著者

河内 良弘

出版者

東洋史研究會

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.24, no.1, pp.102-107, 1965-06-30

著者

川合 安

出版者

東洋史研究會

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.48, no.2, pp.300-323, 1989-09-30

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During the Six Dynasties period, District Governors monopolised local politics. This they did by concurrently holding the position of Governor in both the Military Government structure (junfu 軍府) and the Civilian Government structure (zhoujun 州郡). From the end of the Western Han through to the Wei jin 魏晉, the body guard units assigned to protect the District Governors were called the "House Guards" (zhangxia 帳下). The leaders of these units were called "House Guard Commanders" (zhangxia-du 帳下督). These House Guards belonged not to the civilian government but to the military government. However, during and after the Eastern Jin period, the function of the House Guard began to change and took on more the meaning of a service unit, providing food, etc. In the Eastern Jin, examples of the House Guard being used as body guards could still be seen. However in the Southern Dynasties they had completely lost their military character and had become purely service units. Accompanying this change in function, was the birth of various terms such as suishen 隨身, zhihe 直閤, fanghe 防閤 etc, all of which had the implied meaning of body guard. On the other hand, during the Wei jin period, when the House Guards had not yet become service units, the service units of the military organizations were called chu 廚. The House Guards as service units, in the military structure, are thought to have had the functions of procuring natural products from the surrounding mountains and valleys and to make a profit selling these. Also, in the Southern Dynasties, the House Guards played a central role in the management of special funds which were under the control of the District Governors.

著者

堤 一昭

出版者

東洋史研究會

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.54, no.4, pp.653-684, 1996-03-31

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In the latter half of the thirteenth century the Yuan Dynasty unified China after a one hundred and fifty-year period of division. To date, the study of Yuan rule in South China has been inadequate. This paper is intended as an investigation of the institution of Yuan rule in South China. It concludes the following: 1. After the fall of Xiangyang 襄陽 in 1273, the armies that advanced to the areas held by the Southern Song consisted of four corps. Moreover, Seng'u 相威, from the family of the prince of the realm 國王 of the Jalair tribe, functioned as the commander of the Wutouxia 五投下 corps, which was one of these four corps. After the fall of Lin'an 臨安 and Yangzhou 揚州 in 1276, the commanders of the four corps made an advance against the rebellions of the Sirigi and others in Mongolia and the Western borderlands of the Yuan Dynasty. Lower-ranked generals of the armies remained in South China and formed four regional secretariats 行中書省. Among the commanders, only Seng'u returned to South China and established the Jiangnan regional censorates at Yangzhou in 1277. 2. Jiangnan regional censorates consisted of two parts. One part was the Chinese office. It was responsible for the inspection of all officials, including ministers of regional secretariats, in South China. The other part consisted of the Wutouxia corps, responsible for suppressing rebellions in South China. Seng'u controlled both of these sections. 3. Based on the following three factors, it becomes evident that the Jiangnan regional censorate functioned as the supreme department of the Yuan Dynasty in South China. (1) Only the Jiangnan regional censorate, among all offices in South China, was responsible for the supervision of the whole area of South China. (2) Seng'u held a much more important place in the Qubilai Administration than did any of the generals who formed the four regional secretariats in South China. (3) Among the commanders of the armies which advanced into the areas held by the Southern Song, only Seng'u returned to South China.

著者

池内 功

出版者

東洋史研究會

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.43, no.2, pp.239-274, 1984-09-30

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In times of utmost emergency, the foundation as well as the structure of the power of the state organization tend to be exposed. Thus when Arik-buqa in 1261 had attacked Khubilai and invaded China as far as the Kaiping 開平 district of Shangdu 上都, he repelled Arik-buqa and established his defense line along the Great Wall, still confronting his Mongolian rival. In the military governed state then set up by Khubilai, the Mongolian troops were divided into two sections : the left wing was stationed in Xuande 宣徳 and Dexing 徳興, the right wing in Xingzhou 興州. Khubilai's personal troops 怯薛, the guards under the command of Shi Tianze 史天澤, as well as the Chinese troops stationed in Ezhou鄂州 under Khubilai's leadership were taken together to form the central unit. As such they came to be positioned in the center area between Xuande, Dexing, and Xingzhou, near the river Chao 潮. Moreover troops under the command of Shi Tianze's family were stationed for the defense of Yanjing 燕京 in the background as well as on the border to confront the Southern Song. Assuming that the orginial state organization of the nomad Mongol tribes, i.e., the military form of government, was gradually altered to a stabile national form of state organization, the first steps taken by Khubilai establishing his power by stationing troops and especially relying heavily on Chinese military have to be considered very enlightening.

