著者

小林 良樹 十代田 朗 津々見 崇

出版者

公益社団法人 日本都市計画学会

雑誌

都市計画論文集 (ISSN:09160647)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.52, no.3, pp.887-894, 2017-10-25 (Released:2017-10-25)

参考文献数

10

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近年、全国各地の「小京都」によって組織される「全国京都会議」を退会する自治体が見られるようになり、各自治体が独自のPRを模索していると考えられる。そこで本研究は、2016年10月時点で全国京都会議への入会または退会の経験がある、京都市を除いた62自治体を対象として、(1)旅行マーケットからの「小京都」へのまなざしの変化、(2)自治体の「小京都」を用いた地域ブランディングの姿勢・現状、(3)「小京都」を用いた地域ブランディングの変遷とその経緯、以上3点を明らかにすることで、今後の自治体の地域ブランディングに関する示唆を得ることを目的する。調査の結果、(1)外部からの「小京都」の意味合いが変化し、「小京都らしさ」の認識が拡大した。(2)以前「小京都らしさ」として認識されていた要素が、独自性を持つ別のブランドとして、他都市との差異化に採用されるようになった。(3)「小京都」は、新しいコンセプトを打ち出す1ステップや、様々な地域活動で別称として用いられる。ことが分かった。

著者

小林 良樹

出版者

一般財団法人 アジア政経学会

雑誌

アジア研究 (ISSN:00449237)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.54, no.4, pp.87-108, 2008

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This paper examines the hypothesis that one of the possible reasons for the recent negative perception of Japan in China is the relatively low volume of mutual human exchange between the two countries.<br>Based on an analysis of various opinion poll data, the characteristics of Chinese perceptions of Japan can be summarized as follows:<br>(1) Since the mid-1990s, the Chinese perception of Japan has been consistently negative.<br>(2) Such a negative perception of Japan is stronger in China than in other East Asian countries.<br>(3) In terms of the medium- and long-term trend since the mid-1990s, Chinese perception of Japan has continued to worsen, which is a unique phenomenon unseen in other East Asian countries including South Korea.<br>(4) Those Chinese who have experienced direct contact with the Japanese in general have a more moderate perception toward Japan than those Chinese who have not had such experience.<br>Apart from the historical fact that Japan and China have fought against each other, such a uniquely negative perception toward Japan in China can be attributed to the following reasons:<br>(1) The strengthening of patriotic education campaigns in China since the mid-1990s.<br>(2) The upsurge in anti-China perceptions in Japan since the 1990s (which are reflected back to China).<br>(3) Misperceptions and misunderstandings at an individual level in China, mainly due to the lack of objective knowledge about Japan as well as cultural differences.<br>One of the possible reasons for the misperception and misunderstanding at the individual level in China could be the relatively low volume of human exchange between China and Japan, which is still relatively low compared with the volume of exchanges between Japan and other major Asian countries.<br>For instance, Japan's "visitor-population ratio" (ratio of the number of visitors to Japan compared to the nation's population) in 2006 is as follows: China, 0.04% (one visitor per 2,500people); South Korea, 4.14% (one visitor per 24); Taiwan, 5.61% (one visitor per 18); Hong Kong, 5.04% (one visitor per 20); Singapore, 3.12% (one visitor per 32).<br>Data analysis indicates that the current negative perception of Japan in China is unique compared with similar perceptions in other East Asian countries.<br>There are several reasons for such a situation in China, and the current situation may not be due to only one reason.<br>Nevertheless, the enhancement of human exchanges between the two countries could be useful to prevent any increase in mutual misunderstanding as well as for managing any outbursts of negative feelings.

著者

小林 良樹

出版者

財団法人 日本国際政治学会

雑誌

国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2012, no.167, pp.167_57-71, 2012-01-30 (Released:2013-09-21)

