著者

岡本 さえ

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:5638089)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.106, pp.95-162, 1998-03

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Tong Guoqi 佟国器, haut fonctionnaire local au début des Qing, est un membre du clan Tong, clan d'origine mandchous installé dès la fin de la dynastie mongole près de la rivière Hunjiang 渾江 (un affluent du Yalu 鴨緑江). Ce clan bien sinisé au temps des Ming fournissait des titulaires aux postes héréditaires (都督同知 ou 都統指揮). Tong Guogi, nommé Gouverneur Général du Fujian (1653) et puis du Zhejiang (1659), était responsable de la défense du Sud où se déclen-chait alors le mouvement anti-mandchous dirigé par Zheng Chenggong 鄭成功 (1624-1662). Tong s'occupa de la fabrication des armes, réclama I'interdiction du commerce maritime et accusa le père de Zheng Chenggong, déjà soumis aux Qing, de collusion avec sa famille (Chap. I). Le premier coup porté contre Tong Guoqi eut lieu en 1660 lorsque celui-ci refusa d'exercer un mandat d'exile contre la mère de Chen Zhilin 陳之遴 (1605-1666), haut fonctionnaire “Erchen” 弐臣 (mandarins qui servirent deux dynasties), lettré disgracié et condamné pour corruption. Tong Guoqi, dans une attitude contrastante avec sa sévérité contre Zheng Chenggong, était lié d'amitié avec les Erchen qui étaient souvent accusés par I'Em-péreur mandchous de conspiration, d'ingratitude ou d'abus d'autorité. Cet amitié de Tong pour les Erchen s'explique d'une part par son respect pour les activités tant littéraires que mandarinales de ceux-ci, et d'autre part par la position de son clan mi-mandchous mi-chinois, similaire à la position des Erchen (Chap. II). Le second coup porté contre Tong fut une nouvelle convocation à Pékin qui eut lieu en 1665. Cette fois, la collaboration avec les jésuites est mise en question, en liaison avec I'affaire de Yang Guangxian 楊光先 (1598-1669). En effet, à partir des années cinquante Tong Guoqi était devenu un patron pro-chrétien: il fit éditer des opuscules, reconstruire des églises et il protégea les pères pendant leurs voyages, etc. Dans le même temps il pratiqua une répression impitoyable contre le groupement bouddhiste qu'il considérait comme un foyer anti-gouvernemental. En examinant les documents de la double convocation, nous voyons, certes, qu'il avait acquis la formation intellectuelle qui avait cours lors de la dynastie précédante. Mais son attitude sévère vis-à-vis du clan Zheng ainsi que des sectes bouddhistes montre que sa ligne de conduite foncierement mandchous lui barra la route d'une réelle maturité. Les fonctionnaires des Ming, eux, savaient profiter du commerce maritime et de la liberté de circulation des idées (Chap. III).

著者

榊 和良

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.163, pp.80-108, 2013-03-27

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A number of Sanskrit works are attributed to Gorakṣanātha. Among them, the Gorakṣaśataka is considered as one of the authoritative texts that contain Nātha doctrines. With regard to the transmission of the Gorakṣaśataka, we have located some remarks on the number of verses and variety of manuscripts. Despite the varied number of verses in the text, only two versions have been found to have been published with different titles. One version has 101 verses as its name śataka indicates, and another version contains over 200 verses. The latter is the more prevalent text. Recently, another short version has been introduced as the original śataka. We can add two Persian manuscripts which contain the Gorakṣaśataka in the form of a conversat ion between Matsyendranātha and Gorakṣanātha. One is the Retention of Breath (Pās-i Anfās) and another is the Translation of Gorakh (Tarjumah-i Gorakh). Despite the different titles, different translation styles, omissions, and additions, they are supposed to have been based on almost identical texts or oral tradition that contain the same number of verses as the longer version. Thus far, the examination of Persian translations has clarified that the source text may have been some kind of compendium of Nātha doctrines. It may have been the Vivekamārtāṇḍa ascribed to Viśvarūpadeva, which fixes the longer version of the Gorakṣaśataka in the core and contains the part of the Śivasvarodaya. The introductory part of this book has common verses in the first chapter of the Haṭhapradīpikā with ten chapters. Since the date of the transmission of the Cistern of Life (Amṛtakuṇḍa) in the 13th century, the science of the breath (svarajñāna) has been prevailed among the Islamic intellectuals and the Sufi circles. They left indispensable materials for the study of the formation of Nātha literatures.