著者

宮崎 市定

出版者

東洋史研究會

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.35, no.4, pp.593-624, 1977-03-31

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When Ssu'ma Ch'ien 司馬遷 wrote his Shih-chi, in addition to chronicles which had been passed down since antiquity, he made use of stories from the oral tradition which were told in public by men of the time. This biography appears in the lieh-chuan 列傅 section, but there are many instances in which Ssu-ma Ch'ien selected only the needed part of an established story for his purposes. However, by collecting the fragmentary historical materials from the records of the Han 漢 Dynasty, we can reconstruct the original form of the stories which Ssu-ma Ch'ien disassembled. Ssu-ma Ch'ien made use of two stories in writing the biography of Li Ssu. One was a story in which the main character was the eunuch Chao Kao 趙高who was a descendent of the king of the state of Chao 趙 which had been destroyed by the Ch'in 秦; and he successively took revenge on his enemies, Ch'in Shih-huang 秦始皇, Prime Minister Li Ssu, and General Meng Wu 蒙武. The other story concerns Hsiin-tzu 荀子 and his three disciples, Li Ssu, Han-fei-tzu 韓非子, and Pao-ch'iu-tzu 包丘子. Li Ssu who had a strong craving for power became prime minister of the Ch'in, but later lost his position and was killed. Han-fei-tzu won fame for his writings, but when he went and expressed his views to Ch'in Shih-huang, Li Ssu became jealous of him and had him killed under false pretenses. Pao-ch'iu-tzu became sincerely devoted to scholarship and was poor throughout his entire life; he died peacefully, and his scholarship was passed on to later generations. This is a didactic story which questions which of these three men's different life-styles is the very best. What we should pay attention to is that in these two stories Li Ssu does not play a main role, but only a supporting role. We can see that the weakness of Li Ssu's supporting role as described here was carried over without change into the biography of Li Ssu in the Shih-chi.

著者

間野 英二

出版者

東洋史研究會

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.23, no.1, pp.1-27, 1964-06-30

著者

森川 哲雄

出版者

東洋史研究會

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.61, no.1, pp.138-170, 2002-06-30

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This article re-examines previous theories concerning the problems regarding the Mongol chronicles compiled in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, and then suggests how they should be employed in the study of Mongol history from the Ming to early Qing dynasties. The authors and dates of compilation of many of the chronicles from this period have not been recorded, and although bibliographic studies of the works have continued, many problems remain unanswered. One of these problems concerns the chronicle Sira tuɣuji and its relation to the Erdeni-yin tobci. It has been known that the title Erten-u mongɣol-un qad-un undusun-u yeke sira tuɣuji has been affixed to one manuscript of the Sira tuɣuji, and that this corresponds to one of the seven works employed in the compilation of the Erdeni-yin tobci. Given this fact, prevailing opinion has been that the Erdeni-yin tobci was compiled after the Sira tuɣuji, and is that the Sira tuɣuji was used in the compilation of the Erdeni-yin tobci, however, by comparing the contents of the Erdeni-yin tobci, and the Sira tuɣuji, l have confirmed that the two works share many passages, and although the Sira tuɣuji appears to abbreviate many portions of the Erdeni-yin tobci, the Erdeni-yin was compiled earlier and l have indicated in this article that the prevailing view is mistaken. l have also made clear the fact that the Sira tuɣuji employs the Asaraɣci neretu-yin teuke, which had been compiled in 1677. Additionally, given the fact that the lineage of princes recorded in the Sira tuɣuji records the names of those ennobled early in the eighteenth century, this also provides confirmation of the fact that the work was compiled in the early part of the eighteenth century. On the other hand, concerning the fact that one manuscnpt of the Sira tuɣuji has the same titleas one of the works consulted in the compilation of the Erdeni-yin tobci, it may be supposed that a later copyist familiar with the content of the Erdeni-yin tobci reused it. Additionally, although the chronicles compiled in Inner Mongolia in the seventeenth century influenced the chronicles produced later in Outer Mongolia, it is also clear that, in the eighteenth century, chronicles compiled in Outer Mongolia influenced those from Inner Mongolia.