参考文献数

54

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The objective of this article is to examine the influence of cultural factors on systems of democratic control over the intelligence communities of different countries and the light this can shed on the road ahead as Japan develops its own oversight mechanisms.The intelligence communities of different countries are configured in different forms. In the US, the Director of National Intelligence serves as the head of the IC, while in the UK, the Joint Intelligence Committee which is a part of the Cabinet Office is responsible for directing the IC. This variation reflects not only the different presidential and parliamentary political systems but also the different organizational cultures of intelligence agencies in Britain and the US. For instance, the prevailing characteristics of organizational culture in the British IC are collegiality and collaboration. In the US, divisionism and bureaucracy are predominant. These cultural differences are rooted in the different political, historical and social environments unique to each country.Systems for democratic control of the ICs also vary in different countries. In the US, congressional committees specialized in intelligence matters in both chambers of Congress exercise oversight and have strong authority over the IC. Although in the UK the Intelligence and Security Committee which directly reports to the Prime Minister is responsible for oversight of the IC, it exercises comparatively moderate control over the IC. Such differences are a reflection of the cultural differences between each country. The US system of oversight by powerful congressional committees reflects the high levels of public distrust in the IC, the result of a litany of intelligence-related scandals. This system also reflects the history of serious power struggles between Congress and the executive. In the UK, however, public trust in the IC, and collaboration between the executive branch and Parliament, has historically been greater than in the US.Currently, Japan has no organization dedicated to democratic oversight of its intelligence organs. If Japan expands the scope of its intelligence activities, it will be necessary to develop new and enhance existing mechanisms for democratic control. In doing so it will be vital to ensure that they take account of the cultural factors at play in Japanese society rather than to transplant the systems of control in place in foreign countries which reflect their different cultural milieu.The Japanese cultural factors that systems of control in other countries do not take account of are, firstly, a strong public distrust of intelligence activities, and secondly strong public desire to maintain the political neutrality of intelligence organizations. These cultural characteristics can be attributed to Japan's historical experiences during the Second World War, and are very different from circumstances in other countries. The existing Independent Regulatory Commission system could be a possible foundation on which to build a uniquely Japanese system for democratic oversight of the nation's intelligence activities.

著者

小林 良樹

出版者

日本犯罪社会学会

雑誌

犯罪社会学研究 (ISSN:0386460X)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.37, pp.119-133, 2012-10-31 (Released:2017-03-31)

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本稿は,都道府県公安委員会に対する苦情申出制度に関して,「警察に対する国民の信頼の改善方策」の観点から考察を加えることを目的とする.具体的には,「警察に対する国民の信頼を改善するための有効な方策の一つとして都道府県公安委員会に対する苦情申出制度の活性化が考えられる」,「そのためには同制度に対する国民の認知を向上させることが肝要である」との仮説の検証を試みる.分析・検証の結果,「苦情申出制度の利用は極めて低調である」,「同制度に対する国民の認知が極めて低いことがその原因の一つと考えられる」旨がある程度検証された.したがって,苦情申出制度に対する国民の認知を高めることは同制度の利用率の向上につながり,ひいては警察に対する国民の信頼の向上に資するものと推察される.警察に対する国民の信頼の現状は必ずしも盤石ではない.今後とも警察が私企業,NPO/NGO,地域社会等の多様なアクターとの連携を一層強化するとともに,新たな犯罪情勢に対応するべく捜査権限の強化を目指すのであれば,信頼の一層の向上に努める必要がある.こうした信頼改善の努力の中で,苦情申出制度の改善は避けては通れない問題と考えられる.

著者

小林 良樹

出版者

JAPAN ASSOCIATION OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

雑誌

国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2009, no.158, pp.158_182-195, 2009-12-25 (Released:2012-02-20)

参考文献数

59

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In December 2004, the United States Congress passed “the Intelligence Reform and Terrorist Prevention Act of 2004,” which created the Director of National Intelligence (hereafter DNI). This was the most significant overhaul of the basic framework of the U.S. Intelligence Community since it was established in 1947. The basic idea of this reorganization mainly came from so-called “the 9/11 Commission Report” published in July 2004. The report criticized the weak management of the intelligence community headed by the Director of Central Intelligence (DCI) who was also the head of the CIA, then recommended that the DCI should be replaced by a newly created National Intelligence Director to bring more integration and cooperation to the intelligence community. The object of this paper is to try to examine the following question; “Is the DNI functioning as was expected or not? In other words, is the DNI actually overseeing the Intelligence Community as a real head or not?”Evaluation of Major Factors(1) Status: The DNI, to some extent, has successfully demonstrated his leadership status over the intelligence community. However, some members of the community such as the Department of Defense seem to be still reluctant to recognize DNI's leadership status.(2) Man Power: The DNI has already established his own large institutional manpower base to support him, although it has only analytical function and does not have operational function.(3) Support from the President: The DNI also seems to enjoy strong support from the President to secure his leadership.(4) Budgetary and Personnel Power: The budgetary and personnel power of the DNI endorsed by the legislation is vague and not so strong, more or less similar to the power given to the DCI. The DNI seems to have established actual influence, to some extent, over personnel matters of civilian intelligence institutions such as CIA. However, DNI's actual influence on budgetary and personnel matters of military intelligence institutions affiliated to the Department of Defense seems very limited.(5) Quality of Intelligence Product: There has been some improvement for information sharing in the community after the reform. However, still it is too early to say that the new system has achieved significant improvement in the quality of the analytical products of the community.ConclusionTo some extent, the DNI seems to be successfully overseeing the intelligence community as new head of the community, especially over the civilian intelligence institutions such as CIA. However, DNI's oversight has not been perfect yet, rather partial. Especially DNI's budgetary and personnel power over the military intelligence institutions seems very limited. In other words, as a reality, the intelligence community may be divided into two parts; the civilian part overseen by the DNI and military part overseen by the Secretary of Defense.Given the above-mentioned limitations, it is unlikely that the DNI's oversight on military intelligence institutions would be improved significantly unless the current legislation is amended. The future success or failure of the DNI system also would depend on personality of those who will be actually appointed as the DNI as well as their personal relations with the president and other senior leaders.