著者

等々力 政彦

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.159, pp.220-238, 2011-03-28

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The Wu-li-ya-su-tai-zhi lue 烏里雅蘇台志略 is the Abridged Copy of the History of Uliastai, produced during the Qing era. this manuscript includes 46 words of Tuvan vocabulary called Wu-liang-hai tu-yu 烏梁海土語, the Aboriginal Language of Uriankhai. The vocabulary is basic and sufficiently recognizable in the standard Tuvan of the present-day Republic of Tuva. Although the date of the publication is unknown, it is likely to be 1804 (Jia-qing 9) which consulted from the certain information including the book. This dating is also supportive by the antiquity of the several vocabulary words: two of them are obsolete and another two semantically transferred. If I assume that the Tuvan vocablary of the History of Uliastai originates from the early nineteenth century, then this is one of the oldest reports of South Siberian Turkic languages, not just of Tuvan. Hence, I discuss this vocabulary, on which it seems there are no prior linguistic investigations.

著者

鎌田 繁[訳・解説] Mulla Sadra[著]

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.100, pp.53-131, 1986-03

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Mulla Sadra (d. 1050/1640) is a great mystic philosopher in the Safavid Iran and the author of a monumental work, The Transcendent Theosophy concerning the Four Intellectual Journeys of the Soul (al-Hikmah al-muta‘āliyah fī al-asfār al-‘aqlīyah al-arba‘ah). Here presented is a Japanese translation of its safar IV, bāb 11, fasl 13, (Tehran 1379AH Edition, vol. IV-ii, pp. 243-272) with a brief introduction, a summary and notes. This section (fasl) deals with an eschatological problem of the Congregation (hashr). In his understanding not only rational souls but animal and vegetative ones, even natural bodies return to and congregate with, God. This idea contrasts sharply with that of the philosophers (falāsifah) and of the theologians (mutakallimūn) in Islam. He adopts neither the narrow doctrine of the spiritual resurrection of the former nor the dogma of the atomistic bodily resurrection of the latter. Based on his theory of the tripartite development of soul, he allows animals on a higher stage their individual (not specific) survival in the world of Soul (‘ālam al-nafs), or the intermediate world (barzakh) which is not purely spiritual yet. Quoting as proof several passages from the [pseudo-] Aristotelian Uthūlūjiyā and Ibn ‘Arabī's al-Futūhāt al-Makkīyah, he demonstrates the existence of irrational beings in the hereafter and the permeation of the Divine life into lifeless bodies. His thesis that the higher form comprehends all the lower forms in itself enables him to claim the novel idea of the all-inclusive Congregation.