著者

林 俊雄

出版者

東洋史研究會

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.44, no.1, pp.110-136, 1985-06-30

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Ever since the Xiongnu 匈奴 the nomadic kingdoms arising on the Mongolian plateau had made raids into China and the objects of pillage had always been humans and livestock. Chinese were taken captive and made to settle in groups in the northern part of the Mongolian plateau as farmers and handicraftsmen. The Tuque also took Chinese captive in order to settle them as farmers, but in contrast to other nomadic kingdoms this was done in the southern paxt of the Mongolian plateau. in the area between the Yinshan 陰山 mountain range and the Yellow River. This area was more suitable for agriculture, but had the drawback of being too close to China proper. At the time of Mochuo 黙啜, the second khan of the second Tuque khanate, the area was taken back by the Tang dynasty. Abandoning the possession of this area and an economy based on pillage, Mochuo's successor Piqie 毗伽 changed policies, putting the emphasis on trade instead. In this can be seen the origins of the policy of emphasizing trade adopted by the ruling stratum of the following Uighur khanate, but the development of cities as centers for agriculture and handicraft industry and as locations for trade had to wait until the advent of the Uighur khanate.

著者

礪波 護

出版者

東洋史研究會

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.21, no.3, pp.245-270, 1962-12-31

著者

狩野 直禎

出版者

東洋史研究會

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.25, no.4, pp.98-118, 1967-03

著者

白石 昌也

出版者

東洋史研究會

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.46, no.2, pp.p382-414, 1987-09

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This is a part of a series of my papers concerning the final stage of the Vietnamese students' movement in Japan in the early 20th century. In this paper, I intend to analyze the following points, using Japanese and French official documents as well as Vietnamese memoirs: (1) how the French authorities discovered that Phan Boi Chau was staying in Tokyo; (2) what and how the French required of the Japanese government concerning him; (3) how the Japanese responded to it; and (4) what attitudes Phan Boi Chau showed against the Japanese and the French authorities.

著者

斯波 義信

出版者

東洋史研究會

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.51, no.1, pp.131-146, 1992-06-30

著者

河上 洋

出版者

東洋史研究會

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.42, no.2, pp.193-219, 1983-09-30

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Fu 府 and zhou 州, governmental units modeled upon governmental systems of Koguryo 高句麗, were established in Palhae to rule the area. They functioned both as administrative organizations and as military organizations. The villages of Malgal 靺鞨, castles 城邑 of Koguryo became the nucleus of the system. The fu and zhou of Palhae ultimately differed from the Chinese administrative units of the same name. Instead, they comprised such villages or castles。 The local ruling class, designated with the official term "leader" shouling 首領, were absorbed into the governmental structure in such a way that their local authority was recognized. It is certain that the range of jurisdiction of the fu was also based upon local powers. The essential weakness of Palhae government may be seen in the fact that these local powers could not be broken. In other words, there was a possibility that the smaller powers in each of the localities would begin their own movements if the governing strength of the central authorities were ever to weaken. It may be postulated that the "Five Capitals 五京" system was established in order to extend the unifying strength of the central authorities over the smaller powers in the localities.

著者

河上 洋

出版者

東洋史研究會

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.42, no.2, pp.p193-219, 1983-09

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Fu 府 and zhou 州, governmental units modeled upon governmental systems of Koguryo 高句麗, were established in Palhae to rule the area. They functioned both as administrative organizations and as military organizations. The villages of Malgal 靺鞨, castles 城邑 of Koguryo became the nucleus of the system. The fu and zhou of Palhae ultimately differed from the Chinese administrative units of the same name. Instead, they comprised such villages or castles。 The local ruling class, designated with the official term "leader" shouling 首領, were absorbed into the governmental structure in such a way that their local authority was recognized. It is certain that the range of jurisdiction of the fu was also based upon local powers. The essential weakness of Palhae government may be seen in the fact that these local powers could not be broken. In other words, there was a possibility that the smaller powers in each of the localities would begin their own movements if the governing strength of the central authorities were ever to weaken. It may be postulated that the "Five Capitals 五京" system was established in order to extend the unifying strength of the central authorities over the smaller powers in the localities.

