著者

林 佳世子

出版者

東洋史研究會

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.56, no.3, pp.673-674, 1997-12-31

著者

松井 嘉徳

出版者

東洋史研究會

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.54, no.2, pp.141-168, 1995-09-30

著者

杉村 邦彦

出版者

東洋史研究會

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.25, no.2, pp.163-193, 1966-09-30

著者

上田 早苗

出版者

東洋史研究會

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.25, no.4, pp.364-385, 1967-03-31

著者

羽田 明

出版者

東洋史研究會

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.22, no.3, pp.399-407, 1963-12-31

著者

吉川 忠夫

出版者

東洋史研究會

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.47, no.3, pp.427-451, 1988-12-31

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Yuan Xingchong 元行沖 (653-729) was a Tang dynasty scholar during the age of Xuan Zong 玄宗. He was an intimate friend of Liu Zhiji 劉知幾, who authored the Shi tong 史通. One recognizes the mutual influence of these two scholars on each other in their writings. First this essay considers the Wei dian 魏典, a chronological history of the northern Wei dynasty authored by Yuan Xingchong, and his commentary on the Xiaojing 孝經. While Yuan Xingchong wrote a commentary which further amplified the notes on the Lei li 類禮 of Wei Zheng 魏徴of the early Tang, which in turn had been based on the text of the Li ji 禮記 that was reorganized by Sun Yan 孫炎 in the Wei dynasty (220-264 A.D.), the imperial dynasty did not use his text. To vent his resentment, Yuan Xingchong wrote the Shi yi 釋疑. In the Shi yi, Yuan Xingchong severely criticized "the study of commentaries on words and phrases." By "the study of commentaries on words and phrases, " Yuan Xingchong indicated a perspective like that taken by interpreters of the traditional classics, as represented by works such as the Correct Meanings of the Five Classics. Incontrast to that learning, Yuan Xingchong selected several excellent portions out of the various interpretations, and, following them, sought to establish his own perspective on learning.

著者

工藤 元男

出版者

東洋史研究會

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.59, no.4, pp.645-674, 2001-03-31

被引用文献数

1

著者

小川 環樹

出版者

東洋史研究會

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.31, no.3, pp.412-417, 1972-12-31

著者

北川 誠一

出版者

東洋史研究會

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.59, no.3, pp.501-501, 2000-12-31

著者

宮崎 市定

出版者

東洋史研究會

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.33, no.3, pp.323-369, 1974-12-31

著者

藤田 勝久

出版者

東洋史研究會

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.54, no.2, pp.169-201, 1995-09-30

著者

鈴木 中正

出版者

東洋史研究會

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.36, no.4, pp.606-629, 1978-03-31

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The Ta-ch'eng sect which spread from Yunnan 雲南 to Szechwan 四川, Kweichow 貴州, the Yangtze 揚子 valley provinces, Chih-li 直隷, and to the capital of Peking北京 in the mid-Ch'ing period, was founded by Chang Pao-t'ai, a kung-sheng 貢生 from Ta-li 大理 prefecture of Yunnan. Like other founders of sects in the late Ming 明 and early Ch'ing periods, he held lower gentry status which one can identify with the "popular literati" 大衆的讀書人 as categorized by Tadao Sakai 酒井忠夫. The contents of his teachings are difficultto know, but the records of his attaining enlightenment and founding a sect at Mount Chi-tsu 鶏足山 give us a clue. Situated to the northeast of Ta-li, this mountain had become famous all over China as a sacred place of the Maitreya Buddha who would descend there and hold the Three Dragon Flower Meeting 龍華三會. Chang's enlightenment may have been based on Zen practices, but when he preached to a congregation of commoners, he seems to have included the Maitreya cult in his soteriological system. When the sect was suppressed in 1746, it had been divided into three sub-sects. One of them had a clearly anti-Ch'ing political color, but the others were presumably non-political. It seems the politically colored sub-sects had begun to cooperate with the kuo-fei bandits 嘓匪 and with mine-workers in Szechwan, a group of discontented, anti-regime fighters. Soon after their foundation, popular sects in China fell in to organizational and doctrinal disunity, a feature which corresponds to the characteristics of Chinese society observed by Mark Elvin as "the most fluid society in the world, " haunted by constant competition rather than harmony.