著者

蜂屋 邦夫

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.81, pp.19-177, 1980-03

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這是一篇渉及孫盛的論述,我們在裏頭綜觀了一下活躍於東晉前半的,這個人的思想與為學。孫盛,著有《魏氏春秋》和《晉陽秋》等史籍,當時就以史名家,為人所識。他的史論,是在《左傳》和其他儒家經典中找歸依,也撰過《老聃非大賢論》和《老子疑問反訊》等文字,指出老子思想上矛盾的地方。對老子的批評,在那時候,等於是拒認了崇尚老莊的當代風潮。不過他的屏黜,倒也非一概抹煞,在有關史事的評論裏,雖然浮泛了些,還是把所謂的高尚之士,肯定了一番;批老文字呢,也看得到若幹正面的評價,雖然只是部分而非全體。這些,跟漢末以來對道家思想的尊崇大勢,都不能説亳無關聯。他而且不同意羅含的《更生論》,反駁過東晉佛教界所常提到的,一種叫"神不滅論"的見解。所以孫盛的思想包括了儒佛道三者,値得我們加以全面探求,在進行東晉一代的思想研究時,可拿它當作一個典型的例子。只是本文的撰寫,就基本觀點說來,雖也由三教交渉史出発,但因受到了資料的限製,我們在從事分析的時候,仍不得不把重心擺在孫盛的評史一事上。底下打算列擧數端,都是些富有象徴性的事情,可由此略窺孫盛思想的大概。首先我們得記住他是個清談家。他評起曆史來有個癖習,就是喜歡為議論而議論,這跟離開現實單在腦子裏築架的清談作風,該有其一脈相通之處。其次可以指出的,是他對儒教經典的尊重。孫盛的史評,可説採的經典至上主義,只注意到魏晉的現實與經典世界是否相合,相合到哪種程度。此外,我們還能擧出他對曆史的關心。只是從前文的說明看得出,他的與趣主要不在史事本身,而是在曆史與儒教的關係上。跟這比起來,對孫盛的評論時常加以評論的裴松之的史評,在史學上遠較孫評更染有批判色彩的。孫盛的歷史著作都仿《左傳》命名,所引用的例證說得極端些,得蒙青睞,也只是由於它們和古制古義能相一致。闡說時筆下滔滔,把足以代表魏晉現實的一面,幾乎全給忽略了過去,議論雖長,多的是諸如此類空泛之作。《左傳》的描述與魏晉的實情,叫兩者疊在一起,是基於這様的一個想法,就是一種行爲,經常都可以在裏頭找出一定的價値内容,也就是說有個名實一致的前提,它,乃是超越時空而存在的。孫盛的史論,大都是以名核實,但在《太伯三讓論》中,却憑藉着《左傳》,透露了一點據實以正名的思考。總結孫盛的評史,我們可以這様子認定,是近乎儒家之論徳,乃屬《左傳》餘波,君子一論,就是個標本。他所注種的是帝王政治,要實現"道""義"兩者,維護權柄秩序於就墜。由於重點是放在徳論上,作爲處理對象的諸多史實,它們彼此間的連帶關係,反而被擱在一邊,這方面的詮解,看來往往是矛盾叢出。不過他說理時思路的開展,自有其鋒利的一側,只要就直接牽扯到儒家立場的價値判斷,他的考證時而也是穩當可取的。羅含的《更生論》,是遵照中國固有的思想,發揮了一種可稱之爲"神不滅論"的學說。而加以反詰的孫盛,則把羅含所倚賴的傳統思想澄清了一下,還其本來面目,唱出了他的可稱之爲"神滅論"的異調。在批老文字裏,孫盛闡論了聖人的無瑕,這一點,是他繼承了魏晉聖人論的地方。提到《論語》述而的「述而不作,信而好古......」,他也言及聖人,彷彿在議論神明似的,認爲必須是完美無缺,而就拿這個作根據,他推翻了孔、老同尊的說法。這一點,是屬於孫盛的獨創,它穩固了孫盛所持的一個看法,就是"歷史"這東西,原是無妨加以議論的。只是在指陳《老子》一書文意上的矛盾的時候,他也不過是從單純的名實一致論起歩,我們不好承認那就是眞正的解老之言。所以老子的孫批,内容上給人一個感覺,就是深度不够,似乎只是拿儒家的現實主義,來跟它對照了一下,如此罷了。開頭也說過,孫盛對於老子和高士,都賦給了他們一定程度的正値評價。漢末以來對道家思想的尊崇,流風遺緒,可以說孫盛也多少承受了一點。他同時還信仰怪異和符瑞,還驚歎於冥數之玄感,由此展開了一種命定之說。總之,孫盛也是這様的一個人物,他在某種程度上,固然也體現了蘊蓄着漢魏餘風的,東晉當世的時代思潮,只是作爲一個史學家或思想家,他都還算不得是頂頂傑出的斯界英才。

著者

中村 廣治郎

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638092)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.67, pp.1-110, 1975-03

