著者

竹村 英二

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.167, pp.63-104, 2015-03

---

Nakai Riken was a well-known eighteenth-century Japanese Confucian belonging to the Kaitokudō, and is usually considered a ‘shushigakusha’. However, inadequate attention has so far been paid by intellectual historians to his scholarly excellence in evidential and exegetical elements. His study of Shangshu in particular exhibits expertise in textual criticism, and, despite the fact that his access to Chinese Shu studies was limited in his time to the ones up to the Yuan period, Riken demonstrates a notable quality and originality. Riken’s work shows both striking parallels with the views of Qing evidential scholars on Shangshu that were unknown to Riken, and elements that are quite original to the scholarship of his age in East Asia. He deals not only with the problems concerning its Old and New Texts, but also with discrepancies among the variants of the Old Texts, and with the distinction between the ‘original’ and ‘forged’ chapters and the evidential grounds that support the argument. He denounces the so-called ‘Great Introduction’ (大序 or 孔序) as a text that was ‘added’ deliberately after the Eastern Jin (東晉) era by Mei Ze (梅賾). He also denies the claims that the text of Shangshu was unreadable when it was found in the wall of Confucius’s residence, and survived only in oral tradition. Most importantly, he denounced Liu Xin (劉歆) of the Former Han as the ‘fabricator’ of these forged stories, and of Ban Gu (班固)’s erroneous and careless quoting of these Liu Xin’s stories (「夫恭王懐宅之事。創見於劉歆移書。而班史取之又載之藝 文」). As Riken points out, it was this「劉歆移書」that started these false stories concerning the transmission of the Shu texts at its early stage, that resulted in the spread of the incorrect message that the text was transmitted only orally.

著者

田仲一成

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.117, pp.333-380, 1992-03

---

中國戯劇史上, 超度孤魂的釋道普度儀式可以看作“戯劇”(悲劇)的起源。 從宗敎史的角度來看,這種普度儀式是五代北宋以後纔成立的。 目前道藏裡含有一些兩宋間普度科儀書。 其中有古老的一種,叫做『黄籙九幽醮無碍夜齋次第』,宋闕名撰。 但此書所流傳的地域,仍未能知。 未能了解其社會背景。 不過,新加坡福州籍道士所擧行的中元普度科儀,其結構,科儀内容很相似於『黄籙九幽醮無碍夜齋次第』所述的情況。 本文依據此類似性,擬研討宗敎史、戯劇史上的若干問題。 如下:(1) 福州道士普度,其“地獄”之佈置,科儀書之字句等,到處可見與宋代『黄籙九幽醮』相同相似之處。由此可以推斷其承流於宋代黄籙九幽醮。 (2) 莆田僧侶普度,尤其是“破獄”系儀式,也可見有一些與『黄籙九幽醮』〈破獄〉類似之處。可以推想其受影響於宋代黄籙九幽醮。 (3) 福州普度科儀和莆田目連戯,開場淨棚時,無不有演出田都元帥咒或跳舞。田都元帥很可能是年輕英靈殤魂之一。英魂是宋代黄籙九幽醮最重視的。由此似乎可説,閩北田都元帥表演也會継承傳統於宋代黄籙九幽醮。 (4) 閩北目連戯是全國著名的。尤其是莆田仙游目連戯保留普度儀式中“目連破獄”科儀之面目。宗敎性很濃厚,還離不開宗敎儀式。福州道士普度科儀,雖然沒有“目連破獄”之表演,但在地獄佈置之中,掛出目連晝像,或目連見母的晝兒。可見也有目連破獄的觀念。由此可知,閩北目連戯是在宋代以來黄籙九幽醮之傳統之中,發展出來的。 目前目連戯劇本,除了明代鄭之珍本之外,有好幾種地方性劇本,如浙江、安徽、江西、湖南、福建等々名本。 其中,閩北莆田本保留着比較古老的因素。 有些學人認爲,莆田本屬於南宋古南戯本系統。 本文從宗教環境的角度來,提出閩北目連上戯的古老性。

著者

鶴園 裕

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.99, 1986-02

---

The objectives of this article is to examine the traditional measuring laws and the character of the measuaring system reform at the end of Ri Dynasty.The results are as follows.1. From the viewpoint of the modern society, the system of weight and measures in Ri Dynasty appears to have been disorganized. However, in the context of the traditional measuring laws, the system is not necessarily said to be disorganized. At that time, the classical Chu scale (about 20cm) was well maintained. Yong-jo scale (about 31cm) and the weight system were commonly used in China, Korea and Japan.2. The traditional Korean society was so flexible that it could allow the dual measuring systems (the Original Korean system and the Chinese one), or sometimes the plural measuring systems. The Chinese system had spread widely by the early period of Ri Dynasty, and the Japanese one was also introduced at the end of Ri Dynasty.