著者

桃木 至朗

出版者

東洋史研究會

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.51, no.3, pp.464-497, 1992-12-31

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This paper aims to examine the history of Vietnam's "external" relations in a new perspective, especially with regard to its southern and western neighbors after its independence in the tenth century. As for its neighbor in the south, it has been said that Champa had suffered from constant and continual Vietnamese southward aggression or Nam-tien since the latter's independence. In my view, it was only in the latter years of the fourteenth century that the balance of power between Vietnam and Champa was definitely lost. Before then, their relations had rather followed the "Southeast Asian" pattern in which the two polities or mandalas often struggled with each other for hegemony on one hand while maintaining close relations with each other on the other. Concerning the western neighbors, its relations with the Yunnanese polities were central concerns of the Vietnamese polity in the early centuries after independence as they shared similar cultural traits and a comparable level of Sinicization. Later, when the Thai-Lao group became powerful on its western borders, rivalry within the Vietnamese realm between those in the non-Sinicized mountainous areas with Thai cultural traits and those in the Sinicized delta region became evident. In the early centuries after independence, Vietnam was not yet to show its arrogance of claiming to be the "unique Sinicized country with the central status in the Southeast Asia" for claiming preeminence over its southern and western neighbors. In the fourteenth century, however, the Vietnamese began to see their polity as the "Southern Country" or "Middle Kingdom of Southeast Asia" which was entitled to reign over the surrounding barbarians. Later, in the fifteenth century when Vietnam had more or less realized such a dominant position, especially in its relations with Champa and Laos, the country definitely established its self-image as the "Southern Country."

著者

桃木 至朗

出版者

東洋史研究會

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.51, no.3, pp.p464-497, 1992-12

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This paper aims to examine the history of Vietnam's "external" relations in a new perspective, especially with regard to its southern and western neighbors after its independence in the tenth century. As for its neighbor in the south, it has been said that Champa had suffered from constant and continual Vietnamese southward aggression or Nam-tien since the latter's independence. In my view, it was only in the latter years of the fourteenth century that the balance of power between Vietnam and Champa was definitely lost. Before then, their relations had rather followed the "Southeast Asian" pattern in which the two polities or mandalas often struggled with each other for hegemony on one hand while maintaining close relations with each other on the other. Concerning the western neighbors, its relations with the Yunnanese polities were central concerns of the Vietnamese polity in the early centuries after independence as they shared similar cultural traits and a comparable level of Sinicization. Later, when the Thai-Lao group became powerful on its western borders, rivalry within the Vietnamese realm between those in the non-Sinicized mountainous areas with Thai cultural traits and those in the Sinicized delta region became evident. In the early centuries after independence, Vietnam was not yet to show its arrogance of claiming to be the "unique Sinicized country with the central status in the Southeast Asia" for claiming preeminence over its southern and western neighbors. In the fourteenth century, however, the Vietnamese began to see their polity as the "Southern Country" or "Middle Kingdom of Southeast Asia" which was entitled to reign over the surrounding barbarians. Later, in the fifteenth century when Vietnam had more or less realized such a dominant position, especially in its relations with Champa and Laos, the country definitely established its self-image as the "Southern Country."

著者

藤井 律之

出版者

東洋史研究會

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.59, no.4, pp.607-644, 2001-03-31

