著者

藤井 清久

出版者

日本科学史学会

雑誌

科学史研究 (ISSN:21887535)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.26, no.163, pp.187-192, 1987 (Released:2021-09-21)

著者

中川 保雄

出版者

日本科学史学会

雑誌

科学史研究 (ISSN:21887535)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.26, no.164, pp.207-213, 1987 (Released:2021-09-21)

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It has been asserted that the investigation on late radiation effects by the Atomic Bomb Casualty Commission-(ABCC)and the Radiation Effects Research Foundation (RERF) is the one and only exhaustive study for more than thirty years among the one hundred thousand atomic bomb survivors. However, their studies had some principal problems which lead inevitably serious underestimations of radiation effects on human body. On the starting point of the research, ABCC made an exception cf the period from December 1945 till September 1950, concealing the fact that the death rate especially among the high level radiation survivors was extremely high at the period. ABCC also excluded such survivors from the research as those who resided out of the cities of Hiroshima and Nagasaki in October, 1950 because of the time lag of the reconstructions of their houses around ground zero. Morever, ABCC cut out the most of young survivors who migrated out of the cities before 1950. Their late cancer deaths should surely have raised s rate among the survivors, if ABCC investigated them. The cancer risk of radiation exposure was estimated among these biased atomic bomb survivors by ABCC, and was substantially underestimated. Its risk factor should be thoroughly reevaluated from the point of reestimation not only of the atomic bomb radiation doses, but of the fundamental date obtained by ABCC and RERF.

著者

中根 美知代

出版者

日本科学史学会

雑誌

科学史研究 (ISSN:21887535)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.26, no.164, pp.222-226, 1987 (Released:2021-09-21)

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In his early works, W. R. Hamilton set out to describe optical and mechanical systems by a single characteristic function. It is generally accepted that he based his theory on variational principles. In this note the author shows that Hamilton derived the characteristic function V from the law of refraction and reflection in optics, and the equations of motion in mechanics, but not from variational principles. And she also shows that it was crucial for his description of optical-mechanical systems that differentiations of both characteristic functions have the same mathematical form; i.e. exact differential 1-form.

著者

五十嵐 正夫

出版者

日本科学史学会

雑誌

科学史研究 (ISSN:21887535)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.26, no.164, pp.214-221, 1987 (Released:2021-09-21)

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We first consider the difference of numerical solutions for algebraic equations given by Vieta and Raphson. Second, we discuss the differences between the methods to solve the algebraic equations, one is pro- posed by Newton and another is proposed by Raphson. Considering the two facts, we make an attempt to evaluate the Raphson's achievements in this field.

著者

大森 実

出版者

日本科学史学会

雑誌

科学史研究 (ISSN:21887535)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.26, no.162, pp.124, 1987 (Released:2021-09-21)

著者

徳元 琴代

出版者

日本科学史学会

雑誌

科学史研究 (ISSN:21887535)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.26, no.162, pp.65-75, 1987 (Released:2021-09-21)

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R. Robinson published "the electronic (electrochemical) theory of the course of organic reactions" in 1932 and became a pioneer in this field. In general, it was said by science historians,e.g.G.V.Bykov, that Robinson applied the electron shift theory of G N しewis (1916) to organic reactions. But a historical study of Robinson's theory showed me original steps for forming his own theory. Robinson studied organic chemistry under W.H.Perkin,Jr. and synthesized many alkaloids of medicine and dye. In 1910 Robinson synthesized anhydrocotarnine phthalide from cotarnine and phthalide and examined their reaction mechanism. Investigation of the reaction mechenism led to the foundation of his electronic theory He tried to explain the cause of organic reactions not by chemical affinity but by electronic behavior of atoms and atomic groups of molecule So, he considered "reaction center" of molecules and "loose combination" of all molecules in the course of organic reactions. This "loose combination" was expressed with a dotted line called "partial valency" in 1916 Next year, Robinson elucidated that his "partial valency" was different from J.Thiele's one and it appeared by division of normal valency. In 1920,he cleared that partial valency was attributed to activation of one or more molecule taking part in the reactions. In 1922, this activation was distinguished into primary conjugation (on reaction) and secondary conjugation (on structure), and in 1925 the former was called "electromeric effect" and the latter "induced effect". At the same time, Robinson explained that his theory could be translated by "electron" of Thomson-Lewis-Langmuir theory but was different from their theory In short his "electron shift" included the activation in reactions. Activation in reactions was influenced by reagents,too. In 1925, all organic reactions were divided into about 10 types of conjugation which afforded active phase in reactions. His electronic theory was summarized in 1932 and opened a new way of electronical theorization of organic reactions. Thus, studies on the reaction mechanism of the alkaloids syntheses were indispensable for the establishment of Robinson's theory.