著者

落合 雪野

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.164, pp.62-98, 2013-12-24

---

Tea, an aromatic beverage made from the leaves of the tea plant, has been widely accepted as a non-essential grocer y item in the Japanese diet. Furthermore, a variety of herbal tea products, prepared by combining hot water and the leaves, roots, flowers, fruits, or grains of various plant, are now in great demand in the health food and soft drink markets. In this paper I attempted to describe (1) historical changes and the variety of uses of herbal tea in comparing with popularization process of tea-drinking culture in Japan, and (2) the international distribution of ingredients for making herbal teas, based on a case study of a cereal crop of edible Job’ s tears in Laos. The aim of this paper is to discuss the current status of herbal teas, which are used not just for refreshment and healing but also for its health benefits as a complementary and alternative medical practice.

著者

山本 伸裕

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.160, pp.441-496, 2011-12-22

---

This paper seeks to clarify the relationship between Nāgārjuna's philosophy of the Middle Way, based on the notion of emptiness (śūnyatā), and Pure Land Buddhist thought, of which Shinran was a devotee. In Shinran's texts, one can see many references to Nāgārjuna as one of the greatest teachers of Mahāyāna Buddhism as well as of Pure Land Buddhism. But, it is still open to debate whether he may be considered the real ancestor of Pure Land Buddhism, though Shinran seems to have had no doubt that he was the very man who set the precedent for the teaching of the easy path of nembutsu. As a matter of fact, one can say that Jodo-Shin-Shū has not dwelt a great deal on Nāgārjuna's philosophy of emptiness. One reason may be that, for many people, Nāgārjuna's thoughts on emptiness were too profound to comprehend. Again, some might say there is little relationship to the teachings of the Pure Land, in which various expedients (upāya) are used to guide ordinary people. Nāgārjuna's emptiness is mainly mentioned in Sanskrit texts such as the Mūlamadhyamakakārikā (“Fundamental Verses on the Middle Way”). One must carefully reread these texts in order to see how the philosophy of emptiness can be employed in the generation of Pure Land thought. This is as most Buddhists have been reading Nāgārjuna's texts through the classical Chinese translations. In this thesis, two key terms prapañca and prajñapti are carefully examined. Although both are surely related to human conceptual and linguistic practices, they are often considered to be of secondary value, at best, as compared with the notion of emptiness. But, such understanding may not be correct as it is influenced, to some unknown degree, by the style of the individual translator. The word “prajñapti” means practice in this world, of which nature is nothing other than “emptiness” (śūnyatā). Consequently, all of our deeds are subject to failure. But, once one accepts this uncertainty of emptiness, one will no more be tormented by one's own actions. Meanwhile, Shinran, basing his own faith on Pure Land Buddhism, emphasized the role of expedients, or “means,” and salvation by faith to the Other (Amitābha). This salvation by faith means giving up reliance on one's own ability and accepting the power of “emptiness.” In this way, one lives in the real world expediently and depending upon linguistic practice.

著者

青木 健

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.158, pp.78-166, 2010-12-24

---

The Persian treatise, ‘Ulamā-ye Islām, whose origin is supposed to be the Pahlavi Edict by the Sasanian Prime Minister Mihr Narseh (5th CE) to force Armenian Christians to convert to Zoroastrianism at that time, i.e. Zurvanism, is the only surviving work from a Zurvanite point of view. Although the Persian text has been published in lithograph or print form since the 1820s, no critical editions exist thus far. To address this situation, I have collected independent MSS of that treatise both already known in Mumbai (3) and Navsari (1) and unknown in Tehran (2) and Hyderabad (1), and I have prepared the stemma codicum of ‘Ulamā-ye Islām and established an Urtext that could account for the variants. (改行) This process generated a number of findings, not confined to detailed textual issues, but including religious history. The Zurvanite thought expressed in this Urtext is quite resemblant of Manichaeism in its Cosmology, Anthropology and Eschatology, rather than Dualistic Zoroastrianism in Pahlavi Books written between the 9th and 10th centuries. If Zurvanism is allowed to speak for itself, it can tell us a great deal about the Religionsgeschichte in Early Sasanian Persia which focuses on Zurvanism’s unexpected but great influence on Manichaeism in historical context.

