著者

金 鳳珍

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.141, pp.392-366, 2001-03

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Why the Confucian countries such as China and other Asian states could not bring forth the modern science? This question has been considered an aporia for a long time.And many a scholar has answered that: Neo-Confucianism (or its reign) was the biggest factor which hindered those countries in their scientific progress.And further, it was the greatest obstacle to accept the modern science later on.Each answer is, we may say, worthy of being considered; however, it seems to me that the afore-mentioned question is not an aporia but a silly question, and therewith each answer must be reconsidered before it will go out of use.In this regard, reconsideration entails self-reflexion/criticism upon the obsession of the west-centric modernism or Orientalism.I would rather cross-question; how or why the Confucian countries could and should bring forth the modern science? It is no use answering this question-it is beyond reason.The Confucian countries has had the highly developed science of their own.It goes without saying that Neo-Confucianism had contributed much to the development of science.Neo-Confucian methods of learning, for instance, Zhu Xi's doctrine of gewu (格物; the “investigation of things”) and qiongli (窮理; the “plumbing of principle”), which evoked the scientific mind and evolved natural science in a Neo-Confucian way, have decisive relationality with the modern Western methodology of science.Seemingly most of the ifalic countries except Japan, in the late nine-teenth and early twentieth century, had failed in accepting the modern science.But we cannot say that Nee-Confucianism was the greatest cause of failure.On the contrary I think Neo-Confucianism would have contribut-ed toward accepting and developing the modern science, unless Western countries and Japan had commited an evil act in terms of imperialism.Imperial countries would not permit the Confucian countries to go to the way of selection or rejection by harmonizing the modern with the tradi-tional science or civilization.In this sense, the negative side of the modern/modernity was the greatest cause of the Confucian countries' failure.I think it will be the task of the 21st century to revaluate the scientific thinking and method of Neo-Confucianism for further developing a ‘new science.’

著者

小寺 敦

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.167, pp.1-62, 2015-03

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This article, taking into account the functions of texts in the Warring States period, analyzes “hou” 後, meaning “successor,” in the Zuozhuan 左傳 and other sources. All of the instances in which the existence of a hou is mentioned in the Zuozhuan are episodes about the dafu 大夫 class (aristocracy), and although a few of the instances referring to the absence of a hou are about monarchs, most of them are about dafu. Most of the hou connected by blood relationships appear in conversational passages and few of them in narrative sections. Because hou are often mentioned in argumentative and conversational passages, it would seem appropriate to infer that arguments about hou evolved later. In the Shijing 詩經, Shangshu 尚書, and some bronze inscriptions, hou refers exclusively to a successor related by blood, and he is expected to conduct ancestral rites. Most of the people referred to as hou in the Zuozhuan are monarchs who come from the stock of the Western Zhou dynasty and people of the dafu class who come from comparatively old clans (shi 氏). On the other hand, the reason for the presence or absence of a hou is not infrequently associated with ideological terms such as “virtue” (de 德) and so on, and the existence of a hou was not based solely on the principle of blood relationships. After the Spring and Autumn period, prefectures (xian 縣) were established to replace city-states (you 邑), and dafu and lowerranking people were dispatched as administrators from the capital, eventually supporting the rule of the central authorities after the Warring States period. Their positions could not be guaranteed solely by their blood relationships. It could also be said that prefecture-like elements, which later expanded from the Spring and Autumn period to the Warring States period, were inserted into the Zuozhuan.

著者

松谷 敏雄

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.47, 1969-02

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This essay is divided into two parts.In Past I, the author reports the 1964 season's excavations at No. 2 mound of Telul eth-Thalathat, in which he himself took part, and reconstructs the culture of the basal two levels.In Part II, he dinned“Thalathat phase”in stead of the so-called“neolithic Hassuna phase.”The assemblage of Thalathat phase is shown in plates.It is important that the assemblage exclude“husking tray.”Sites and levels belonging to Thalathat phase are Hassuna Ia, Matarrah lower levels, Ali Agha, Thalathat XV, XVI and possibly upper Jarmo.Thalathat phase is the oldest one in northern Mesopotamia and it flourished in the sixth millenium B. C. At that time, there were several distinguished culture-areas in West Asia.One of them was the northern Mesopotamia Culture.Jarmo site was a member of another culture-area i. e. Mortensen's“Zagros group.”The now established chronological table is wrong because it does not classify the two culture-areas.The author doubts and denies every reason that was thought to prove Jarmo phase was older than neolithic Hassuna phase.And he reached a conclusion that Jarmo phase and Thalathat (neolithic Hassuna) phase were flourished about the same time in each culture-area.It is better, the author believes, to recognize culture-areas in any time of prehistory and to set up phases as possible.This idea is proposed according to his hunch concerning the process from the origin of agriculture to the formation of civilization in West Asia.The hunch itself will be discussed in another essay.

