著者

小倉 芳彦

出版者

東洋史研究會

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.37, no.4, pp.p483-508, 1979-03

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This papar is a preliminary attempt to examine the use of proverbs in literature as a part of the investigation into the process whereby orally transmitted words came to be written down. Proverbs reflect the social condition and the ethical concept of the people of where they are born. The skillful use of them in literature, therefore, can enhance its persuasive power by arousing the audiences' sympathy. Proverbs are called yen 諺in Chinese classics. Although there must have been a great number of them, only few have come to be written down, and they are limited to those selected due to the authors' particular needs and preferences. Yens are used effectively to carry euphemistic admonitions advices in Tso-chuan. They are found alongside with quotations from Shih-ching 詩経 and Shu-ching 書経 and sayings of ancient sages, often to show the wisdom from everyday life lacked in them. It is evident, thus, that the author of Tso-chuan did not regard the yen as something vulgar. The yens quoted in Shih-chi, on the other hand, are chiefly those concerned with the fate of men. This is perhaps due to the Ssu-ma Ch'ien's 司馬遷 own interest. There are also yens quoted in memorials presented by the bureaucrats of the time ; they, however, lack the fine quality such as in those found in Tso-chuan, and are nothing but vulgar. In addition, the book Ku-yao-yen 古謡諺 contains many proverbs and folk songs used in the literature of later times. In the present study, however, I limited my examination only to those used in Tso-chuan and Shih-chi.

著者

佐藤 武敏

出版者

東洋史研究會

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.25, no.3, pp.275-302, 1966-12-31

著者

井上 充幸

出版者

東洋史研究會

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.59, no.1, pp.1-28, 2000-06

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Li Ri-hua, one of the typical intellectual in the late Ming, together with Dong Qi-chang 董其昌 were equally admired as connoisseurs of objets d'art and curios. Li's diary, Wei-Shui-Xuan Ri-Ji covers the years 37-44 of Wan-li 萬暦 (1609-1616), and by this we can observe his daily life in his hometown, Jia-xing 嘉興. This article attempts to examine the artistic taste of the intellectual and hence the cultural activities in those times by referring to the appreciations of arts like calligraphy, painting, ink slab, porcelain and all sorts of antiques described in this diary. Accordingly, appreciation and collection of objets d'art had originally been a personal taste of the intellectual, but had a vogue up to the late Ming. In those times, especially in the Jiang-nan region 江南, many collectors who flaunted their considerable collections of arts appeared. Xiang Yuan-bian 項元汴, his relative, Wang Ji-mei 王繼美 and his son, Wang Ke-yu 王砢玉 were typical ones. They had been living in Jia-xing for generations, and Li Ri-hua was able to appreciate many obiets d'art through companionship with them. With rapid economic development, the intellectual and even common people got absorbed in appreciation and collection of objets d'art in those days. As objets d'art became commodities and were widely traded, there was a sharp rise in demand for them, and their prices went up finally. At the same time, forgeries were produced in large quantities, so it became quite difficult to discriminate between the genuine and the fake. According to the diary, Li Ri-hua, as a famous connoisseur, was often asked to authenticate various objets d'art and curios and set prices for them. Besides, the article also discusses the relationship between "Shan-re" 山人 and the intellectual. "Shan-ren" were newly-risen intellectuals in the late Ming, who lived by their knowledge and skills and did not engage in any official position. "Wen-ren" 文人 had originally referred to the so-called "Shi-da-fu" 士大夫, but when some of the "Shan-ren" were regarded as the typical intellectual in the late Ming, the dividing line between the "Wen-ren" and the "Shan-ren" became ambiguous. Li Ri-hua was able to lay his academic foundation under the influence of the typical "Shan-ren" such as Zhou Lu-jing 周履靖 and Chen Ji-ru 陳繼儒 in those times. However, he had been trying to act as the most eminent intellectual without doing the job of making or appraising arts since he had become an official.