著者

青木 健

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.147, pp.192-141, 2005-03

---

The Dēnkard is one of the most voluminous Zoroastrian Book Pahlavī literature, edited by Zoroastrian high priests, Ādurfarrōbay-ī Farroxzādān and Adurbād-ī Ēmēdān in the 9^<th> and 10^<th> centuries. Here presented is an annotated transcription and Japanese translation of its third volume, which consists of 420 polemics against bad religions-Manichaeism, Judaism and Islam. Our process of preparing this translation can be divided into two steps. 1. The late Prof. Gikyō ITŌ made a Pahlavī letters' transcription and its Japanese translation preciously corresponding to Madan's Dēnkard edition. Unfortunately, however, he passed away before completion this work. 2. After Gikyō ITŌ's death, Takeshi AOKI made his work up-to-date, and added ① linguistic commentaries on Pahlavī letters' transcription and ② religious commentaries on Japanese translation. This time we can print only the 10^<th> chapter to the 26^<th> chapter, but we hope publishing serially the whole transcription and translation of the Dēnkard Book III in this Memoirs.

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

巻号頁・発行日

1970

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

巻号頁・発行日

1969

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

巻号頁・発行日

1967

著者

[著者名なし]

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.161, pp.xxxi-lxi, 2012-03-27

著者

青木 健

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.158, pp.166-78, 2010-12

著者

青木 健

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.160, pp.224-127, 2011-12

著者

カナーアナ シャリーフ ゼイターウィー ニハード 金城 美幸

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.171, pp.188-114, 2017-03

---

This paper presents a commentary and a Japanese translation of Deir Yassin: The Destroyed Palestinian Villages, No. 4 (1987. Kana'ana, Sharif, and Nihad Zeitawi. Birzeit: Center for Research and Documentation of Palestinian Society.). The original book is written in Modern Standard Arabic (its descriptive part) and in the village dialect (citations from villagers' speeches). It is one of the publications from a research project conducted from 1986 to 1998 at Birzeit University, located in the West Bank of the occupied Palestinian territories. This research project aimed to collect and record Palestinian refugees' oral narratives of their native villages that were destroyed in 1948 because of the establishment of the State of Israel. The book is composed of the following four chapters: (1) The popular history of the village; (2) The clans and families; (3) The village in the 1940s; and (4) The politics, the escape, and the exodus. This project preceded a new wave of historical accounts in Palestinian refugee communities of their original village, and more than 120 similar books have been published since then, recording their homeland based on the former villagers' narratives. It is noteworthy that these books based on oral history began to be written after the Palestinian diaspora leaders were defeated in Beirut (1982). Many Israeli and Palestinian researchers have argued over the question of why Palestinian Arabs became refugees in 1948. As Israel has ruled most of the area in the region, the historiographies in Israel have dominated the Palestinian historical narrative. Especially after the 1980s, when Israeli historians started to publish their research on the cause of the refugee problem based on the then newly declassified state archives, the "positivist" historiographies gained a great influence over the historical dispute as a whole. In this renewed debate, the Palestinian oral histor y was sidelined again and was regarded as a distor ted narrative. This translated text is dedicated to the village of Deir Yassin, which will always be linked with the massacre that took place in 1948. Although Deir Yassin is the village that has most often been refer red to in the historical dispute, refugees' memor y of the village reveals the rich layers of folklore that once existed there. The villagers' narratives show us how much the destruction of their homeland means to them, a point that has long been dismissed in the traditional historical dispute.