著者

熊谷 滋三

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.134, pp.19-71, 1997-12

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The Former Han Dynasty had been distinguished the “barbarians (蠻夷 man-yi/non-Chinese peoples)” between the “submitters (降者xiang-zhe)” and the “gui-yi (歸義)”, the dian-shu-guo (典屬國/the Manager of the dependent states) had controlled the “barbarian submitters (蠻夷降者)”, the dian-ke (典客/subsequent da-hong-lu 大鴻臚/the Chamberlain for Dependencies) had controlled the various “gui-yi barbarians (歸義蠻夷)” So far, the meaning of the distinction has been vague, but really, they had the distinct and different meaning each other.The Former Han Dynasty had controlled the “barbarians” on the basis of the distinction.The barbarian's “submitting (降 xiang)” to the Han Dynasty had included the “nei-shu (内屬)”.The treatment for the “barbarian submitters” had been various, according to the cases of the “submitting”; the cases of ordinary “submitting”,“nei-shu”, and the cases of controlling “submitters” by the shu-guo (屬国/dependent states) system.But, all of the “barbarian submitters” had been treated as the “internal vassal (内臣 nei-chen)” of the Han Dynasty.The “gui-yi” has two means; one is the all action to depend on the Han dynasty, including “submitting”, and the other is the action for being given the guestship in the Han Dynasty, or the guestsmp itself.The “gut yi barbarians” as the guestship occupies the position between the “internal vassal” and the “external vassal (外臣 wai-chen)”.The “gui-yi barbarians” could become not only the “internal vassal” by “submitting”, as the all other “barbarians”, but also the officer of the Han Dysasty.Besides they could be conferred the Han nobility (列侯 lie-hou) by winning distinguished services, and become the “internal vassal”.

著者

熊谷 滋三

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

no.134, pp.19-71, 1997-12

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The Former Han Dynasty had been distinguished the "barbarians (蠻夷 man-yi/non-Chinese peoples)" between the "submitters (降者xiang-zhe)" and the "gui-yi (歸義)", the dian-shu-guo (典屬國/the Manager of the dependent states) had controlled the "barbarian submitters (蠻夷降者)", the dian-ke (典客/subsequent da-hong-lu 大鴻臚/the Chamberlain for Dependencies) had controlled the various "gui-yi barbarians (歸義蠻夷)" So far, the meaning of the distinction has been vague, but really, they had the distinct and different meaning each other.The Former Han Dynasty had controlled the "barbarians" on the basis of the distinction.The barbarian's "submitting (降 xiang)" to the Han Dynasty had included the "nei-shu (内屬)".The treatment for the "barbarian submitters" had been various, according to the cases of the "submitting"; the cases of ordinary "submitting","nei-shu", and the cases of controlling "submitters" by the shu-guo (屬国/dependent states) system.But, all of the "barbarian submitters" had been treated as the "internal vassal (内臣 nei-chen)" of the Han Dynasty.The "gui-yi" has two means; one is the all action to depend on the Han dynasty, including "submitting", and the other is the action for being given the guestship in the Han Dynasty, or the guestsmp itself.The "gut yi barbarians" as the guestship occupies the position between the "internal vassal" and the "external vassal (外臣 wai-chen)".The "gui-yi barbarians" could become not only the "internal vassal" by "submitting", as the all other "barbarians", but also the officer of the Han Dysasty.Besides they could be conferred the Han nobility (列侯 lie-hou) by winning distinguished services, and become the "internal vassal".