著者

中西 竜也

出版者

東洋史研究會

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.61, no.3, pp.553-584, 2002-12-31

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Works of Chinese Islamic literature that frequently came to be written in the time of the late-Ming and Qing dynasties were translations of the contents of Arabic and Persian literature into Chinese, and this body of literature might lead us to suppose that the Sinification of Islam had occurred (a departure from the original meaning of the texts resulting from the authors' attempts to write to suit the Chinese environment and of the influence of the ideological permeation of the three faiths, Buddhism, Confucianism and Daoism, ). Heretofore, certain elements of Sinification in regard to the theory of Sufism have to a certain extent been made clear, but those aspects concerned with practical application of various themes have hardly been addressed. Thus l have examined those aspects and the background of this Sinification in terms of the arguments concerning the shaykh, the leader of Sufism, in Chinese Islamic literature and have come to the following conclusions. Because it was rare that anyone might be identified a shaykh in the sphere of Wang Dai-yu 王岱輿, Maqsad-i Aqsa, which was widely read in China, on the possibility of exceptions to the general principle of the need for a shaykh. Yu Hao-zhou 余浩洲 placed the attainment of knowledge as the first of the maqamat stations of spiritual training, in his arrangement of the various virtues of the Mirsad and Maqsad. In expounding its importance, Ma Zhu 馬注 also explicated the process of spiritual purification based on the Mirsad, but took the attainment of knowledge as the standard method of spiritual purification on the basis of some unspecified scripture. These attitudes that emphasized knowledge were contrary to view expressed in the Mirsad, but they agreed with requirement of the attainment of knowledge advocated by the A-hong 阿訇, who were the teachers closest to the authors and readers of Islamic literature in Chinese, and who solely taught interpretative reading of Arabic and Persian texts without instructing their students in spiritual training. It may be claimed that in Yu's device of creating one's own maqamat suitable to an individual's own environment was a sort of sinification. Although Wang, Ma, Yu, and later Liu Zhi 劉智, failed to address the rule of the Mirsad that had set the silsila, spiritual chain stretching back to Muhammad, as a precondition for a being shaykh, but, in this may be seen as their intention of opening the qualificationof shaykh to the A-hong, who lacked the silsila.

著者

中西 竜也

出版者

東洋史研究會

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.61, no.3, pp.584-553, 2002-12

---

Works of Chinese Islamic literature that frequently came to be written in the time of the late-Ming and Qing dynasties were translations of the contents of Arabic and Persian literature into Chinese, and this body of literature might lead us to suppose that the Sinification of Islam had occurred (a departure from the original meaning of the texts resulting from the authors' attempts to write to suit the Chinese environment and of the influence of the ideological permeation of the three faiths, Buddhism, Confucianism and Daoism, ). Heretofore, certain elements of Sinification in regard to the theory of Sufism have to a certain extent been made clear, but those aspects concerned with practical application of various themes have hardly been addressed. Thus l have examined those aspects and the background of this Sinification in terms of the arguments concerning the shaykh, the leader of Sufism, in Chinese Islamic literature and have come to the following conclusions. Because it was rare that anyone might be identified a shaykh in the sphere of Wang Dai-yu 王岱輿, Maqsad-i Aqsa, which was widely read in China, on the possibility of exceptions to the general principle of the need for a shaykh. Yu Hao-zhou 余浩洲 placed the attainment of knowledge as the first of the maqamat stations of spiritual training, in his arrangement of the various virtues of the Mirsad and Maqsad. In expounding its importance, Ma Zhu 馬注 also explicated the process of spiritual purification based on the Mirsad, but took the attainment of knowledge as the standard method of spiritual purification on the basis of some unspecified scripture. These attitudes that emphasized knowledge were contrary to view expressed in the Mirsad, but they agreed with requirement of the attainment of knowledge advocated by the A-hong 阿訇, who were the teachers closest to the authors and readers of Islamic literature in Chinese, and who solely taught interpretative reading of Arabic and Persian texts without instructing their students in spiritual training. It may be claimed that in Yu's device of creating one's own maqamat suitable to an individual's own environment was a sort of sinification. Although Wang, Ma, Yu, and later Liu Zhi 劉智, failed to address the rule of the Mirsad that had set the silsila, spiritual chain stretching back to Muhammad, as a precondition for a being shaykh, but, in this may be seen as their intention of opening the qualificationof shaykh to the A-hong, who lacked the silsila.

