著者

渡邉 義浩

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.178, pp.25-63, 2021-02

著者

杉山 隆一

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 = The memoirs of Institute for Advanced Studies on Asia (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

no.177, pp.230-178, 2020-03-31

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The mausoleum of Emām Rez̤ā ('Alī b. Mūsā al-Riḍā, the eighth Imam of Twelver Shiism, d. 818) was erected in Mashhad, which is located in the Khorasan region of Iran, after his death. It is well known that this mausoleum was endowed with many vaqf properties, and it gradually developed into a religious complex, as the veneration for seyyeds was enhanced in this region after Mongol rule and Shiization policies were implemented under the Safavids. Many scholars have studied the history of this mausoleum and its development, mainly through historical chronicles. Some such scholars have recently conducted studies of vaqf documents, royal edicts, and financial documents written in the siyāq script. While these efforts have produced many results that have clarified each of this mausoleum's departments and their roles, little is known about the overall picture of its organizational structure and staffing and its raison d'être as a sacred place.\n This study aims to elucidate the organization and administration of this mausoleum during the Afsharid period, primarily using a historical document entitled Ṭūmār-e 'Alīshāhī (Scroll of 'Alī Shāh). This scroll was compiled in 1747 by order of the second ruler of the Afshar dynasty, 'Alī Shāh, to show how the mausoleum as a religious complex had been managed before the confiscation of vaqf properties by 'Alī Shāh's predecessor Nāder Shāh, as well as to present the precise situation of the mausoleum's management at the time of its compilation. It is one of the most valuable sources of information written in the pre-modern period, and includes lists of the mausoleum complex's vaqf properties, other financial sources, its administrative staff and their salaries, information about the supplies departments in charge of daily business related to the purchase and storage of food, drugs, and candles, and other parts of the complex like the kitchen, library, and hospital, as well as management regulations.\n This study, due to its length, is divided into two parts. This paper represents the first part of the study and includes the first three chapters. The first chapter reviews the previous studies and their problems and introduces the Ṭūmār-e 'Alīshāhī and its characteristics. The second chapter considers the financial sources of the mausoleum complex, including its vaqf properties, soyūrghāl, and others, as well as the characteristics of its financial incomes. In addition, it reveals trends in the geographical distribution of vaqf properties and considers which region this mausoleum had the strongest link with to secure its sources of revenue. The third chapter examines the full picture of the administrative organization of this mausoleum by using the list of its staff, revealing that it resembled the organization of the courts of Turco-Mongolian dynasties.

著者

小林 宏道

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化 = Oriental culture (ISSN:05640202)

巻号頁・発行日

no.101, pp.15-29, 2021-03

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特集 世界史を越境する/世界史に共振する─画家・富山妙子の作品世界─I部 世界史を旅する画家

著者

堀井 聡江

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.169, pp.432-395, 2016-03

著者

平位 匡 池本 幸生

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 = The memoirs of Institute for Advanced Studies on Asia (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

no.174, pp.1-32, 2019-02-28

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In The Idea of Justice, Amartya Sen started his argument by differentiating his capability approach from the mainstream in terms of structure: comparative vis-à-vis transcendental. He called the mainstream approach of justice as transcendental because it has been trying to construct a theory of justice based on fundamental principles questing for perfection. Sen insists that it is impossible to construct a perfect theory of justice because our world is far from perfection and that what we need is a more practical approach, which can be used to compare feasible options that we actually have and to choose one from among them. What lies behind this strategy is respect for a plurality of values and reasoning in society. In this context, description plays a key role in this approach, given that plural values and reasoning can be reflected only in an inductive manner which requires rich description. This difference can be applied to his approach in economics. The mainstream economics has been constructing models and theories based on hypothesis such as utility maximization. In this sense the mainstream is "perfect" but not practical as such hypothesis is not realistic. In the field of development economics he uses more practical and realistic approach based on statistics. His main contributions in the field such as the cause of famine and missing women started from examining statistics. His argument always starts from reality and is thus inductive, which is in sharp contrast with the deductive mainstream approach. Sen's approach can be traced back to the Cambridge tradition, which typically embraces inductive methods of reasoning. The purpose of this article is to examine how Sen's approach is related to it with a particular focus on the influence of Maurice Dobb. In relation to this, some possible extensions of his approach will be discussed.