著者

安冨 歩

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化 = Oriental culture (ISSN:05640202)

巻号頁・発行日

no.95, pp.115-133, 2015-03

著者

小泉 龍人

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.139, pp.238-207, 2000-03

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In recent times trade studies of the Uruk to Jemdet Nasr periods in West Asia have delineated internal structures of the society and diverse de-velopments of the economy.The term in the fourth millennium B. C. is in course of urbanization, gradually developing from previous periods.Research on the exchange or trade system during these periods, therefore, could be meaningful for understanding social complexity continuing from the Ubaid period.This article refers to several aspects of the production, cir-culation, and consumption of goods, especially concerning to the wine, through the fourth millennium B. C. in West Asia.There have been fortu-nately found significant evidence of the wine production and distribution from Godin Tepe [Badler 1996], located along the 'Khorasan Road' in the western part of Luristan region in Iran.In this paper, firstly, I present a brief history of previous studies of local exchange and long-distance trade in the ancient West Asia.Then, I de-scribe the archaeological evidence for the production, storage, and consump-tion of wine at Godin Tepe and others, and put in brief order examples possibly implying means of transport, by water and/or land, reconstructing a provisional view of the transportation and distribution of wine in the pe-riods.Finally, I conclude that the wine trade started in the fourth millen-nium B. C. could provide commercial and administrative benefits in the economical and political contexts; that the wine commodities would repre-sent aspects of social complexity towards urbanization during which the rit-ual network in the Ubaid period could be transformed to the trade network in the Uruk period.

著者

田中 公明

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.166, 2014-12

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The excavation of Udayagiri II under taken by the ASI since 1997 has brought to light some new discoveries about Orissan Buddhism. Among these, a khondalite inscription found on the eastern side of monastery No. 2 (Reg. No. 70) is important since most of its 21 lines are in good condition and readable. A photograph of the surface along with a romanized transcription appeared in Indian Archaeology 2001-02 (“A Review”). I noticed that one of the dhāraṇī-sūtras inscribed on the khondalite plate is somewhat similar to the Ār yasarvatathāgatādhiṣṭhāna-hṛdaya-guhya-dhātu-karaṇḍa-mudrā nāma dhāraṇī, which was mainly revered as a substitute for the Buddha’s relics. There are three Chinese versions of this dhāraṇī-sūtra and one Tibetan translation. In addition, a Sanskrit transcription in Siddham script has been transmitted in Japan. Unfortunately, the transcription by the ASI contains several errors since they were not aware of the original dhāraṇī, and this seems to have hindered the correct identification of the text. Another khondalite plate inscribed with a dhāraṇī-sūtra had previously been discovered in Orissa and is now exhibited at the State Museum in Bhubaneswar. It has already been identified by G. Schopen as the Bodhimaṇḍalālaṅkāra nāma dhāraṇī. The Ārya-sarvatathāgatādhiṣṭhāna- hṛdaya-guhya-dhātu-karaṇḍa-mudrā nāma dhāraṇī, on the other hand, has been discovered neither in Orissa nor anywhere else on Indian soil, although one example has been discovered in Sri Lanka. It is worth noting that the name of Śubhākaradeva, a king of the Bhaumakara dynasty, has been inserted in the Ārya-sarvatathāgatādhiṣṭhāna-hṛdaya-guhyadhātu-karaṇḍa-mudrā nāma dhāraṇī. This is the first concrete evidence of a relationship between the Bhaumakara dynasty and Udayagiri. In this paper, I compare the inscription with the extant Chinese and Tibetan versions of this dhāraṇī-sūtra and consider the significance of this discovery for the history of Orissan Buddhism. For further details, reference should be made to the romanized transcription of the inscription on pp. 156–158.

著者

衣川 賢次

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.166, pp.246-218, 2014-12

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馬祖道一(709-788)在中唐時期創始的新興禪宗,其兩條綱要爲"即心是佛"和"作用即性"。馬祖以後的唐末五代時期的禪僧則以作爲"見色便是見心"的悟道論進行探求與實踐。而他們錯誤地認爲首先"見色",然後如何"見心",其結果總歸於失敗。因此他們對這種悟道論懷疑並苦悶,最後感到絶望;經過長期的彷徨之後,偶然會有一箇激起回心的機會,竟然得到了發現自心便是佛心的體驗。之時,禪僧們發出一種"感興之語",然後又經沈思黙想,纔能領悟到這就是所謂的"見色便是見心"的道理。馬祖的禪宗思想發展到唐末五代時期,禪宗社會出現了一種大衆化的現象,從而引起了對馬祖禪宗的"平常無事"思想的庸俗化解釋。到了宋代,禪宗内部又有所新的發展,對曾經偶然到達禪悟的漫長路程,將其方法化成爲"看話"的悟道論並進行探求與實踐。

著者

喬 志航

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.161, pp.145-196, 2012-03-27

