著者

KIM Dong-Won

出版者

日本科学史学会

雑誌

Historia scientiarum. Second series : international journal of the History of Science Society of Japan (ISSN:02854821)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.19, no.2, pp.105-118, 2009-12-31

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Two atomic bombs dropped on Hiroshima and Nagasaki in August 1945 brought the unexpected liberation of Korea from the 35-year Japanese occupation. Koreans therefore had a very favorable and positive image of the nuclear bomb and nuclear energy from the beginning. The image of the nuclear bomb as "savior" was strengthened during the Korean War when the United States openly mentioned the possible use of the nuclear bomb against North Korean and Chinese military. After the end of the Korean War in July 1953 South Koreans strongly supported the development of the nuclear bomb in order to deter another North Korean invasion. When the US government provided South Korea with a research nuclear reactor in the late 1950s, most South Koreans hailed it as the first step to developing their own nuclear bomb. This paper will analyze how and why the savior image of the nuclear bomb originated and spread in Korea during the 1950s.

著者

SUGIMOTO Mai

出版者

日本科学史学会

雑誌

Historia scientiarum. Second series : international journal of the History of Science Society of Japan (ISSN:02854821)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.23, no.1, pp.1-23, 2013-07-31

参考文献数

5

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This paper explores how Edmund C. Berkeley tried to instruct and popularize high-speed computers in the 1940s and 1950s and how Berkeley emphasized the connection between computers and symbolic logic. Berkeley strengthened his conviction in the significance of symbolic logic and Boolean algebra before his graduation from Harvard University and maintained this conviction for more than 30 years. Berkeley published books and articles, including Giant Brains, and sold electrical toy kits by which yound boys could learn electrical circuits and their logical implications. The target audience of Berkeley covered wide range of people including those who were not making computers but were interested in using them, that is, amateur adults technology enthusiasts who enjoyed tinkering with technology or reading about science and technology, and young students. In these projects Berkeley used Shannon's paper of 1938, "A symbolic analysis of relay and switching circuits" as a theoretical basis of his conviction. Design of these kits was fine-tuned by Claude E. Shannon.

著者

全 相運

出版者

日本科学史学会

雑誌

科学史研究 [第2期] (ISSN:00227692)

巻号頁・発行日

no.66, pp.49-57, 1963-04

著者

全 相運

出版者

日本科学史学会

雑誌

科学史研究 [第2期] (ISSN:00227692)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.7, no.87, pp.148-150, 1968-09

著者

DHOMBRES J.

出版者

日本科学史学会

雑誌

Historia scientiarum : international journal of the History of Science Society of Japan (ISSN:02854821)

巻号頁・発行日

no.28, pp.91-137, 1985-03-25

著者

安孫子 誠也

出版者

日本科学史学会

雑誌

科学史研究. 第II期 (ISSN:00227692)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.32, no.187, pp.162-165, 1993-09-28

参考文献数

18

被引用文献数

1

著者

佐藤 利夫

出版者

日本科学史学会

雑誌

科学史研究. 第II期 (ISSN:00227692)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.52, no.265, pp.24-28, 2013-03-26

参考文献数

15

著者

三浦 伸夫

出版者

日本科学史学会

雑誌

科学史研究. 第II期 (ISSN:00227692)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.32, no.188, pp.233-234, 1994-02-17

著者

山崎 正勝

出版者

日本科学史学会

雑誌

科学史研究. 第II期 (ISSN:00227692)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.48, no.249, pp.11-21, 2009-03-25

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In the early years of the Cold War, both the United States and the Soviet Union used their nuclear power technology as a diplomatic tool for expanding their political influence on respective friendly nations. On December 8, 1953, the United States initiated a new international nuclear program with President Dwight D. Eisenhower's "Atoms for Peace Address" before the General Assembly of the United Nations. This program regarded Japan as one of the most promising countries that could introduce nuclear power plants since it consumed a huge amount of energy while being short of natural resources. This paper studies the historical process of the atomic energy agreement between Japan and the US in 1955 using declassified documents in both countries. It shows that in spite of various proposals of the introduction of nuclear power plants into Japan including that of Congressman Sydney Yates, the final agreement was only for research reactors because American authorities felt that such proposals might mean an admission of US guilt in atomic bombing. It also argues that the agreement was one of steps toward the hegemony of bureaucrats and politicians in Japanese nuclear policy that made the leadership of scientists, especially those of the Science Council of Japan, decline.