著者

菟原 卓

出版者

東洋史研究會

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.41, no.2, pp.321-362, 1982-09-30

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This essay investigates the actual conditions of the vizirate during the latter half of the Fatimid dynasty and systematically comprehends its character in an attempt to consider its historical significance. When one traces the transition of the latter vizirate, the following points are confirmed : first, that all the viziers had come from the military class ; secondly, that in most cases they had had direct or indirect recourse to military force in establishing their accession ; and thirdly, that the entire climate of the political process during the latter period mostly evolved around the vizier. Speaking from an institutional perspective, the vizier controlled the highest authorities of the army, the administrative organization and the organization for religious affairs. The vizier was the actual controller of the state. Their supreme position is also verifiable from other aspects, including their exceptional remuneration, supervision of the mazalim, high status in ritual ceremonies, hereditary political position, and title of malik. The latter viziers who possessed such a great jurisdiction, occupying such a supreme position, threatened the supreme spiritual authority of the caliph. So the rule of the Fatimid dynasty based on the ideology of Isma'iliyya became nominal by degrees. At the same time, however, there was also a limit to their power ; namely, their having established their economic base in a deteriorating traditional system of tax collection. For this reason, the control of the Fatimids was not yet completely overturned and was able to continue to exist, despite the viziers having seized actual political power until Salah al-Din had put the military iqta' system into effect to the extent of establishing a new state organization.

著者

新免 康 菅原 純

出版者

東洋史研究會

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.61, no.3, pp.552-522, 2002-12

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In the history of Eastern Turkestan of the seventeenth through nineteenth centuries, the family known as the Kashghar Khwaja consistently played an important role in the political activities of Turkic Muslims. It would be difficult to claim that a sufficient number of historical materials exist to recount their circumstances in detail. In this study, we have focused on a scroll that has been registered with the designation Prov. 219 in what is known as the Jarring Collection of the Lund University Library in Sweden. This manuscript consists of three parts: (A) a fatwa, a religious order; (B) a nesb name, a lineage, of Khan Khwajam; and (C) the tadhkira, legend, of Khan Khwajam. The first part, the fatwa, persistently advocates unconditional obedience to the descendants of the saint by citing a bogus Hadith. The second part of the scroll, section B, is basically a lineage of the Afaqiya branch of Kashghar Khwaja family that includes the names of both a large number of legendary saints and historical members of the Afaqiya Khwajas up to the 19th century. The third part of the scroll, section C, mainly describes activities of Burhan al-Din Khwaja, who resisted the Qing dynasty's conquest of Eastern Turkistan in the middle of the 18th century. It is uniquely valuable as a rare material of Turkic Muslim on important incident at that time. It is possible to say that a group who supported a Khwaja leader, who was alive at the time of its compilation, compiled this entire manuscript in the 19th century for political purposes. In short, this manuscript directly reflects characteristic aspects of political activities of the Afaqiya branch of the Kashghar Khwaja family in the 18th and 19th centuries.

著者

金 民寿

出版者

東洋史研究會

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.48, no.2, pp.p262-299, 1989-09

著者

羽田 明

出版者

東洋史研究會

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.22, no.3, 1964-02

著者

閒野 英二

出版者

東洋史研究會

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.46, no.3, pp.559-590, 1987-12-31