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In the late Qing, China entered the capitalist world-system and this brought about a structural change in social form. In this context, late Qing intellectuals felt a double imperative: they had to combat imperialist invasion and economic plunder and therefore they had to establish a nation-state, which presupposed capitalist development. However, on the other hand, they saw the various problems associated with capitalism and as they were developing their narratives of identity, they needed to find conceptual resources to counter Eurocentric narratives of history. Consequently, these intellectuals harbored a desire to overcome capitalism. This desire produced various post-capitalist utopias, which we can see in Kang Youwei, Tan Sitong and Zhang Taiyan. These utopias are especially meaningful today, in an age where capitalist domination is heightened, but hope for a post-capitalist future has greatly diminished. “Equality” is a key word with which late Qing intellectuals mapped out the future. Moreover, “equality” expresses precisely the above doubled movement: on the one hand, it constitutes the condition for the nation state, but on the other hand, it is also a concept that late Qing intellectuals used to imagine a different future. Discussions of equality directly dealt with issues of labor, women, and so on. This essay takes as its focus the Journal of Natural Justice, which was organized by the Society for the Restoration of Women’s rights organized by He Zhen, Liu Shipei and others. This journal published for less then one year, but it was one of the main journals promoting socialism and anarchism. It was also the first to directly discuss “labor,” and it proposed an ideal of equality in which “everyone has work and everyone labors.” Throughout the rest of China’s 20th vi century, leftist and Marxist intellectuals continued this emphasis on labor. But capitalism presupposes that everyone is equal as a free-laborer. In this case, what is the relationship between the utopia proposed by the Journal of Natural Justice, which entails a world in which all work, and capitalism? This essay examines this question in hopes of shedding light on a larger trajectory of Chinese history.

著者

福井 清一

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.90, pp.25-79, 1982-12

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The land-tenure systems in rural Asia have been experiencing more or less changes due to land policy and rapid technological progress under population pressure.The changes have been most significant in transforming the traditional share tenancy system.This is because some Asian countries have made efforts to abolish the traditional system, regarding it as a tenant-exploiting and econo-mically inefficient one.But actual conditions are different from such a point of view, particularly in case of reciprocal share tenancy and this type of tenancy system is still widely observed in rural Asia.Tenant farmers sometimes even refuse to transfer it to the modern type.Then, why is the share tenancy system prefered in many cases? This is a main theme of this paper.We are not able to answer this ploblem by the analysis using existing modern economic theories.Mecmwhile, it is very difficult to construct the new relevant theory at a stretch.So, at the first step, I will seek the fundamental factors to regulate the share tenancy system by reexa-mining economic theories of share tenancy.I begin with an account of classical and neoclassical view.Then I go no to deal with Cheung's challenge to these views, and the critics to Cheung theory, showing what kind of factors are important in understanding the reciprocal share tenancy.I next turn attention to economic aspects of bargaining and imperfect information which have been failed to notice, Finally, I suggest the way of reconstracting the more relevant theory.

著者

戸倉 英美

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

no.102, pp.p373-519, 1987-02

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本文分析漢魏六朝各代詩賦裏所看到的「自然描寫」的欒化,而研討在這些時代裏所産生的一系列把「自然空間」形象化的方式,和其他欒化過程。各章所討論的主要問題,如下。(1)漢賦:漢賦裏排列許多事物,鳥獸草木,城邑宮苑,無一不擧,而相反地,對於「内無一物」的「空間」,漢賦裏毫無表現。漢賦作者似乎認爲:缺落具体事物的「空間」,完全没有意義。(2)古詩:漢代古詩裏所看到的主題是「時間枉過」的悲哀,却找不到「遙隔千里」的寂寞。他們描寫自然時,只有「自然是隨時欒化」的觀點,但是缺乏「自然是構成空間」的觀點。(3)曹植:曹詩是中國文學史上第一次從上述「自然是構成空間」的觀點來描寫自然(王粲可視爲他的先驅)。但是他經常表現自然界的激烈運動,大有要擾乱這些「空間」的意味,總之,似乎不能安身於「空間」。(4)阮籍:阮詩表現出一種比曹詩更廣大而更空虚的寂寞空間,但是他對于「空間」的感覺,還是不能脱離消極的意義。(5)陶淵明:他一方面繼承阮詩的寂寞空間,但?一方面,開拓出一種自己可以安身的自然空間。在此,「空間」獲得了一些積極意義。(6)謝靈運:大謝詩還没有直接表現「空間」。但他覺察到有一些缺乏具体性的氣雰情緒,比如「清暉・餘清」,而企圖把它形象化。結果開闢出一種跟曹阮不同的新的空間描寫。(7)謝?:小謝詩站在一種遠近感覺上,把大謝所未直寫的「空間」,更積極地,更直接地表現出来。由此,他的詩很接近於懐有廣闊「空間」的唐詩風韻。據此可見,從一種充満萬物,毫無「空間」的漢賦開始,發展到後漢魏晋六朝,詩人之間逐漸釀成「空間有意義」的感覺,從而對於「空間之美」的審美感和關于「遠近之感」的表現一歩一歩地擴大開来,最後到了唐代,終于出現了一大套遠近凝聚,雄偉遼闊的山川美景。唐詩所達到的境界,可以説是反映了一種「世界是無限」的觀念。