著者

栗原 岳史

出版者

日本科学史学会

雑誌

科学史研究. 第II期 (ISSN:00227692)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.50, no.258, pp.65-76, 2011-06-24

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After the end of the Second World War, the U.S. military services began to support basic research in ivilian institutions. They officially stated that they would transfer their basic research programs to the National Science Foundation (NSF), once it was established. But in fact they did not. This paper has analyzed the institutional processes in which the U.S. military services continued to support basic research after the establishment of the NSF. In July 1946, the US Army and Navy jointly established the Research and Development Board (RDB) to coordinate Their R & D activities. They appointed Vannevar Bush, a famous civilian scientific administrator and the director of the Office of Scientific Research and Development during the war, as Chairman of the RDB. Bush and some military officials attempted to set up a defense research division in the NSF, but they did not succeeded because President Truman vetoed in August 1947 the bill that they had proposed. As a result, the NSF was established without any military research divisions. Following the veto, debates continued among the military officials whether they should continue to support basic research programs in civilian institutions or transfer such support entirely to the NSF. During meetings of the RDB between 1948 and 1951, the decision was made that the military services would continue to support basic research even after the establishment of the NSF.

著者

鈴木 善次

出版者

日本科学史学会

雑誌

科学史研究. 第II期 (ISSN:00227692)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.28, no.172, pp.211-212, 1990-02-19

著者

法貴 遊

出版者

日本科学史学会

雑誌

科学史研究. [第III期] (ISSN:21887535)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.54, no.274, pp.119-134, 2015-07-24

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The present article explores practical aspects of medieval ophthalmology in Cairo Genizah, by examining an exchange of letters (T-S 10J16.16) between two ophthalmologists (Abu Zikri and Abu 'Ali). In this document, written between the twelfth and thirteenth century, they talked about conditions and treatments of three eye diseases, i.e. ulcer of cornea (qarha fi qarniya), conjunctivitis (ramad) and trachoma (jarab). I compare their descriptions with the explanations found in major Arabic ophthalmological texts, and thereby reveal the practical dimension of their medical activity. At the stage of diagnosis, Abu Zikri's observation was based on the same pathological knowledge as described in the medieval Arabic medical texts, which was also shared by Abu 'All. However, when deciding the treatment plans, the two ophthalmologists, though still basing themselves on the same medical books, adopted different methods. Finally, at the stage of prescription, Abu 'Ali suggested the use of some medical substances that could seldom be found in the major texts. His knowledge of pharmacotherapy could come from his experiences (tajriba). Although such empirical knowledge might not have affected Abu 'All's basic physiology, its accumulation within the domain of pharmacotherapy could have influenced his decision about treatment plans.

著者

中澤 聡

出版者

日本科学史学会

雑誌

科学史研究. 第II期 (ISSN:00227692)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.51, no.262, pp.74-84, 2012-06-26

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This paper examines the influence of the Italian school of river hydraulics in the Eighteenth-Century Dutch Republic. It highlights the Bolognese mathematician Domenico Guglielmini (1655-1710) and the Dutch natural philosopher Willem Jacob's Gravesande (1688-1742) and compares their research activities, focussing on their theoretical works as well as their approaches to the practical problems. Guglielmini formed his theory of open channel in the context of the discussion about the projected improvement of the Po rivers, while's Gravesande adopted it to apply to the problem about the improvement works in the Rhine Delta. In Guglielmini's research, focus is laid on deriving certain formula with which one can determine the discharge of a river by simple calculation. 's Gravesande, on the other hand, relied more on the actual measurement of flow velocity in practice, although his intellectual basis was Guglielmini's theory. This paper will conclude that the essence of what's Gravesande adopted from the Italian school was the concept of flow rate and the measurement method of flow velocity, while he was more cautious in applying simple discharge formulae to real rivers.