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In the first half of the sixteenth century two excellent histories of Central Asia, namely Babur-nama of Babur Padishah and Tarikh-i Rashidi of Haydar Mirza, appeared. Figuratively speaking, these histories are two stars shining brightly in the sky of Central Asian historiography. Before and after them, they have no equals. Then why not only one, but also two excellent histories could appear almost simultaneously in that period in Central Asia where such histories are rare from ancient times? In order to answer this simple but important question, the author tries to examine the mutual relationship between Babur Padishah and Haydar Mirza. The author's conclusions are as follows : 1. Centering around the Moghul Khans, the families of Babur and Haydar associated with each other very friendly. 2. With such relationship for a background, Babur and Haydar associated closely twice : firstly between 1505 and 1507 and secondly between 1509 and 1512. 3. The participation of Muhammad Husayn, Haydar's father, in the Moghul's revolt against Babur in Kabul broke off the first association. But the generous and humanistic attitude of Babur toward Muhammad Husayn and others impressed young Haydar. 4. In 1509 Babur invited Haydar, whose father was killed by the Uzbeg, to Kabul and took care of Haydar with great hospitality. Babur's fatherly interest in Haydar removed the bitterness of orphanage and the poison of banishment from the latter's mind. Haydar passed a long time in the service of Babur, in perfect happiness and freedom from care. Babur always took Haydar by the side of himself and encouraged Haydar to study. After nearly one year's stay in Kabul, Haydar accompanied Babur on an expedition to Central Asia and entered Samarkand with Babur triumphantly. But, being unable to hold Samarkand, Babur retreated to Hisar, from where Haydar separated from Babur and went to Andijan to join Sa'id Khan. Thus close and warm relationship between Babur and Haydar, which lasted almost three years, came to an end. 5. Babur and Haydar set a high value on each other's abilities. Haydar in particular regarded Babur as the most talented prince in the house of Timur. 6. Since Haydar held Babur in such a high respect, it is probable that Haydar conducted himself after the model of Babur in many respects. If it be true, it is also probable that Haydar's Tarikh-i Rashidi was composed after the model of Babur's Babur-nama. The author wants to make certain of the last presumption by comparing the structure, contents and style of the two histories in another paper.

著者

間野 英二

出版者

東洋史研究會

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.46, no.3, pp.p559-590, 1987-12

---

In the first half of the sixteenth century two excellent histories of Central Asia, namely Babur-nama of Babur Padishah and Tarikh-i Rashidi of Haydar Mirza, appeared. Figuratively speaking, these histories are two stars shining brightly in the sky of Central Asian historiography. Before and after them, they have no equals. Then why not only one, but also two excellent histories could appear almost simultaneously in that period in Central Asia where such histories are rare from ancient times? In order to answer this simple but important question, the author tries to examine the mutual relationship between Babur Padishah and Haydar Mirza. The author's conclusions are as follows : 1. Centering around the Moghul Khans, the families of Babur and Haydar associated with each other very friendly. 2. With such relationship for a background, Babur and Haydar associated closely twice : firstly between 1505 and 1507 and secondly between 1509 and 1512. 3. The participation of Muhammad Husayn, Haydar's father, in the Moghul's revolt against Babur in Kabul broke off the first association. But the generous and humanistic attitude of Babur toward Muhammad Husayn and others impressed young Haydar. 4. In 1509 Babur invited Haydar, whose father was killed by the Uzbeg, to Kabul and took care of Haydar with great hospitality. Babur's fatherly interest in Haydar removed the bitterness of orphanage and the poison of banishment from the latter's mind. Haydar passed a long time in the service of Babur, in perfect happiness and freedom from care. Babur always took Haydar by the side of himself and encouraged Haydar to study. After nearly one year's stay in Kabul, Haydar accompanied Babur on an expedition to Central Asia and entered Samarkand with Babur triumphantly. But, being unable to hold Samarkand, Babur retreated to Hisar, from where Haydar separated from Babur and went to Andijan to join Sa'id Khan. Thus close and warm relationship between Babur and Haydar, which lasted almost three years, came to an end. 5. Babur and Haydar set a high value on each other's abilities. Haydar in particular regarded Babur as the most talented prince in the house of Timur. 6. Since Haydar held Babur in such a high respect, it is probable that Haydar conducted himself after the model of Babur in many respects. If it be true, it is also probable that Haydar's Tarikh-i Rashidi was composed after the model of Babur's Babur-nama. The author wants to make certain of the last presumption by comparing the structure, contents and style of the two histories in another paper.

著者

梅原 郁

出版者

東洋史研究會

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.34, no.4, pp.625-633, 1976-03-31

著者

永田 英正

出版者

東洋史研究會

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.24, no.3, pp.298-322, 1965-12-31