著者

中根 千枝

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.87, 1981-11

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This is an analysis based on my field data, genealogies with affinal relations of the major Tibetan noble families (Kuda, sKu-drag), which have been influential during the time of a half century prior to 1959, when the present Dalai Lama took refugee in India.In collecting these data, I was helped great deal by Mrs.Rinchen Dolma Taring, to whom my profound gratitude goes.The central part of this essay is devoted to the analysis of the major noble families (about a dozen, their genealogies are given in Fig. 1-13).As a starting point of the investigation of these highly complicated kinship networks, I took up two distinguished families, the Tsarong and the Yuthok, which have numerous affinal relations with other major families, and both produced Ministers in the early part of this Century.There are several families which have marriage relations with both families; and others are related to either the Tsarong or the Yuthok.Out of twenty major ones those families which have no direct relations with the two are very few.Even these families have more than two marriage relations with families who have direct affinal relations with the Tsarong or the Yuthok.Therefore all these major families are closely connected to one another through kinship and marriage relations, forming a distinguishable circle.Moreover, for these major families which form the circle, most of their spouses came from the families within the circle (as shown in Fig. 15).Such relations multiplies by cases of polygyny and polyandry and also remarriages, all of which are not unusual among them.The circle shows a highly endogamous tendency.Tibetans follow the patrilineal descent system with the exogmous rule applied to those who are related, as they say, within the seventh ascending generation.As a matter of fact, in spite of intricate networks among those families, there is no single instance of the exogamic rule being broken.Instead, there are many cases where two or three marriages took place between two families within one or two generations.In relation to marriage, the discussion touches also on the following points: 1) In the absence of a male, a family takes a man from outside as a husband to the heiress, or the divorcee or widow to fullfil the duty as the head of the family as well as a man to be an officer in the central government. This man is called mag-pa. Mag-pa are normally found within the families of the same circle mentioned above. As shown in my data mag-pa cases are frequently found: sometimes in every generation or more than one in the same generation of a family. For example, see Fig. 4, the Surkhang (an arrow mark indicates a mag-pa case). Therefore continuity in terms of descent in a family (Kuda) is not the necessary requirement.2) There is no such status differentiation as wife-giving and wife-receiving between families.3) Inclusion of Yapshi (Dalai Lama's family) into the circle: it is a well observable fact that the most influential family (-ies), such as of the current Minister, provided spouses to the family members of a newly created Yapshi.List A (p. 30) consists of the names of major families dealt with in detail and of those who are close to them.Their affinal relation networks are shown in Fig. 15 (p. 29).List B (p. 31) includes families which have marriage relations with those in List A; and comparatively big families, including those who were in the Kashag, but did not form the top stratum discussed above.It is assumed that the number of Kuda in Tibet was about two hundreds, so that there were still about one hundred Kuda families, which were socially located in the outer circle of those in List B.The analysis of this essay suggests that the composition of the Tibetan aristocracy was something like that of the Russian aristocracy under the Czar: it did not form a homogeneous stratum clearly separated from the rest of the population, but existed in a somewhat graded manner from the major top ones located at the centre to minor insignificant local ones.In the course of history, there have also been renewals by the decline of older powers and rising of new ones.

著者

谷垣真理子

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.155, pp.324-292, 2009-03-27

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在香港,民主化只有部分地进行着.而且民主化的过程也被香港特别行政区基本法所控制的.本稿按照香港的情况名之为‘被控制的民主化(controlleddemocracy)'.二战后,中英两方面都警惕在香港进行民主化。但是,随着回归问题的抬头,1980年代香港政府才开始限定性的民主化。中方畏惧过快的民主化有可能破坏香港的繁荣和稳定。中英联合声明和基本法成为控制民主化的框架,特别是基本法载明了第三届立法会选举以前的发展过程,并定下了全部议员由普选产生的最终目标.2003年七一游行以后,所谓泛民主派开始主张实施普选,而香港的民主化再次成为热门话题.2004年4月,全人代常务委否定了2007年·2008年实施普选,但是2007年12月,它做出了2017年导入普通选举到行政长官选举中的決定.2008年立法会选举显示,泛民主派比亲政府派势力还盛.如果这个情况没有改变,2020年立法局选举全面实行普选的话,不可能否认的是,这一傾向将会导致泛民主派占半数以上议会的出现.