著者

小林 良樹

出版者

一般財団法人 アジア政経学会

雑誌

アジア研究 (ISSN:00449237)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.54, no.4, pp.87-108, 2008-10-31 (Released:2014-09-15)

参考文献数

21

被引用文献数

1

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This paper examines the hypothesis that one of the possible reasons for the recent negative perception of Japan in China is the relatively low volume of mutual human exchange between the two countries.Based on an analysis of various opinion poll data, the characteristics of Chinese perceptions of Japan can be summarized as follows:(1) Since the mid-1990s, the Chinese perception of Japan has been consistently negative.(2) Such a negative perception of Japan is stronger in China than in other East Asian countries.(3) In terms of the medium- and long-term trend since the mid-1990s, Chinese perception of Japan has continued to worsen, which is a unique phenomenon unseen in other East Asian countries including South Korea.(4) Those Chinese who have experienced direct contact with the Japanese in general have a more moderate perception toward Japan than those Chinese who have not had such experience.Apart from the historical fact that Japan and China have fought against each other, such a uniquely negative perception toward Japan in China can be attributed to the following reasons:(1) The strengthening of patriotic education campaigns in China since the mid-1990s.(2) The upsurge in anti-China perceptions in Japan since the 1990s (which are reflected back to China).(3) Misperceptions and misunderstandings at an individual level in China, mainly due to the lack of objective knowledge about Japan as well as cultural differences.One of the possible reasons for the misperception and misunderstanding at the individual level in China could be the relatively low volume of human exchange between China and Japan, which is still relatively low compared with the volume of exchanges between Japan and other major Asian countries.For instance, Japan’s “visitor-population ratio” (ratio of the number of visitors to Japan compared to the nation’s population) in 2006 is as follows: China, 0.04% (one visitor per 2,500people); South Korea, 4.14% (one visitor per 24); Taiwan, 5.61% (one visitor per 18); Hong Kong, 5.04% (one visitor per 20); Singapore, 3.12% (one visitor per 32).Data analysis indicates that the current negative perception of Japan in China is unique compared with similar perceptions in other East Asian countries.There are several reasons for such a situation in China, and the current situation may not be due to only one reason.Nevertheless, the enhancement of human exchanges between the two countries could be useful to prevent any increase in mutual misunderstanding as well as for managing any outbursts of negative feelings.

著者

小林 良樹

出版者

[出版者不明]

巻号頁・発行日

2009-02

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制度:新 ; 報告番号:甲2886号 ; 学位の種類:博士(学術) ; 授与年月日:2009/6/15 ; 早大学位記番号:新5113

著者

小林 良樹

出版者

国際安全保障学会

雑誌

国際安全保障 (ISSN:13467573)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.41, no.4, pp.102-106, 2014-03-31 (Released:2022-04-07)

著者

小林 良樹

出版者

国際安全保障学会

雑誌

国際安全保障 (ISSN:13467573)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.41, no.2, pp.81-98, 2013-09-30 (Released:2022-04-07)

著者

小林 良樹

出版者

国際安全保障学会

雑誌

国際安全保障 (ISSN:13467573)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.39, no.3, pp.40-49, 2011-12-31 (Released:2022-04-14)

著者

小林 良樹 神田 晃

出版者

関西医科大学

雑誌

基盤研究(C)

巻号頁・発行日

2019-04-01

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好酸球性副鼻腔炎(ECRS)は、喘息を高率に合併する難治性好酸球性気道炎症である。治療抵抗性の鼻ポリープや膠状分泌物(ムチン)の発育・蓄積が問題となり、QOL (生活の質)を著しく低下させている。好酸球性ムチンの正体は好酸球細胞外トラップであるが、その病態との関連性は明らかにされていない。細胞外の病原体を傷害する好中球細胞外トラップの形成メカニズムから好酸球性ムチンの制御へのヒントを得て、好酸球ペルオキシダーゼ(EPX)に着目した。好酸球性ムチン中にEPXに対する自己抗体の存在を証明し、その病態への関与を明らかにすること、さらにEPX抗体を標的にした新しい治療戦略の開発を目指す。

著者

櫛谷 麻里子 小林 良樹 佐藤 真理 水越 哲也 西 裕一 朱宰 弘 芝崎 正順 井上 憲一 田部 一秋 坂田 憲史 丸尾 仁 永田 真 倉光 薫 坂本 芳雄 松尾 博司 金子 公一 茅野 秀一 片山 勲 清水 偵彦 高濱 素秀

出版者

日本肺癌学会

雑誌

肺癌 (ISSN:03869628)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.38, no.1, pp.94-95, 1998-02