著者

額定其労

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.176, pp.95-126, 2020-02

---

Throughout the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, Mongolian nomadic groups came to be divided into two empires, the Russian Empire and the Qing Empire. These two empires had different state structures, political ideolo gies, religious and military policies, and so on. However, how these differences were reflected in the societies of Mongolian nomadic groups are little known. This paper explores the social structure and legal system of the Buryats under Russian rule, and compares them with the case of the Mongols under the Qing Empire. Through examining the case of the Buryats, who have left various laws written in Mongolian script but have been little studied, this paper aims to broaden the scholarship of Mongolian legal history that has so far largely been limited to Qing Mongolia. Furthermore, by comparing the administrative and legal institutions between the Buryats in Russia and the Mongols under the Qing, this article also intends to contribute knowledge to comparative empire studies.

著者

青木 健

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.158, pp.78-166, 2010-12-24

---

The Persian treatise, ‘Ulamā-ye Islām, whose origin is supposed to be the Pahlavi Edict by the Sasanian Prime Minister Mihr Narseh (5th CE) to force Armenian Christians to convert to Zoroastrianism at that time, i.e. Zurvanism, is the only surviving work from a Zurvanite point of view. Although the Persian text has been published in lithograph or print form since the 1820s, no critical editions exist thus far. To address this situation, I have collected independent MSS of that treatise both already known in Mumbai (3) and Navsari (1) and unknown in Tehran (2) and Hyderabad (1), and I have prepared the stemma codicum of ‘Ulamā-ye Islām and established an Urtext that could account for the variants. (改行) This process generated a number of findings, not confined to detailed textual issues, but including religious history. The Zurvanite thought expressed in this Urtext is quite resemblant of Manichaeism in its Cosmology, Anthropology and Eschatology, rather than Dualistic Zoroastrianism in Pahlavi Books written between the 9th and 10th centuries. If Zurvanism is allowed to speak for itself, it can tell us a great deal about the Religionsgeschichte in Early Sasanian Persia which focuses on Zurvanism’s unexpected but great influence on Manichaeism in historical context.

著者

[著者名なし]

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.161, 2012-03-27

著者

松浦 史子

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.155, pp.93-132, 2009-03-27

---

江淹在<別賦>的夫妻離別場面中使用“惜瑤草徒芬”來表現妻子的悲哀。中國古代詩歌中把女子的姿色比作香草,表現其美得不到愛憐光陰無情流逝之悲哀的手法很常見。但江淹沒使用香草而使用了從漢代到六朝用例極少的“瑤草”。江淹在其他兩個作品中也詠嘆瑤草,由此可以把瑤草視為表現江淹特徵的詞語。本文試通過探尋瑤草的來歷,考察江淹賦予瑤草的內涵。江淹以前唯一的瑤草用例出现在東方朔《與友人書》中,瑤草是賦予人永恆生命的仙境之草。<別賦>的瑤草是詠嘆<美之衰落的悲哀>,因此很難認為江淹的瑤草直接源於東方朔。作為瑤草之典故,<別賦>李善注引用了《山海經》<中山經>中的“帝女死於姑媱山,屍體化作〓草”的記述以及郭璞“〓与瑤同”的解說。但最早註釋《山海經》的郭璞從崇拜古代帝王的儒家思想出發把“〓草”釋為“君子之佩物”,認為“佩於身可得人之敬愛”。那麼“〓草”与<別賦>“瑤草”有什麼聯繫呢?在李善注中可找到另一線索。在早於《山海經》<〓草>神話的<別賦>李善注所引宋玉<高唐賦>佚文中,巫山神女自稱“帝女瑤姬”,未嫁先逝葬於巫山,〈靈魂化作靈芝〉。江淹把“巫山的帝女瑤姬”与《山海經》中“化為〓草的姑媱山帝女”等同看待,把對帝女瑤姬的“夭逝之悲哀”用於姑媱山帝女,把帝女化身的“〓草”改稱為“瑤草”,使瑤草在<別賦>中成為表現夫妻離別之悲哀的象徵。与此對照,郭璞從儒家立場出發把≪山海経≫的“帝女”与自願出現在王之寢室的“巫山神女”加以區分,而把“〓草”視為<君子佩帶之物>。由此可見,雖然郭璞和江淹同是喜愛并研究《山海經》的六朝詩人,可是在如何繼承《山海經》方面有著很大差異。江淹<丹砂可學賦>中的瑤草繼承了東方朔的“仙境之草”,似乎与<別賦>的瑤草相矛盾。然而“瑤池”“瑤樹”等冠有“瑤”字的詞一般用於對仙境的描寫,而從江淹多用的“瑤”字中可以發現一罕見特徵:他是用礦物玉石來歌詠現世的自然・植物・女性。由此推測,因江淹深知生命必衰,他要把生命之美變成永恆來留存。江淹把帝女的化身“〓草”与仙境之草“瑤草”相結合,創造出了既含玉之永恆又悲生命之短暫的“瑤草”一詞。透過瑤草我們可以看出以<別賦><恨賦>聞名的江淹作為優秀抒情詩人的一個側面。