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Abu Hamid al-Ghazālī (d. 1111) being one of the greatest Muslim thinkers comparable to St. Augustine or Thomas Aquinas in the Christian tradition, there is no wonder that so much attention has been paid to him and so many studies have been done on him by both Muslim and non-Muslim scholars. Even in Christendom, the study of al-Ghazālī (Algazel), or interest in his works at the least, goes far back to the Middle Ages when the Christian world was busy with transplanting the Greek philosophy through the Arabic translations. Al-Ghazālī's Maqāsid al-Falāsifah, his compendium of philosophy (falsqfdh) was first put into Latin toward the end of the 12th century, and he was mainly known in Europe throughout the Middle Ages as the author of this work, and therefore supposed by mistake to be a“philosopher”(failasūf) himself. This misunderstanding is ascribed to the unfortunate fact that his“preface”to this Maqāsid dropped from its most Latin manuscripts for some so far unknown reasons during their circulation, so that it was little known that the compendium was but a preliminary step to his refutation of philosophy (in his later work, Tahāfut al-Falāsifah). This Tahāfut was also introduced to Europe in the meantime, but it did not so much contribute to improve the situation as to increase the confusion all the more among the scholars. Thus the myth of“a philosopher Algazel”itself lasted almost unimpaired until S. Munk finally demythologized it in the middle of the 19th century by correctly identifying al-Ghazālī's true intention and thought. As more writings of al-Ghazālī came to be printed and published toward the end of the century, the study of al-Ghazālī made much progress. Profiting from all this study and that on Islamic history in general, D. B. Macdonald published his monumental study on al-Ghazālī at the turn of the century in an article,“The Life of al-Ghazzali”(1899), which laid the foundation for the subsequent study in this field. He also spotted and gave some proper pioneering discussions to the essential questions involved in the study, such as the problems of his“esoteric teachings,”the authenticity of his writings, the causes of his retirement, and so forth. (To be continued)

著者

中村 廣治郎

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638090)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.87, pp.17-50, 1981-11

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Al-Ghazali wrote several works on (Aristotelian) logic (mantiq). The fact shows the importance of logic in his whole system of thought. This is particularly and uniquely so, except Islamic philosophers (failasūf), in the general negative attitude of the traditional Muslim scholars against logic. Nevertheless, these writings have not adequately been studied in an attempt to clarify the significance of al-Ghazali's logical study and thought in the history of Islamic theology as well as in the development of his personal religious thought. The aim of the present article is to analyse these works of al-Ghazali with a view to clarify his attitude to logic and point out some problems for further study. We come to the conclusion that al-Ghazali not only baldly accepts Aristotelian logic totally, but goes so far as to islamicize it in the Qur'ānic terms. This leads us to the questions: (1) What is the reason for this attitude of his? My tentative answer is: the usefullness of logic and its superiority to the traditional (legal) method of reasoning (qiyās). (2) The influence of al-Ghazali's logical study in later development of Islamic theology, with particular reference to Ibn Khaldun's comments on it in his al-Muqaddimah. (3) The problem of apparent contradiction of al-Ghazali's positive reliance on reason (‘aql) shown in those logical works and his negative attitude to reason in his autobiography, al-Munqidh min al-Dalāl.

著者

森 まり子

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.165, pp.124-204, 2014-03-26

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This paper gives an introduction to The People’s Administration―The Protocols, 18 April to 13 May 1948, which is part of the Proceedings of the Israeli Cabinet Meetings, and gives a review of its main contents, primarily, the Arab question. It is intended to be a preliminary step toward revisiting the formative years of Israel. The debate over these years among the New Historians has tended to be channeled into a single controversial question―whether there was an Israeli policy of expulsion of the Palestinians or not. This paper is part of an attempt to replace this politically and emotionally charged approach with an unbiased, social-scientific one by re-examining the Cabinet proceedings and putting the Israeli policies toward the Palestinians in the broader context of the cabinet’s entire priorities at that time. The detailed review of the protocols brings into relief the controversial issues which would thereafter determine the fate of the Palestine conflict: the Israeli-UN relations, the borders and the name of the state, the return of refugees, and the rights of the Arabs remaining in Israel. The protocols show that in the People’s Administration there was a variety of opinions and dissents on Ben-Gurion’s policy of rejecting the return of the Arabs. In sum, in the Israeli cabinet on the eve of the First Arab-Israeli War, there existed, contrary to the conventional wisdom of students of the Middle East, sufficient moderate diplomatic realism to block the unanimous adoption of an extreme decision to expel the Palestinians.