著者

陳 志勤

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.152, pp.141-170, 2007-12

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紹興是具有二千五百年悠久歷史的著名水鄉,但是,紹興的美麗風光並不是依賴自然界的變化而形成的。不用說紹興的自然環境變化得益於歷代統治者的治水和利水,但是我們也不應忘卻生活在這一方土地的人民對自然的利用以及管理。現在,因為急劇的經濟發展和地方開發,環境問題特別是水污染問題不斷加劇。對於自然的管理和環境問題,無論日本和中國已在很多領域展開深入的研究,為了探求自然的利用和管理,"自下而上"的以社區為基礎的管理模式(community based management)已引起極大關注。因此,對於長期以來與山林河川共生共存的當地人民是如何進行自然的利用和管理的這一問題,當然就成為一個必須探討和研究的重要課題。作為本文研究對象的紹興南部山區王壇鎮舜王廟周圍,傳承著魚類敬仰舜王的民俗,為了保護這些魚類,很早以來就有把舜王廟下雙江溪中的舜皇潭作為禁漁區的習慣。並且,對於那些違反禁漁規約的人,作為懲罰要讓他們負擔請戲班演戲或者置辦酒席的費用,也就是說曾經存在過"罰戲"、"罰宴"這種適應當地人文環境的懲罰方式。從這樣的傳統民俗中,我們可以看到因為信仰、祭祀而結成的地域共同體在自然管理中所發揮的作用,很明顯,這和日本的村落共同體在自然管理中發揮作用的情形是不相同的。本文的研究目的是,首先闡明因舜王信仰、舜王廟會而形成的共同體和自然管理的關係,然後探究把罰戲、罰宴作為懲罰手段的這種類型的共同體,在自然管理中所發揮的作用。

著者

大木 康

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

no.138, pp.67-108, 1999-12

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Mao Xiang recorded his memory of his concubine Dong Xiaowan years after her untimely death in the upheaval after the fall of the Ming Dynasty.Dong Xiaowan was a courtesan in the Qinhuai district of the Ming Southern capital of Nanjing when she met Mao Xiang.I have translated the first part of Reminiscences of the Convent of Shadowy Plum-blossoms describing the circumstances surrounding Dong Xiaowan's marriage to Mao Xiang and her relationship with his family and the second part describing their daily life together.The first two sections form the first two installments of this series.In this installment I translate the third and final section.The section part of Reminiscences of the Convent of Shadowy Plum-blossoms begins with anecdotes from their life together.Mao describes Dong's love of flowers and her careful cultivation of various plants that filled her room with blooms throughout the seasons.Dong also had a refined palete.Mao went out of his way to supply her with exceptional delicacies such as a syrup made with flower blossoms and a delicate seasoning derived from fermented beans.The Ming Dynasty collapsed, however, in 1644 and Manchu troops invaded placid Jiangnan the follwing year.In this moment of crisis Mao distinguished herself by quick wits, earning the deep respect of Mao's family for her help in obtaining refuge.In 1647, and in 1649, Mao suffered serious illness, but was lovingly nursed around the clock by his devoted Dong Xiaowan.The hardships of this period after tha fall of the Ming are described in a most vivid style.Mao mentions some omens that suggested Dong's untimely death in the course of his narrative.When he draws a fortuneteller's lot predicting his future, his card contained the word for "rememberance".After Dong's death, Mao interprets that card as an indication that he was fated to spend the rest of his life remembering her.