著者

室井 和男

出版者

日本科学史学会

雑誌

科学史研究 (ISSN:21887535)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.26, no.162, pp.103-108, 1987 (Released:2021-09-21)

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AO 6770 is a very important text which treats the calculation of a compound interest among others. Many scholars have tried to make clear the mathematical meaning of the text, but in my opinion none have completely succeeded in doing so. I reexamined the text philologically and mathematically, and have arrived at the following conclusions. 1. The line 1 of the problem No.1 reads "Length and width. One (ma-la) iku. Be it (sag) a square number." The Babylonian solved this problem by transforming a square the sides of which are 10 ninda into a rectangle retaining the same area the width of which is 4 ninda. He presupposed that the answer would be 4, and confirmed it by demonstrating that the length was given in an integer through the calculation of 0;15 * 1,40. 2. Thureau-Dangin and Neugebauer's interpretation of the problem No.2 is fundamentally right. It is certain that the transformation of units in the answer was carried out, so to speak, automatically, because the rate of the compound interest was 20%. And also in the lines 13-17 we can see the special form of division which is generally used when the divisor is a so-called "irregular number", though the divisor 1;12³ in this case is not an irregular number. 3. The problem No. 3 treats a linear equation which is formulated correctly by Thureau-Dangin (though his explanation of the process of the calculation is erroneous). I translate "šapiltum"as "a result of a calculation", that is, I translate it in the line 7 as 0; 55 which is one result of an addition but not its sum, and in the line 9 as 6 which is a result of a subtracion, namely a remainder.In the lines 6, 7 the Babylonian conducted a complicated calculation of "šu-nigin" which is the weight subtracted from the initial weight"abnum" and in the remaining lines he got the "rēš abnīya" as the final answer from the šu-nigin.

出版者

日本科学史学会

雑誌

科学史研究 (ISSN:21887535)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.26, no.161, pp.41-57, 1987 (Released:2021-09-22)

出版者

日本科学史学会

雑誌

科学史研究 (ISSN:21887535)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.26, no.162, pp.109-123, 1987 (Released:2021-09-21)

著者

大網 功

出版者

日本科学史学会

雑誌

科学史研究 (ISSN:21887535)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.26, no.162, pp.76-90, 1987 (Released:2021-09-21)

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All continuous movements of human body are composed of a series of momentary movements caused by a volitional effort on human body in Vaiśeṣika system According to Vaiśeṣika system, the mental process of a person is produced by the action between his mental system, "soul", so called ātman and his auxiliary mental organ, "mind", so called manas in his ātman. The ātman is perpetually an immovable substance which controls all mental processes. The manas is a minute substance which does not possess any mental functions, and is constantly moved by the volitional effort in the ātman in a human body. The remembrance is produced by the bhāvanā (the power of remembrance) in the ātman through three cognitions (a kind of special contacts between ātman and manas) e.g. a strong cognition, repeated cognitions, and the special cognition to imagine a miracle. The strong cognition is a special contact beween ātman and manas caused by unusual and unexpected experiences. The repeated cognitions are special contacts between ātman and manas caused by repeated experiences. When a person has an unusual or unexpected experience, the first strong momentary impression based on the experience forms in the ātman of the person through the strong congnition The first impression brings about a strong bhāvanā (the power of remembrance) in the ātman The remembrance based on the experience is caused by intensity of the bhāvanā in the ātman. When a person has an ordinary experience, the first weak momentary impression based on the experience forms in the ātman through an ordinary cognition. This first impression brings about a weak bhāvanā. The intensity of the bhāvanā is accumulated in the ātman through repeated cognitions The remembrance based on the ordinary experience is caused by the increased intensity of bhāvanā in the ātman. As I have shown in my paper,"On the Theory of Movement in Vaiśeṣika System in Ancient India"*,the movements of matter are produced by vega (the power of motion)through two special contacts, e.g.nodana and abhighāta. The nodana is impulsive contact, acting beween a mover and the moved matter. The abhighāta is an impulsive contact, separating instantaneously a colliding matter from the collided solid matter. The above process of movements of the matter is very similar to the process of remembrance. The contact, abhighāta in the movement theory is compared with the contact of a strong cognition between the ātman and manas. The contact, nodana in the movement theory is compared with the contact of repeated cognitions between the ātman and manas. In particular, the forming-process of the vega is very similar to the forming-process of the bhāvanā. This two concepts are contained in the category of saṃskāra (the keeping power). Moreover, the saṃskāra is often used in place of vega or bhāvanā in Vaiśeṣika system. The concepts of vaga and bhāvanā should be studied by the wider concept, namely saṃskāra (a sort of potentiality).