著者

間野 英二

出版者

東洋史研究會

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.34, no.4, pp.p591-615, 1976-03

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An exanimation of the problems of the Timurid genealogy on the basis of the available sources from the Mongol period and from the hands of Timur's contemporaries suggests the following conclusions. First, the genealogy of the Timurid line is probably authentic. However, what mattered to Timur himself was not this genealogical record but rather his position--which he won by his abilities--as a son-in-law (kuragan) of the khan's family and his status as amir or beg. But for the Timurid princes, descendents of Timur, the situation was quite different. What they needed was not a veritable account of their ancestor, who spent much of his existence as a bandit; they wanted stories full of splendor and glory dealing with their ancestors. Therefore the Timurid genealogy, which had never been an issue for Timur himself, became for his descendents a web of traditions centering around a fictional Oath ;retrieved from the dust, it remains in the sources embellished with the additions of court historians.

著者

籾山 明

出版者

東洋史研究會

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.43, no.1, pp.165-173, 1984-06-30

著者

福井 重雅

出版者

東洋史研究會

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.43, no.3, pp.433-459, 1984-12-31

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Centering around the degree of Xianliang fangzheng, this article deals with the system of officials' appointment of the Han Dynasty. First one must pay attention to the fact that all those eligible capable of recommending persons for appointment as officials for official examination were called "nobles" (gongqing 公卿), whereas those who had taken the examination were named 'officials" (shidafu 士大夫), and try to understand the difference between these two groups properly. As a result we may state that the examination system of the Han was structured according to income : those above 2, 000 shi 石 were the "nobles", those below to 400 shi were mere "gentlemen" (shi 士), and those between equivalent to 600 and 1, 000 shi were "officers" (dafu 大夫). Its aim was to promote people from the position of the gentlemen to that of officers. Looking therefore at the Han Dynasty system of official selection from this angle, the Zhou hierarchy of nobles, officers, and gentlemen is strongly noticeable. However, if we scrutinize the historical data very carefully, we realize that one must not overlook the existence of a particular Han element arising as a reaction to the imperial despotic government. That is, the examination system can on the one hand be seen on the ideological background of the Zhou system, on the other hand, one must consider the possibility that it developed in the wake of a centralized administration which began at that time, and as such represents a new method of recruiting men of talent. Holding the two elements of tradition and realism in a subtle balance and preserving them through ingenious managing, the selection of Xianliang fangzheng under the Han dynasty grew gradually into a fixated examination system. This, I think, was the most important cause for the examination system.

著者

冨田 健之

出版者

東洋史研究會

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.48, no.4, pp.831-839, 1990-03-31

著者

中村 茂夫

出版者

東洋史研究會

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.47, no.4, pp.676-696, 1989-03-31

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In the history of Chinese law the origins of the law concerning the concealment of crimes by family members, according to which, those who conceal the crimes of their relatives are either exempted from criminal prosecution, or charged with minor offenses, are very ancient. For example, they are detectable in the Analects. Also in the legal codes of the Tang dynasty this law is set forth in detail. Later dynasties, including the Qing, also recognized this law. While many previous studies of this topic have been made, they have not systematically ordered the various provisions of these laws. This paper will attempt to fill that gap in the research surrounding this topic. While leaving discussions of these laws to other studies, this paper particularly will focus on an examination of various provisions of the Qing dynasty laws, taking up a few decisions from collections of judicial precedents. The paper will try to introduce systematically the legal status of laws pertaining to the concealing of crimes by family members. Since this traditional law also influenced the Japanese legal system, this paper will also briefly discuss the particulars of that influence.

著者

石濱 裕美子

出版者

東洋史研究會

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.51, no.2, pp.230-250, 1992-09-30

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The fifth Dalai Lama entrusted his own royal authority to the Regent Sangs in 1679. However, since the regent was a layperson and the Dalai Lama a priest, there are many unclear points concerning the nature of royal authority in this period. This paper examines the nature of royal authority in this period through Regent Sangs's conception of it, with special reference to his portraitas Manjusri, to his history of incarnation, and to his claim to be Cakravartin raja. This article concludes that Regent Sangs's theory of incarnation was in nature the same as the Dalai Lama's, that both were understood to be the Buddha in their original nature regardless of the distinction between priest and laity. Lay rulers prior to the emergence of the Dalai Lama regime had presented genealogical records to explain their origins. However, although the Regent Sangs came to power like them from among the laity, he did not take his distinguished genealogy as the basis for his authority, but rather his claim to be a 'Buddha incarnate' instead. Thus it might be said that the nature of royal authority under the Dalai Lama regime was different from that of the pre-Dalai Lama period.