著者

小川 修三

出版者

日本科学史学会

雑誌

科学史研究. 第II期 (ISSN:00227692)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.25, no.160, pp.274-275, 1987-06-30

著者

北村 紗衣

出版者

日本科学史学会

雑誌

科学史研究. [第III期] (ISSN:21887535)

巻号頁・発行日

no.269, pp.118-119, 2014-04-28

著者

白石 崇人

出版者

日本科学史学会

雑誌

科学史研究. 第II期 (ISSN:00227692)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.47, no.246, pp.65-74, 2008-06-25

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Tei Nishimura planned the Japanese Association for the Advancement of Science in 1888. According to his plan, the association was established through the union of educational, scientific and technological groups. The purpose was to enlighten people on the value of science, promote special research topics, improve the political position of science and scientists, and simplify the dissemination of research outcomes. The model adopted was that of the British Association for the Advancement of Science, although this association had no educational section in the 1880s. Nishimura's plan to unite educational and scientific groups within the association developed from his theory of education, which sought to relate education to science. He hoped for the development of pedagogy, and conducted research on the relationship between education and science. In addition, he thought that the theory of A. Bain was quoted, and that science assisted didactics. He thought that Bain applied psychology, physiology etc. to didactics, and was going to use their scientific method as a practical method. He began the reform of the Educational Society of Japan based on his plan. In 1888, he established a system of consultation with the Ministry of Education, to enable cooperation between science and technological research as well as education, and to conduct research into education.

著者

多久和 俊明

出版者

日本科学史学会

雑誌

科学史研究. [第III期] (ISSN:21887535)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.54, no.276, pp.397-400, 2016-01-25

著者

泊 次郎

出版者

日本科学史学会

雑誌

科学史研究. 第II期 (ISSN:00227692)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.44, no.235, pp.129-138, 2005-09-27

被引用文献数

1

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After World War II, the Japanese geological community was involved in a passionate movement for democracy. In 1947 an association so called "Chidanken" was founded for the purpose of democratizing the geological community and collaborating on the geological research. Chidanken also generated a new research tradition that could be named "Historicism". The research tradition, which, became dominant in the Japanese geological community in 1950s, placed a special emphasis on discovering the law of the earth evolution. The historicism research tradition also produced geosynclinal mountain-building theory that had the idea that geosynclines possessed mountain-building forces within them. While there was another research tradition which remained since European geology had been introduced in the mid-nineteenth century. That could be named "Actuarism". There were many controversies over an origin of volcanic rocks and so on between the above two research traditions from 1950s to the beginning of 1970s. When plate tectonics was introduced into Japan in the end of 1960s, the adherence of the historicism research tradition did not accept plate tectonics, because plate tectonics was built on "Actuarism". Moreover geosynclinal mountain-building theory conflicted with plate tectonics that accounted for mountain-building as a consequence of plate motion. Consequently, it was not until the middle of 1980s that plate tectonics was generally accepted in the Japanese geological community.

著者

水沢 光

出版者

日本科学史学会

雑誌

科学史研究. 第II期 (ISSN:00227692)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.52, no.266, pp.65-69, 2013-06-25

著者

山崎 正勝

出版者

日本科学史学会

雑誌

科学史研究. 第II期 (ISSN:00227692)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.40, no.218, pp.87-96, 2001-06-28

被引用文献数

1

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Soon after the dropping of the Hiroshima bomb, Yoshio Nishina, an experimental physicist who was in charge of the Army's development of nuclear weapons at Riken, the Institute of Physical and Chemical Research, could understand that it was an atomic bomb because its energy release given in Truman's statement coincided with the one that his colleague Hidehiko Tamaki estimated a few years ago. This suggests that they knew of the magnitude of nuclear explosions. Uraniumu bakudan (uranium bomb), Japanese physicists' bomb at the time, is, however, known to be a kind of nuclear reactor out of control. The "bomb" of this kind is not very powerful because it is based on a slow-neutron reaction. This paper challenges to reproduce Japanese physicists' calculations at the time, and shows that they thought that they could explode their uraniumu bakudan, a slow- reactor bomb, with a quite high efficiency. This led them to expect that the energy release from their bomb would be of 20 K ton TNT equivalence that accidentally coincided with the energy release of the Hiroshima bomb.