著者

外川 昌彦

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.159, pp.322-360, 2011-03-28

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This paper addresses Mahatma Gandhi's views on the Japanese in the 1930s throught the analysis of exchanges between Gandhi and rev. Fujii Nichidatsu (Fujii Guruji), who is the founder of the Japanese Buddhist sect, Nipponzan Myohoji. Fujii met Gandhi at his ashram in Wardha on 4 October 1933 and stayed there for two months. Thereafter, the two promoted intimate relations, which were described in Fujii's diary in detail and have so far been the topic of various arguments by scholars. However, this study examines Fujii's descriptions using other records on Gandhi, and from the background of Indo-Japan relations in the 1930s. In particular, the author discusses Gandhi's different attitudes towards Fujii's disciples and explains why Fujii and his disciples were able to maintain an intimate relation with Gandhi in spite of his critical opinions on the Japanese army's aggression against China.

著者

鎌田 繁

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.118, pp.119-192, 1992-03

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‘Allāmah al-Hillī (d. 626/1325), as well as his teacher Nasīr al-Dīn al-Tūsī (d. 672/1274), is one of the important thinkers in the history of thought of the Twelver (Ithnā ‘ashari) Shī‘īsm in the West Asia under the Mongols. His many treatises of the Ithnā‘asharī doctrines and jurisprudence formed a solid foundation of the later development of the Shī‘ī religious sciences. The Kashf al-murād is a compendium of the Ithnā‘asharī Shī‘ītheology (kalām) written by Hillī in the form of commentary on Tūs's Tajrīd al-i‘tīqād. Hillī discusses in the fifth chapter of this work the nature and authority of the Imām as follows: (1) the installation of Imām is obligatory on God; (2) he is infallible; (3) he is the best among his contemporaries; (4) he is designated by his predecessor; (5) ‘Ali is the Imām immediate after the Prophet; (6) Demonstrations of the absence of imāmah except in ‘Ali; (7)‘Ali is the best Companion; (8) the imāmah of the other Imāms; and (9) the judgment of the transgressors. In this paper we have presented an annotated Japanese translation of the whole chapter V except the section dealing with ‘Ali's being the best Companion after a brief introduction to Hillī's life and the nature of his demonstration. Our translation is based on the texts of the following two editions, (1) Kashf al-murād fi sharh tajrīd al-i‘tiqād, Mashhad: Kitābfurūshī-yi Ja‘farī, n. d., pp. 225-250, and (2) Kashf al-murād fī sharh tajrīd al-i‘tiqād, Hasan Hasanzāda al-Āmulī (ed.), Qumm, 1407, pp. 361-398.

著者

内田 力

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化 (ISSN:05640202)

巻号頁・発行日

no.89, pp.193-216, 2009-03

著者

田中 公明

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.152, pp.400-381, 2007-12-19

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The S´rīvajramand44alālam4kāra nāma mahātantrarāja preserved in the Tibetan Kanjur has traditionally been classified as a Yoga Tantra and has been regarded as one of the longer versions of the Prajñāpāramitānaya-sūtra. Although there is no complete Chinese translation, it has long been known that the Jingangchang zhuangyan banruo boluomiduo jiao zhong yifen 金剛場荘厳般若波羅蜜多敎中一分 (Taishō no. 886), translated by Dānapāla, corresponds to the final section of the S´rīvajramand44alālam4kāra. Hitherto this tantra has received the attention of Japanese researchers primarily as an alternative version of either the shorter or longer version of the Prajñāpāramitānaya-sūtra. Through an examination of quotations in other texts and parallel passages shared with other tantras I have reached the conclusion that this tantra can be dated to the second half of the eighth century. Worthy of particular note is the existence of more than ten verses shared with the opening section of the Sarvabuddhasamāyoga, one of the earliest Mother Tantras, and there is a strong possibility that the S´rīvajramand44alālam4kāra has taken these verses from the Sarvabuddhasamāyoga. This indicates that the S´rīvajramand44alālam4kāra, a Yoga Tantra, postdates the Sarvabuddhasamāyoga, a Mother Tantra (albeit one of the earliest) belonging to the Highest Yoga Tantras. Although a large number of later Yoga Tantras are preserved in the Tibetan canon, the original Sanskrit text of none except the Sarvadurgatiparis´odhana-tantra has survived. Consequently their importance has been underestimated, but there is a need for further research on these tantras in order to elucidate the development of Indian Tantric Buddhism.

