110, 2004-06-25
著者
北林 雅洋
出版者
日本科学史学会
雑誌
科学史研究. 第II期 (ISSN:00227692)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.50, no.260, pp.194-198, 2011-12-27
著者
中村 士
出版者
日本科学史学会
雑誌
科学史研究. 第II期 (ISSN:00227692)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.48, no.250, pp.98-108, 2009-06-25

Although historical records show that a telescope was first brought about into Japan as early as in 1613, existing telescopes in Japan produced before 1750 are rare and have never been examined in detail. In 2003 and 2005, we had a chance to scrutinize the antique telescope owned by one of feudal warlords, Tokugawa Yoshinao, who was the ninth son of the first Shogun Iyeyasu and inherited a large han (clan) at Owari-Nagoya district. Since Yoshinao died in 1650, it means that his telescope was made in or before that year. Our investigations of the telescope revealed that it is of Schyrlean type, namely, a more advanced one than the Galilean telescope, consisting of four convex lenses. In Europe, the invention of the Schyrlean telescope was publicized in 1645. Optical measurements showed that Yoshinao's telescope gave erect images with a measured magnifying power of 3.9 (+/- 0.2-0.3). The design, fabrication technique of the tube and caps of the telescope, and tube decoration all point to that it is neither a Western product at all nor a pure Japanese make. It is likely that the telescope was produced probably under the guidance of the Jesuit missionary in China or by the native Chinese, near cities of Suzhou or Hangzhou in Zhejiang province of the continental China, or at Nagasaki. Based on the Japanese and Chinese historical literature, we also discuss the possibility that production of the Schyrlean telescope could have begun independently in the Far East, nearly simultaneously with the invention of that type in Europe.