著者

関口 直甫

出版者

日本科学史学会

雑誌

科学史研究 (ISSN:21887535)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.26, no.162, pp.91-102, 1987 (Released:2021-09-21)

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When a bell-shaped bronze is placed with its fins in the east-west line, the directions connecting special combination of two holes point to neibourhood of the equator of the celestial shere. This enables the sun-beam to pass through the bell-shaped bronze on the day of vernal equinox. Its shape suggests that it may be used to determine the date of the vernal equinox of every year. The bell-shaped bronze may be a ritual tool of a ceremony of the vernal equinox day on the Yayoi-era of Japan. The backgrounds of this ritual custum on the social circumstances at the early period of rice production in Japan, are discussed.

著者

中川 保雄

出版者

日本科学史学会

雑誌

科学史研究 (ISSN:21887535)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.26, no.163, pp.129-139, 1987 (Released:2021-09-21)

著者

梶 雅範

出版者

日本科学史学会

雑誌

科学史研究 (ISSN:21887535)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.26, no.163, pp.140-155, 1987 (Released:2021-09-21)

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Firstly, the author has analyzed Mendeleev's first paper on the periodicity and has shown that the development and the interaction of the following two concepts should play the important role in Mendeleev^ path to the discovery of the law, i.e., the concepts of fundamental im of matter and of chemical classification. Secondly, in order to show the course by which Mendeleev approached the dicovery, the author has examined his scientific works from 1854, when he published his first scientific paper, up to February 17(March 1 in present calendar system), 1869, when his first periodic table was compiled The study has shown that one can divide these years into three periods: I, 1854-61:II, 61-67: III, 68-69. Period I: His early work was concerned with the physicochemical properties of chemical substances which could be used as criteria cf their classification Though he could not reach satisfactory classification, his studies helped the development of his concepts of fundamental unit of matter, such as the atomic weight, the elements and so forth. Period II: Though he succeeded in systematization of organic compounds by his "theory of limits", he encountered difficulties in understanding so-called indefinite compounds in terms of atomic theory To avoid them, he distinguished the term "element" from "simple body" to give the former an attribute of "atom" and limited the scope of the atomic weight to definite compounds. Period III: The writing of the textbook Osnovy Khitnii (The Principles of Chemistry) in 1868 made him search for the fundamental property of elements for classification The comparison of the atomic weights of two dissmimilar groups of elements led him to conclude that the atomic weight is the fundamental property (i,e.,it belongs directly to his concept of "element" and determines all the other properties of elements), and that all the elements could be systematized in the table now known as the periodic table, if their atomic weights are used as criterion• These two interrelated recognitions are what he achieved through his discovery on February 17,1869.

著者

吉田 晴代 高田 誠二

出版者

日本科学史学会

雑誌

科学史研究 (ISSN:21887535)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.26, no.161, pp.13-23, 1987 (Released:2021-09-22)

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Joseph Fourier, known as the author of Theorie analytique de la chaleur (1822), had previously tried to confirm the results of his mathematical analysis by experiment and reported some details of these experiments in his first paper on heat conduction "Theorie de la propagation de la chaleur dans les solides" (1807). Additionally, in Fourier's MSS., left are many notes on his experiments dated before 1807. They give vivid evidence not only for Fourier's experimental skill, but also for the actual modes of physical experiments in his time. The aims of Fourier's experimental research were (1)to verify his ingenious foresights deducible from the theory—ex. experiments on the steady thermal state in annulus and on heat diffusion in annulus and spheres; (2) to analyze the physical conditions which affect the exactness of the experimental results but can not be expounded by purely mathematical means—ex. experiments on heat diffusion in spheres and cubes under various thermal condions; (3) to determine such physical constants as the ratio of external conductivity to internal one—ex. experiments on the steady state in annulus (which, though unsuccessful, was the stalling point for. new method) and (4) to carry out tests indispensable for applying mathematical analysis to such practical problems as the error and response of thermometers. Fourier's researches on heat conduction, so comprehensive as to cover theoretical analysis, experimental verification and even practical application, are really distinguished among the investigations contemporary with his ones.