著者

娜 鶴雅

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.160, pp.392-377, 2011-12

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清朝司法制度, 即逐級審轉覆核制, 沿襲了傳統中國行政兼理司法的重要特徵。但自鴉片戰爭以来, 清朝政府被迫與各國簽訂了一系列不平等條約, 國家主權遭受到前所未有的重創。為了維持現有統治秩序, 改正不平等條約, 廢除治外法權, 清朝政府決定學習西方, 開展立憲運動, 進行司法改革。光緒32年(1906), 清朝政府仿照日本司法制度在全國建立了四級三審制, 始設新式審判機關--審判廳。但至民國元年為止, 全國除高等審判廳基本設立外, 地方審判廳和初級審判廳只完成了計畫的1/3和1/5。審判廳設置的不完全, 使得當時的審判程序也大不相同。(1)在審判廳完全設置地區(如京師), 審判程序按照四級三審制進行。(2)在審判廳未完全設置地區(如順天府), 州縣仍按逐級審轉覆核制兼理司法審判, 但自第二審開始, 原審判機關府、按察使司、督撫均被排除在審判程序之外, 為高等審判廳所取代。(3)在審判廳未設置地區, 仍採用逐級審轉覆核制, 但審判程序有所簡化。行政兼理司法的存在也威脅著司法的公正性, 於是清朝政府規定, 除州縣自理案件以外的案件都要經過審判廳複審, 並創設了針對死刑案件的覆判制度, 從而達到彌補行政兼理司法弊端,制約行政官司法權限的目的。

著者

金 鳳珍

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.140, pp.474-453, 2000-12

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Inoue Kakugōrō, as a foreign assistant or advisor, had been employed at a new government office named Bakmunkuk (博文局), having published the modern newspaper such as 'Hansŏngsunbo (漢城旬報)' and 'Hansŏngzubo (漢城周報).'We may say, in a sense, he had been engaged in enlightening the society or reforming the old system when he stayed in Chosŏn for about four years.However, we need to be careful about what motivated him to do this and/or what was his genuine, real purpose in doing that.We must ask whether his motive/purpose was pure or not.By putting these questions, we can reveal not only the real facts of this historical case but also the real problems resided in the historico-psychological depths of the modern history of Japan and Chosŏn.This paper will be a critical suggestion for 'deconstructing' the history of the Japan-Korea relation.

著者

受田 宏之

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化 = ORIENTAL CULTURE (ISSN:05640202)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.97, pp.77-98, 2017-03

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特集 開発と援助の未来学/編集責任 佐藤仁

著者

志賀 裕朗

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化 = Oriental culture (ISSN:05640202)

巻号頁・発行日

no.97, pp.117-140, 2017-03

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特集 開発と援助の未来学/編集責任 佐藤仁第2部 援助を超えて

著者

馬場 紀寿

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 = The memoirs of Institute for Advanced Studies on Asia (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.171, pp.304-348, 2017-03

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The ar ticle discusses how the Khuddakanikāya became a par t of the Pāli Tipiṭaka. In my book, Jōzabu Bukkyō no shisō keisei (Formation of Theravāda Buddhist Thought), I note that the Khuddakanikāya does not appear as a collection of suttantas in the four parts of the Pāli commentaries (Aṭṭhakathā) which refer to structure of the Pāli Tipiṭaka. Based on this assessment, I concluded that the Khuddakanikāya was the last collection added to the Pāli Tipiṭaka. In an article published in 2016, the scholar Toshifumi Shimizu critiqued my conclusion, insisting that the four parts of Pāli commentaries, which my book dealt with, do, in fact, mention the Khuddakanikāya. Reassessing these Pāli commentaries, I argue that Shimizu’s hypothesis is not valid because it is based on cer tain misunderstandings of Pāli words, and their context, and, on account of more general flaws in the logic informing his critique.