著者

平勢 隆郎

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.123, 1994-02

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筆者從前談到過再排列戰國紀年的問題,研討古本《竹書紀年》與《六國年表》之間的矛盾,渉及惹起該矛盾的原因,就是戰國中期生起從立年稱元到踰年稱元的轉換。本文作其續稿,略述在前稿不能談到的問題,提示《戰國各國紀年一覧》及其補表《『史記』戰國年代檢索表》,一部分修改前稿《君主立卒年一覧》的内容。衆所周知散在《史記》的同一内容事件之中,有些在用《六國年表》得知的年代互相不吻合。然而利用本文提示的新年表,該事件列在同一年代了。當然的是從前用《六國年表》列在同一年代的事件之中,却發生了在新年表上互相年代不吻合的情況。該事件是從《秦紀》、《趙紀》等具體内容豐富的紀年記載用《六國年表》轉寫到其他國家紀年的,所以説明該轉寫的具體過程就行。這些説明寫在《『史記』戰國年代檢索表》。管見《戰國各國紀年一覧》,就知道有關秦,楚兩國的事件有時候其年次比其他國家的差一年。筆者認為那是為秦顓頊曆、楚建亥曆年頭與夏正等曆有差別的情況所引起的。

著者

平勢 隆郎

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

no.123, pp.p1-84, 1994-02

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筆者從前談到過再排列戰國紀年的問題,研討古本《竹書紀年》與《六國年表》之間的矛盾,渉及惹起該矛盾的原因,就是戰國中期生起從立年稱元到踰年稱元的轉換。本文作其續稿,略述在前稿不能談到的問題,提示《戰國各國紀年一覧》及其補表《『史記』戰國年代檢索表》,一部分修改前稿《君主立卒年一覧》的内容。衆所周知散在《史記》的同一内容事件之中,有些在用《六國年表》得知的年代互相不吻合。然而利用本文提示的新年表,該事件列在同一年代了。當然的是從前用《六國年表》列在同一年代的事件之中,却發生了在新年表上互相年代不吻合的情況。該事件是從《秦紀》、《趙紀》等具體内容豐富的紀年記載用《六國年表》轉寫到其他國家紀年的,所以説明該轉寫的具體過程就行。這些説明寫在《『史記』戰國年代檢索表》。管見《戰國各國紀年一覧》,就知道有關秦,楚兩國的事件有時候其年次比其他國家的差一年。筆者認為那是為秦顓頊曆、楚建亥曆年頭與夏正等曆有差別的情況所引起的。

著者

岡本 さえ

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

no.73, pp.p45-115, 1977-03

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Après une étude sur les Erchen 弐臣*, fonctionnaires qui servirent les deux dynasties Ming et Qing, nous poursuivons nos recherches sur les"esprits libres"condamnes par l'autorité mandchoue au cours de l'ère Qianlong 乾隆 (1736-1795).Nous commencons cet article par une analyse des livres censurés par les Qing 清代禁書, qui par leurs auteurs comme par leurs sujets se rattachent à l'époque de transition des Ming et des Qing-16ème et 17ème siècles (Chap. I, § 1).Ensuite, nous étudions les caractéristiques de ces livres: premièrement,"l' utilitarisme"qu' utilisaient les auteurs pour renforcer la dynastie chinoise avant la chute de celle-ci, et après cette chute, pour faire valoir leurs talents (Chap. I, § 2); deuxièmement, le goût de l'histoire pour sauvegarder l'héritage culturel des Ming (Chap. I, § 3); et troisièmement, la mise en cause de la méthode de gewu zhizhi 格物致知 où ils cherchaient à voir une fonction du qi 気, c'est-à-dire, du principe de leur existence, menacée sous la domination étrangère (Chap. I, § 4).En analysant l'esprit de ces auteurs, nous mettons en lumière leur formation anti-mandchoue.Les sentiments vis-à-vis des"Barbares Mandchous"évoluèrent passablement au cours du 17eme siecle.Mais, la majorite des auteurs refusèrent la domination des Qing parce que ces dominateurs avaient pris la Chine non par la loi (fa 法) mais par la violence (wufa 無法)(Chap. II, § 5).Dans un article ultérieur, nous verrons la source de cette méfiance vis-à-vis des Mandchous (Chap. II, § 6); puis nous examinerons les idées"hétérodoxes"selon les points de vue suivants: querelles des auteurs (Chap. III, § 7); structure des idées"hétérodoxes"(Chap. III, § 8); rôle de"l'hétérodoxie"(yiduan 異端) dans l'histoire de la pensée chinoise (Chap. III, § 9).voir le Tōyō bunka kenkyusho kiyō n°68, 1976, pp. 101-177