著者

眞榮平 房昭

出版者

東洋史研究會

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.52, no.3, pp.485-490, 1993-12-31

著者

森部 豊

出版者

東洋史研究會

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.62, no.4, pp.660-693, 2004-03-31

被引用文献数

2

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This article argues the causes of the extension of the power of the Shatuo 沙陀 who eventually established the Later Tang regime of the Five Dynasties, through an analysis of the Sogdian Turks who were active in northern China from the second half of the Tang Dynasty. The Shatuo, who settled in the northern portion of Hedong 河東 after leaving Gansu 甘肅 and crossing the Ordos early in the ninth century, were not a particularly powerful group at the time. However, with the rebellion of Huang Chao 黃巢 at the close of the Tang, the Shatuo rapidly extended their power. It has been noted that one of the causes behind the expansion was the absorption of many warriors with Sogdian names. These Sogdian warriors were the descendants of Liuzhou-Hu 六州胡, who had immigrated to Daibei 代北 in the second year of the Zhenyuan 貞元 era (786). The Liuzhou-Hu were a remnant of the Turkic people, who had been created out of the collapse of the first Eastern Turkish khanate. They were originally a Sogdian people who had submitted collectively to the Eastern Turks. Under the mutual influence of the Turks and other nomadic peoples of northern Asia, they adopted nomadic culture, acquired the techniques of equestrian archery and became a potential military force. It is in this sense that they are referred to as Sogdian Turks in this article. The Sogdian Turks appeared in Daibei in nomadic settlements called Sage 薩葛 (Suoge 索葛 and xuege 薛葛), Anqing 安慶, Jitian 鶏田, and they lived a communal nomadic existence in the Five Dynasties period. These groups responded to needs of the Shatuo dynasties such as the Later Tang 後唐 and Later Jin 後晋 by participating in the regimes as a communal group led by a chieftain. It may be surmised that they sustained the military power of the Shatuo dynasties. After the Later Jin ceded what is known as the sixteen prefectures of Yanyun 燕雲十六州 to the Khitai 契丹, the Sogdian Turks livingin the Daibei submitted to the Khitai, while others of them moved south and passed through the Yanmen 雁門 barrier seeking asylum within the Later Jin state. Following the establishment of the Song 宋 dynasty, there were also some Sogdian Turks who left Daibei seeking asylum with the Song. The Song organized these Sogdian Turks into royal guard units that were stationed in the central portion of southern Hedong as a defense against the Xixia 西夏 and the Khitai.

著者

村上 正二

出版者

東洋史研究會

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.23, no.4, pp.478-507, 1965-03-30

著者

上田 早苗

出版者

東洋史研究會

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.28, no.4, pp.19-41, 1970-03

著者

莵原 卓

出版者

東洋史研究會

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.41, no.2, pp.p321-362, 1982-09

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This essay investigates the actual conditions of the vizirate during the latter half of the Fatimid dynasty and systematically comprehends its character in an attempt to consider its historical significance. When one traces the transition of the latter vizirate, the following points are confirmed : first, that all the viziers had come from the military class ; secondly, that in most cases they had had direct or indirect recourse to military force in establishing their accession ; and thirdly, that the entire climate of the political process during the latter period mostly evolved around the vizier. Speaking from an institutional perspective, the vizier controlled the highest authorities of the army, the administrative organization and the organization for religious affairs. The vizier was the actual controller of the state. Their supreme position is also verifiable from other aspects, including their exceptional remuneration, supervision of the mazalim, high status in ritual ceremonies, hereditary political position, and title of malik. The latter viziers who possessed such a great jurisdiction, occupying such a supreme position, threatened the supreme spiritual authority of the caliph. So the rule of the Fatimid dynasty based on the ideology of Isma'iliyya became nominal by degrees. At the same time, however, there was also a limit to their power ; namely, their having established their economic base in a deteriorating traditional system of tax collection. For this reason, the control of the Fatimids was not yet completely overturned and was able to continue to exist, despite the viziers having seized actual political power until Salah al-Din had put the military iqta' system into effect to the extent of establishing a new state organization.