著者

金城 美幸

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 = The memoirs of Institute for Advanced Studies on Asia (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.171, pp.114-188, 2017-03

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This paper presents a commentary and a Japanese translation of Deir Yassin: The Destroyed Palestinian Villages, No. 4 (1987. Kana’ana, Sharif, and Nihad Zeitawi. Birzeit: Center for Research and Documentation of Palestinian Society.). The original book is written in Modern Standard Arabic (its descriptive part) and in the village dialect (citations from villagers’ speeches). It is one of the publications from a research project conducted from 1986 to 1998 at Birzeit University, located in the West Bank of the occupied Palestinian territories. This research project aimed to collect and record Palestinian refugees’ oral narratives of their native villages that were destroyed in 1948 because of the establishment of the State of Israel. The book is composed of the following four chapters: (1) The popular history of the village; (2) The clans and families; (3) The village in the 1940s; and (4) The politics, the escape, and the exodus. This project preceded a new wave of historical accounts in Palestinian refugee communities of their original village, and more than 120 similar books have been published since then, recording their homeland based on the former villagers’ narratives. It is noteworthy that these books based on oral history began to be written after the Palestinian diaspora leaders were defeated in Beirut (1982). Many Israeli and Palestinian researchers have argued over the question of why Palestinian Arabs became refugees in 1948. As Israel has ruled most of the area in the region, the historiographies in Israel have dominated the Palestinian historical narrative. Especially after the 1980s, when Israeli historians started to publish their research on the cause of the refugee problem based on the then newly declassified state archives, the "positivist" historiographies gained a great influence over the historical dispute as a whole. In this renewed debate, the Palestinian oral histor y was sidelined again and was regarded as a distor ted narrative. This translated text is dedicated to the village of Deir Yassin, which will always be linked with the massacre that took place in 1948. Although Deir Yassin is the village that has most often been refer red to in the historical dispute, refugees’ memor y of the village reveals the rich layers of folklore that once existed there. The villagers’ narratives show us how much the destruction of their homeland means to them, a point that has long been dismissed in the traditional historical dispute.

著者

橋本 悟

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.170, pp.126-88, 2016-12

著者

影山 輝國

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.149, pp.1-42, 2006-03

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在《史記・漢興以来將相名臣年表》中,有數處上下倒寫的字列,這是在其它古籍中所不得見的。關于這個問題,自清初汪越最早言及以来,至今已有諸種解釋。一九九三年,在湖北省荊州市沙市區周家台三十號秦墓出土的《秦始皇三十四年曆譜》的竹簡上,發現有一處倒寫的字列。由此人們得知《將相年表》中的倒書並非司馬遷所獨創,並且以為這個問題會因此而迎刃而解。然而,有關《將相年表》的倒書至今仍有一些問題尚未得到解決。小論在整理以往各家之言的基礎上,試圖補充提出幾點愚見。

著者

榊 和良

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.163, pp.108-80, 2013-03

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A number of Sanskrit works are attributed to Gorakṣanātha. Among them, the Gorakṣaśataka is considered as one of the authoritative texts that contain Nātha doctrines. With regard to the transmission of the Gorakṣaśataka, we have located some remarks on the number of verses and variety of manuscripts. Despite the varied number of verses in the text, only two versions have been found to have been published with different titles. One version has 101 verses as its name śataka indicates, and another version contains over 200 verses. The latter is the more prevalent text. Recently, another short version has been introduced as the original śataka. We can add two Persian manuscripts which contain the Gorakṣaśataka in the form of a conversat ion between Matsyendranātha and Gorakṣanātha. One is the Retention of Breath (Pās-i Anfās) and another is the Translation of Gorakh (Tarjumah-i Gorakh). Despite the different titles, different translation styles, omissions, and additions, they are supposed to have been based on almost identical texts or oral tradition that contain the same number of verses as the longer version. Thus far, the examination of Persian translations has clarified that the source text may have been some kind of compendium of Nātha doctrines. It may have been the Vivekamārtāṇḍa ascribed to Viśvarūpadeva, which fixes the longer version of the Gorakṣaśataka in the core and contains the part of the Śivasvarodaya. The introductory part of this book has common verses in the first chapter of the Haṭhapradīpikā with ten chapters. Since the date of the transmission of the Cistern of Life (Amṛtakuṇḍa) in the 13th century, the science of the breath (svarajñāna) has been prevailed among the Islamic intellectuals and the Sufi circles. They left indispensable materials for the study of the formation of Nātha literatures.