著者

窪 徳忠

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

no.17, 1959-03

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Kōshin beliefs still maintained by many people in Tokyo and other parts of the country are believed by Japanese folklorists to be peculiar to Japanese culture.I cannot help casting doubt on this idea, however, since Kōshin beliefs have much in common with San-shih beliefs of Taoism in China.I recently published a small book entitled'Kōshin Beliefs', in which I tried to make a comparative study.In this book, however, I was unable to drive my argument home, because had to be omitted for fear of over-complexity.In this paper I have prepared a chronological table from the original texts giving data concerning the regular functions of Kōshin beliefs as collected from Japanese history books, diaries, poetry, and other sources from the Nara period to the end of Tokugawa era.The paper gives an outline of change in the functions of Kōshin beliefs in Japan, the terminology used, and the manner in which people worship.I have also included three examples of Kōshin monuments, which I think may be of high value in this.Since the documentary sources which I have used are, of course, limited and they leave many points, which I would like to modify later.

著者

上田 望

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.137, pp.(43)-(90), 1999-03

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波瀾壮闊的五代史故事従古至今,一直吸引着中国人。五代史故事的小説《残唐五代史演義》是中国古典小説当中傑作之一。雖説這篇小説是与《五代史平話》分別独自成書的英雄伝奇,但《演義》巻6以後的許多叙述部分根拠《通鑑綱目》編写,全篇的評語依拠《通鑑節要》而成。我認為作這些増補修訂的是明朝万暦期以暢銷書聞名中外的福建建陽書賈之一楊麗泉。在修改《演義》的過程中,他模倣《三国演義》的叙述假称“羅貫中原本”,参考《節要》乃至《綱鑑》中的諸家史評偽造了李贄評語,這無疑是他的老花招,与《両朝史伝》作一比較的話,這一点就更清楚了。但未見建陽刊行的《演義》,疑現存的早期刊本都係印刷精美的蘇州刊本,這也許与明末建陽刻書業日趨衰落的趨勢有着密切関連。以南宋時期為題材的小説中刊行時期最早的小説就是《南宋志伝》一本,它由《五代史平話》、飛龍平話、楊家将平話、歴史書的叙述這四箇基本成分構成。可見《南宋志伝》中的飛龍平話与其它明代小説之間在情節結構上有着不少共同点。這様看来,可以説両者的関係是来自同一源頭“民間説唱”的。然而《南宋志伝》并不認為是趙匡胤故事的英雄伝奇,它根拠《通鑑節要続編》或《綱鑑》増補訂正并附入了史評,是進一歩向“史実”化方向推進的本子。作者一定是想把它編成“歴史演義”而加以伝播。另外,可以看到《続通鑑綱目》文字的痕跡,従而可窺見其或許首先根拠《続綱目》所進行的修改工作。但《南宋志伝》与《北宋志伝》相比之下虚構成分欠乏,或許不太合当時読者的興趣罢。到了清代,有人将它与較新的飛龍平話相組合而編成愈加通俗,煥然一新的小説《飛龍全傳》。

著者

渡邉 義浩

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.178, pp.25-63, 2021-02

著者

吉川 良和

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

no.92, pp.p11-47, 1983-07

著者

宮脇 聡史

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.157, pp.154-122, 2010-03