著者

若松 寛

出版者

東洋史研究會

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.39, no.3, pp.596-603, 1980-12-31

著者

石見 清裕

出版者

東洋史研究會

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.57, no.2, pp.243-276, 1998-09

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Two kinds of studies have been taken place concerning the sovereign's message given to foreign envoys during the Tang Dynasty. The first one mainly focuses on the form of the message, while the other deals with the international relations described in the contents. Therefore, they have not clarified what kind of ceremony was held at the presentation of the message to the foreign envoys. In the "Bin Li" 賓禮 (Rituals of guest greeting) of the Tang, there was no regulation over the way of the presentation. Although the Tang Emperor was found to have uttered words to the envoys on 17 different occasions, none of these words represented the presentation of the message. If we look at other rituals besides the "Bin Li", we discover the ceremony at which the words of the Emperor were read aloud and then the message was presented to the envoys in the "Jia Li" 嘉禮 (Rituals of greeting the subjects by the Emperor). Concerning the procedure of this ceremony, the foreign envoys first welcomed the messenger sent by the Tang Emperor, then received the diplomatic documents, and lastly sent out the messenger. This ceremony was held on the Tang territory instead of the capitals of foreign countries, and it was the ceremony of presenting the Tang sovereign's message indeed. It was held at an assembly hall called "Ying-bin Guan" 迎賓館, the guest palace. Through this concrete description of the ritual form, our understanding of the structure of the world of East Asia is largely deepened.

著者

佐原 康夫

出版者

東洋史研究會

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.61, no.3, pp.405-432, 2002-12

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Many tombs from the age of the emperors Wen and Ying of the early period of the Former Han throughout the Fenghuang-shan 鳳凰山 area of the Jiangling District of Hubei Province 湖北省江陵縣 were investigated from 1973 to 1975. Within several of the excavated tombs organic objects such as wooden and woven artifacts had been particularly well preserved by the effects of ground water. Furthermore, lists of furnishings 遣策,were also excavated from several of the tombs, and the objects listed there in can be checked against the existing furnishings. This study aims at a comprehensive interpretation of the Han-dynasty wooden slips 簡牘 excavated from theses tombs. In general the slips excavated from Han-era tombs can be categorized as either funerary documents or those that are not. The former are intimately linked with the burial ceremony itself, including letters addressed to the officials of the underworld designed to assist the deceased in addition to the list of funerary objects. The latter were often written by the deceased in his or her lifetime, varied in content, and displayed little ceremonial character. My analysis of the funerary documents proceeds on the basis of this categorization. First, the following points may be specified on the basis of a comparison of the items in the list of furnishings with the many wooden figurines among the furnishings buried m the Fenghuang-shan tombs in Jiangling. In short, each and every of these wooden figurines had a personal name written on the list and had been placed in the tomb to serve the deceased as a slave. Among them can be seen various occupations, carriage drivers, outriders, chamberlains, domestic and farm laborers, but these are idealized version of a wealthy household. As the deceased journeyed off to the world of the afterlife with his household possessions including his slaves, he sometimes carried letters addressed to the officials of the underworld. This kind of funerary document was composed separately from the list of furnishings and displays specific characteristics according to period and region. Next, I examine the slips that recounted the life of the deceased. In the wooden slips excavated from Tomb No. Ten at Fenghuang-shan in Jiangling, one sees various items related to the collection of land rents, hay, and head taxes as well as commercial activities, revealing that the deceased was a village chief, lizheng 里正. Based on this evidence, one can analyze the role of the village chief and the character of his village. First, the residents of the villages of Shiyang 市陽里 and Dangli 當利里 in the Xixiang 西鄉 of Jiangling were of the farming class, but their area of cultivation was very small, and it appears that they had to depend on other methods to make a living. In this regard, these villages were communities with an urban character, unlike the typical Han village. The village chief who was buried in Tomb No. Ten had been charged with parceling out corvee labor assignments and the collection of land rents, hay and the head tax and its payment to the county 鄉 authorities. This variety of public service was carried out under direct order of the county, but itis thought that in practice the village chief was granted great latitude in fulfilling his duties. The village chief regulated the burden of corvee labor and taxes within his village and at times in cooperation with neighboring villages, in order to satisfy the demands of the government. Therefore the Han village can be regarded as one sort of social community that was complementary to the govemental administration. The wooden slips from the Fenghuang-shan in Jiangling strongly reflect the period of emperors Wen through Ying and the regional flavor of Nanjun 南郡 Jiangling District. Although they are historical materials related to the history of the Han-dynastic system, they cannot easily be generalized to provide a comprehensive interpretation. Nevertheless, their most outstanding character is that they provide a vertical section of a society from the poor peasant on the land to the wealthy in the underworld of a particular period and place.

著者

布目潮渢著

出版者

東洋史研究會

巻号頁・発行日

1968