著者

田仲 一成

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.72, pp.129-440, 1977-03

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In the previous two chapters (II & III), the author came to the conclusion that the scripts of local dramas had been differentiated into three kinds;(1) the classical type of scripts with naive expressions to be used for the performance of village community plays,(2) the new type of scripts with elegant expressions for landlord's clan plays, and (3) vulgar scripts with licentious and rebellious expressions for market plays. Under these circumstances, it would be natural to suppose that from one basic text there had come out variations of popular drama used for the performance of all kinds of plays. Sufficient clues to resolve this problem can be found in the critical notes of P‘an-k‘e-shih-jen 槃〓碩人 on P‘i-p‘a chi 琵琶記 and Hsi-hsiang chi 西廂記, in which the reviser described the differences in words and phrases as regional variants, such as Texts of Metropolitan Drama 京本, Min Drama 〓本, Hui Drama 徽本, Wu Drama 呉本, etc. These notes lead us to take note that regional variations corresponded with each of the abovementioned kinds of scripts according to the basis of social class. Thus, in the supplementary part of Chapter IV, the author makes a careful analysis of the variants of both P‘i-p‘a chi and Hsi-hsiang chi texts to examine the relation between regional and social divisions among local dramas. (1) The first group of texts with naive and unrefined expressions are identified with Wu Drama Texts (or Old Drama Texts 旧本). Their words and phrases might have originated from immature performances at the she-miao 社廟 plays, and thus they can be regarded as the scripts for village community plays. (2) The second group of texts, which corresponded with Min Drama Texts, would be used mainly for clan plays in landowners'residences, for crude and simple expressions of Wu Drama Texts were generally revised into elegant and noble ones in Min Drama Texts. But there were still found some unrefined words well suited for village community plays. Therefore we presume that this group were formed in the transitional stage of the development from village community plays to landlord's clan plays. (3) The third group of texts, which corresponded with Metropolitan Drama Texts, must be regarded as an ideal script for the performance of the clan plays of the landowner class. In these texts whole vulgar words were perfectly deleted or revised into the most elegant ones, which were used to flatter the establishment. We may say that this group were the final achievement in the process of revision on the side of landlord class. (4) The fourth group of texts having common expressions with Hui Drama Texts can be considered as market play scripts to be performed for peasants and merchants, because the most licentious and rebellious expressions were found in these texts, especially in parts of inserted speeches. So it may be said that this group was the achievement of the poor and lower classes. Generally speaking, the elegant scripts of landlord clan plays were written by the intellectuals in such urban places as Nan-king 南京, while the vulgar scripts had been developed at the hands of anonymous writers for the poor and lower classes in rural market places of Min and An-hui Provinces. From the viewpoint of the history of Chinese local drama, Hui Drama Texts would be estimated as the most important script among all groups. We can say from the analysis of words and phrases that the group of I-yang ch‘iang 弋陽腔 Texts came out from Hui Drama Texts and then were succeeded by Gao ch‘iang 高腔 Drama, which is one of the most popular local dramas in modern times. In the concluding chapter of this article, the auther will deal with the problem of what class of people made the An-hui-I-yang dramas popular throughout almost all the country in the Ming and Ch‘ing periods.

著者

田中 公明

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.152, pp.400-381, 2007-12-19