著者

熊 遠報

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.168, pp.224-190, 2015-12

---

本文经过对偶尔入手、所属关系不明的52 册家庭账簿的考证,确认其为徽州祁门县箬坑村王元敞这个普通商人家庭嘉庆至同治年间近百年日常生活收支、货物进出、债务、金融相关的原始记录。作为另一种日记的家庭收支账簿,具体记录了一个徽州商人家庭日常生活的基本状况,为研究传统中国社会家庭的日常生活与经济活动、立体构筑清代徽州地区普通人的社会经济生活面貌提供了十分详细的资料。本论文选取账簿中保存状态完好的嘉庆七、八(1802-03) 两年的家庭生活收支记录,进行了整理与分析。十八世纪末、十九世纪初的王氏家族在祁门经营农业、茶叶,从事油、盐、粮食、烟酒等日常生活用品的贩卖,与人"合伙"经营,拥有多家商店,有较大规模的商业投资,进行多种经营活动。与学术界过去的成果不同,本论文强调"钱会"这种互助性金融组织提供的资金与有息借贷是徽州商人商业经营的重要来源与支撑。以一年为单位观察王氏家庭,医药支出和教育与科举考试支出比较突出。这某种程度反映了徽州社会的健康重视倾向与医疗医药环境,以及当地获取各种社会资源竞争的激烈程度。祁门王氏账簿和一些徽州账簿的记载,对清代日常生活中"市场经济"、商业化进展程度等的理解提供了新的可能性:1、徽州流通商品的产地非常广泛,包括中国各地区,也有朝鲜半岛与东南亚诸国。2、徽州的日常生活中,个体权利意识受到重视,家族内亲子、夫妇间的借贷与返还过程在收支账目中得到明确记录,亲族间家务帮助等也明确以金钱计算报酬。日常生活用品领域中的商业化与专业化程度加强,以货币为媒介的交换关系日常化,服务行业的范围相当细节化,类似接送小孩等事务也成为以货币交换的劳动领域。这些都在一个侧面显示内陆农村的商业化程度,可以改变农业社会自给自足、重视互酬关系的基本形象。

著者

白水 紀子

出版者

東京大学東洋文化研究所

雑誌

東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.140, pp.414-372, 2000-12

---

自民国时期至社会主义时期的寡妇形象,可分为两个极端-祥林嫂类型(未生育男孩的年轻寡妇类型)及掌握强大实权的寡妇类型。本论文特别将前项类型寡妇的守节再婚状况作为中心加以讨论。在第一章民国时期的寡妇与第二章社会主义中国的寡妇中分别整理了各该时期寡妇的境遇。 结果得知自民国时期至今,跟明清时期一样,社会中对寡妇同时存在着守节与再婚两个完全相反的不同要求。就民国时期的寡妇而言,在丈夫死亡之后的状况,常受儒家道德的规范与经济等两大因素所左右,阶级愈低愈容易因经济的因素而被迫再婚的情况较多。再者,此刻被抛弃的道德规范却转变成忌讳寡妇再婚的风俗而继续留存在社会中,这时受责难的并非令其再婚的亡夫之家, 而是集中在毫无力量的寡妇身上。这种倾向到了社会主义中国还继续着,只能在「守节以终此一生」或「默从一族的决定而再婚」之中选其一,假如寡妇想以自己的意志超出这既定的框框,则将遭到家族、村里、一族还有单位的干涉。就结论而言,在中国所特有的社会构造-国与社会的二元构造基础上,阻碍寡妇的婚姻自由的,不只是经济的因素,而且也不是纯粹的礼教的影响,很明显的是与这些因素复杂地纠合在一起的宗族之存在作用是很大的。