著者

斉藤 国治 小沢 賢二

出版者

日本科学史学会

雑誌

科学史研究 (ISSN:21887535)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.26, no.161, pp.24-36, 1987 (Released:2021-09-22)

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Chun-Qiu (春秋) or the Spring and Autumn Annals is a chronicle of Luo (魯), a state of Ancient China, covering the period from 722 bc to 479 bc. It includes astronomical records such as solar eclipses, comets, planetary motions etc.. Among these data, solar eclipses, 37 in total, have been examined by many scholars to make clear the calendar of the period. Conclusion is that 33 among the above-mentioned 37 eclipses can be identified with those listed in Oppolzer's "Canon der Finsternisse", while the remaining four have been abandoned as doubtful because no eclipses can take place on the dates of the records. The present paper shows that two of the hitherto-doubted data (# 15 and # 22 of the Chun-Qiu eclipse numbers) can be turned out to be real eclipses solely by changing the year-numbers in the documents as follows. (1) In case of the # 15 eclipse, the original document says, "On a kui-mao day (癸卯) in the sixth month of the seventeenth year of Lord Xuan (宣公) ,a solar eclipse occurred" Simply change the "seventeenth" to the "seventh" in the document, then this record correspnds to Oppolzer's No. 1445 partial eclipse which was visible as much eclipsed as 0.36 in Qufu (曲阜), capital of Luo, in early morning on May 8, in 602 BC. (2) In case of the # 22 eclipse, the document says, "On the first day and geng-chen (庚辰) day in the tenth month of the 21st year of Lord Xian (襄公) a solar eclipse occurred." This hitherto-doubted record recovers its righteousness only by changing the "21 st" to the "26 th". Then the record is identified with the eclipse of Oppolzer's No. 1588 which was seen in Qufu in the evening of October 23, in 547 BC. At this time the sun set at 17:23 while being eclipsed as much as 0.26. (3) Julian days of these re-located eclipses are kui-mao and geng-chen, the same as in the originals. This cannot be a mere coincidence since probability of coincidence by chance between the sexagesimal dates is as small as 1/60. (4) The discovered misprints of dates may have been originated from any disorder of the bamboo tablets or from mistranscriptions in the later times. Anyway, addition of these two eclipses will be useful in order to study the calendar system of the Chun-Qiu Period.

著者

松尾 重樹

出版者

日本科学史学会

雑誌

科学史研究 (ISSN:21887535)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.26, no.161, pp.37-40, 1987 (Released:2021-09-22)

著者

富田 徹男

出版者

日本科学史学会

雑誌

科学史研究 (ISSN:21887535)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.25, no.160, pp.283-284, 1986 (Released:2021-09-22)

出版者

日本科学史学会

雑誌

科学史研究 (ISSN:21887535)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.25, no.160, pp.267-282, 1986 (Released:2021-09-22)

著者

室井 和男

出版者

日本科学史学会

雑誌

科学史研究 (ISSN:21887535)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.25, no.160, pp.261-266, 1986 (Released:2021-09-22)

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A Babylonian capacity unit "silà" was also used as a unit of "thickness" of a log. Neugebauer and Sachs almost clarified the meaning of the silà through a study of YBC 4669, 8600, that is, "x silà of a log" means a capacity of a circular cylinder whose height is 6 šu-si But the contents of VAT 8522 Vs.I which treats the thickness of a log remains obscure despite their efforts. I find a clue to the solution to the calculation in VAT 8522 Vs.I in the expression of relation 1 silà=(6 šu-si)³=(0;l ninda)³ and the number 1;20 which is hidden in line (6a) of the text. Neugebauer suggested that 1;20 was a "normalizing constant" and I regard this as a proportional constant between the area of a square and the area of its inscribed circle in case of a certain equivalent transformation of a prism into a circular cylinder The process of the calculation made by a Babylonian scribe in a roundabout way is as follows. In the first place he takes the cubic roots of 1,4 silà and 8 silà, and gets 4 dal,2 dal respectively (unit; 6 šu-si). Namely he transforms each circular cylinder into a cube retaining the same volume. Consequently "dal" is a side of the cube and not a diameter here. Next after taking the average of the dais, an assumed circular cylinder which is inscribed in the averaged cube is introduced and the area its base is calculated by a usual formula. This "whole area" is multiplied by 6,40 ( = 5,0 * 1;20) to get the true volume. At this point Babylonian "normalization of a log" has been completed. The last calculation, which is omitted in the text is, in my judgement, as follows. By dividing the volume by the area of the base of the normalized log, the length of the log is obtained, and then by multiplying it by 9/10 the length of the log which should be cut down is obtained.

著者

島尾 永康

出版者

日本科学史学会

雑誌

科学史研究 (ISSN:21887535)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.25, no.160, pp.258-260, 1986 (Released:2021-09-22)