著者

塩田 光喜

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.155, pp.392-341, 2009-03-27

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In the discipline of anthropology, development studies in the rural areas in developing countries should be dealt with as a field of social-cultural transformations. The Imbonggu of the Papua New Guinea Highlands started the indigenous development project, centered around the Wamb-Wenewene Association. This article tries to locate this indigenous development movement in the context of Imbonggu civilization history which started from the mid-1950s and the Imbonggu mythological background. In the first section, I depict how the English concept, ‘development',was accepted and transformed into the Imbonggu culture as ‘debelopmen'. In the second section, as an ethnographic background, I glimpse how the Western civilization arrived to the neolithic cultures of Papua New Guinea Highlands including the Imbonggu and bring them to cultural transformations. In the third section, I decipher the indigenous development movement, ‘Wamb-Wenewene Association'which is an eco-tourism project through an anthropological concept, ‘trickster'. In the fourth section, I describe the process of a gift ceremony, ‘pig-kill', celebrated in August 2006 at Ambupulu village in the Imbonggu, through which the Ambupulu commitment to the Wamb-Wenewene Association was agreed. And, in the conclusion, I abstract the principles of dynamics in the indegenous development movement, the Wamb-Wenewene Association, and make some suggestions to the development studies from standpoint of cultural anthropology.

著者

呂 静

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.158, pp.280-253, 2010-12

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本文通過對已公佈的里耶秦代木牘文書的考察,發現這批文書中有兩種類型:有"一事一文一牘" 的單件文書和"一事多文一牘" 的多件文書。單件文書的來文是進入行政傳遞流程的原件文書;多件文書是利用單件文書木牘的空白處,續補相關事件的其他往來文檔而形成,它們不再參與行政傳遞流程,是關於同類事件文書的匯總,用於存檔翻檢查閱之用的資料性檔案,這類多件文書中的每一件文書都是具備獨立意義的行政公函。

著者

高橋 忠彦

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.100, pp.249-284, 1986-03

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In explaining the character of thoughts of “Tai-ping-jing”, it is necessary to elucidate its social aspects, though concrete references to the actual world seldom are found in the text.In this paper the author tried to analyse some tendencies, which are seen in arguments from “Tai-ping-jing” concerning to social problems.In many cases, while discussing social, political, and economical matters, the text insists on, directly or indirectly, protecting traditional communities and families, borrowing ethics from Confucianism.For example, the text says, that one should train his immortality, not in remote field, but in his family.As traditional communities are based one agriculture, the text at times betrays its antipathy against commercial activities and mining industry.In conclusion, the thoughts of “Tai-ping-jing” can be said to represent, to some extent, the anxiety of peasant classes, who are menaced by social and economical changes, and who want to maintain traditional order of society.

著者

神塚 淑子

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.129, pp.53-118, 1996-02

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本論文は後に、神塚淑子『六朝道教思想の研究』(創文社,1999年)に収録

著者

谷垣 真理子

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.157, pp.156-190, 2010-03-26

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1997年问题出现以后,香港有不少人移民海外。加拿大就是其中之一个移民目的地。为了调查香港移民情况,笔者访问过多伦多(1998年,1999年)和温可(1998年,1999年,2009年)。2009年笔者参加了关元昌家族宗亲会活动。本搞首先整理从香港移民至北美的历史,以考察二战后香港移民如何巩固移民加拿大后的生活。本稿亦整理了笔者在加拿大的采访调查。笔者还讨论了1980年代以前移民加国的‘老香港’与1980年代以后移民加国的‘新香港’,特别是1997年以后加拿大香港移民的化情况。既往的研究往往关注因香港回归问题所引发的香港移民的特殊性。但本文也将揭示,在加拿大香港移民中,恰恰是1960年代以移民的‘老香港’所建构的文化社会安全网而令‘新香港’的安顿创造了条件。‘香港人’一词是二战后新出现的用语,其本身也是冷战的产物,因为冷战结构延续至中国,香港中断了与中国内地的交流,与香港工业化过程同时出现的,是香港社会的统合进程。

著者

衣川 賢次

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.164, pp.230-165, 2013-12