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The origins of the title Te jin, Lords Specially Advanced, a Tang-era civil service prestige title 文散官 are found in the Han. During the Han, Adjunct Marquises 列侯 resident in the capital were permitted to attend court twice a month (on the first and fifteenth day), and they were awarded the Te jin title, which was the equivalent of that of Counselor-in-chief 丞相, a court rank which was later of the same status to the Three Dukes 三公 in the military hierarchy. The criteria for this court rank were distinguished on the basis of official compensation, from duke 公, minister 卿, grand master 大夫, and serviceman 士 status, and this was at the same time the ritual order. However, with the addition of generals 將軍 to the hierarchy during the turmoil of the Late Han, this ritual order was disturbed. During the Wei, there was a pressing need to reorganize the ritual order and regulate the title of general. Although the earlier status hierarchy was revised to duke, solitaire 孤, minister, grand master, and servicemen, there was no fundamental reform of the system. The succeeding Jin inherited the status hierarchy of the Wei, but by shifting the criteria of status distinction from compensation accorded each office to the rank associated with each office, it was successful in reforming the ritual order. In addition, by establishing a fifth-rank within the nobility that was superior to that of Adjunct Marquis, the Te jin title lost its original function in relation to the Adjunct Marquises and instead became associated with civil officials 文官. Moreover, because the hierarchical order of the Guang lu da fu, Grand Master for Splendid Happiness, whom were paired with the generals became rigidly formalized, the role of the Te Jin title grew increasingly diluted. However, during the Southern Dynasties, the Te jin title played a new role. As can be understood from the fact that one individual who had refused the post of Commander Unequaled in Honor 開府儀同三司, the pinnacle of the hierarchy of the Guang lu da in, was given the title Te jin. The Te jin title was inserted within the hierarchy of the Guang lu da fu. This also marks the beginning of its being the highest rank of the Tang civil service prestige titles. The shift of association of the Te Jin title from Adjunct Marquises to the Guang lu da fu, and its ultimate retention among the civil service prestige titles was due to the fact the functions fulfilled by the Adjunct Marquises in the Han were split between the Generals and the Guang lu da fu during the Wei, Jin, and the period of the Northern and Southern Dynasties and that it conformed to the trends toward the adoption of Tang prestige titles.

著者

吉川 忠夫

出版者

東洋史研究會

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.47, no.3, pp.p427-451, 1988-12

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Yuan Xingchong 元行沖 (653-729) was a Tang dynasty scholar during the age of Xuan Zong 玄宗. He was an intimate friend of Liu Zhiji 劉知幾, who authored the Shi tong 史通. One recognizes the mutual influence of these two scholars on each other in their writings. First this essay considers the Wei dian 魏典, a chronological history of the northern Wei dynasty authored by Yuan Xingchong, and his commentary on the Xiaojing 孝經. While Yuan Xingchong wrote a commentary which further amplified the notes on the Lei li 類禮 of Wei Zheng 魏徴of the early Tang, which in turn had been based on the text of the Li ji 禮記 that was reorganized by Sun Yan 孫炎 in the Wei dynasty (220-264 A.D.), the imperial dynasty did not use his text. To vent his resentment, Yuan Xingchong wrote the Shi yi 釋疑. In the Shi yi, Yuan Xingchong severely criticized "the study of commentaries on words and phrases." By "the study of commentaries on words and phrases, " Yuan Xingchong indicated a perspective like that taken by interpreters of the traditional classics, as represented by works such as the Correct Meanings of the Five Classics. Incontrast to that learning, Yuan Xingchong selected several excellent portions out of the various interpretations, and, following them, sought to establish his own perspective on learning.

著者

牧田 諦亮

出版者

東洋史研究會

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.21, no.3, pp.362-363, 1962-12-31

著者

渋谷 由里

出版者

東洋史研究會

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.52, no.1, pp.p84-117, 1993-06

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This paper aims to explain the logic and actual conditions of the rule over regional society, and regional society's wishes for and participation in politics in Fengtian under the regime of Zhang Zuolin (1916-28). Specifically, it considers the civil administration and finances of Fengtian, during the Baojing Anmin 保境安民 period (1922-24), with special attention given to Wang Yong Jiang, a central figure from the last years of the Qing to the rebellion of Guo Songling 郭松齡. Wang aimed for the stabilization and the independence of the administration and finances of Fengtian, being problems since the last years of the Qing. To accomplish his goals, it was necessary for him to make the Fengtian Army contribute to public order, to absorb regionally influential men into the lower levels of the regime, and to reflect in politics this group's desire for regional development. While the desires of locally influential men were manifested in the Rights Recovery Movement and while there were some successes such as the construction of railways and the establishment of Northeastern University 東北大學, political policies which demanded the long-term plan of the actualization of rule in the areas of financial stabilization and civil administration were not maintained under the strengthening of the military governance. So, it could be said there was a kind of limit. Nevertheless, for regional society, the Zhang Zuolin regime was the first regional government that may be judged as having made some contribution to society, and the first in which men from the Fengtian region assumed responsibility for both military governance and civil administration.