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The S´rīvajramand44alālam4kāra nāma mahātantrarāja preserved in the Tibetan Kanjur has traditionally been classified as a Yoga Tantra and has been regarded as one of the longer versions of the Prajñāpāramitānaya-sūtra. Although there is no complete Chinese translation, it has long been known that the Jingangchang zhuangyan banruo boluomiduo jiao zhong yifen 金剛場荘厳般若波羅蜜多敎中一分 (Taishō no. 886), translated by Dānapāla, corresponds to the final section of the S´rīvajramand44alālam4kāra. Hitherto this tantra has received the attention of Japanese researchers primarily as an alternative version of either the shorter or longer version of the Prajñāpāramitānaya-sūtra. Through an examination of quotations in other texts and parallel passages shared with other tantras I have reached the conclusion that this tantra can be dated to the second half of the eighth century. Worthy of particular note is the existence of more than ten verses shared with the opening section of the Sarvabuddhasamāyoga, one of the earliest Mother Tantras, and there is a strong possibility that the S´rīvajramand44alālam4kāra has taken these verses from the Sarvabuddhasamāyoga. This indicates that the S´rīvajramand44alālam4kāra, a Yoga Tantra, postdates the Sarvabuddhasamāyoga, a Mother Tantra (albeit one of the earliest) belonging to the Highest Yoga Tantras. Although a large number of later Yoga Tantras are preserved in the Tibetan canon, the original Sanskrit text of none except the Sarvadurgatiparis´odhana-tantra has survived. Consequently their importance has been underestimated, but there is a need for further research on these tantras in order to elucidate the development of Indian Tantric Buddhism.

著者

田中 公明

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.152, pp.400-381, 2007-12

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The S´rīvajramand44alālam4kāra nāma mahātantrarāja preserved in the Tibetan Kanjur has traditionally been classified as a Yoga Tantra and has been regarded as one of the longer versions of the Prajñāpāramitānaya-sūtra. Although there is no complete Chinese translation, it has long been known that the Jingangchang zhuangyan banruo boluomiduo jiao zhong yifen 金剛場荘厳般若波羅蜜多敎中一分 (Taishō no. 886), translated by Dānapāla, corresponds to the final section of the S´rīvajramand44alālam4kāra. Hitherto this tantra has received the attention of Japanese researchers primarily as an alternative version of either the shorter or longer version of the Prajñāpāramitānaya-sūtra. Through an examination of quotations in other texts and parallel passages shared with other tantras I have reached the conclusion that this tantra can be dated to the second half of the eighth century. Worthy of particular note is the existence of more than ten verses shared with the opening section of the Sarvabuddhasamāyoga, one of the earliest Mother Tantras, and there is a strong possibility that the S´rīvajramand44alālam4kāra has taken these verses from the Sarvabuddhasamāyoga. This indicates that the S´rīvajramand44alālam4kāra, a Yoga Tantra, postdates the Sarvabuddhasamāyoga, a Mother Tantra (albeit one of the earliest) belonging to the Highest Yoga Tantras. Although a large number of later Yoga Tantras are preserved in the Tibetan canon, the original Sanskrit text of none except the Sarvadurgatiparis´odhana-tantra has survived. Consequently their importance has been underestimated, but there is a need for further research on these tantras in order to elucidate the development of Indian Tantric Buddhism.

著者

石上 英一

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

no.103, pp.p115-161, 1987-03

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Gufuku-ji (Kawara-dera, 川原寺) was established in Asuka (飛鳥, 奈良) in the reign of Tenji (天智朝, 662-672) as a national temple.Since the 9th century Gufuku-ji had been declining to ask for the help of Tou-ji (東寺, 京都), which, one of the leading temples of Shingon-shuu (真言宗), was established in 799.On the other hand, Tou-ji wanted to expand its sphere of influence by acquiring branch temples.Finally Gufuku-ji became a branch temple of Tou-ji by the late llth century.The chief priest of Tou-ji (東寺長者) ruled Gufuku-ji and intended to utilize its manors.For that porpose, Tou-ji got the documents of Gu-fuku-ji (弘福寺文書), and has preserved them till now.Therefore the documents of Tou-ji (東寺文書) contain those of Gufuku-ji and other Gufuku-ji related documents, which amount to forty-eight pieces.Many of them are the documents of manors.For example, the inventory of manors in 709, the terriers of the manors in Yamashiro (山城), Oumi (近江) and Owari (尾張), and the map of the manor in Sanuki Yamada (讃岐国山田郡田図) in 735.It is generally thought that manors of ancient Japan broke out in the middle of the 8th century as a result of gradual decline of national landownership.However some of the manors of Gu-fuku-ji had been already established by the end of the 7th century or by the biginning of the 8th century.We are now prepared to study more about manors in these periods with the documents of Gufuku-ji.