著者

服部 英雄

出版者

吉川弘文館

雑誌

日本歴史 (ISSN:03869164)

巻号頁・発行日

no.649, pp.90-95, 2002-06

著者

服部英雄著

出版者

新人物往来社

巻号頁・発行日

1995

著者

服部 英雄

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.87, no.8, pp.1166-1196,1267-, 1978-08-20 (Released:2017-10-05)

---

I.Transportation Routes The special characteristics of medieval transportation routes in and out of Kuma gun (which includes Hitoyoshi no sho) were as follows : First, in spite of the provincial border barriers, they enabled Kuma gun to maintain close contacts with Masaki-in, Hyuga and Ushikuso-in, Satsuma, and also linked directly to Kuninaka, Higo, i.e., the Kumamoto plains. Second, of the communication links to each of the provincial seats in Hyuga, Osumi, and Satsuma, the function of a major artery connecting Kuma gun to Kyoto and Kamakura was assigned to the road to Hyuga over Kyushu's spinal mountain range. This choice was made because it passed through Taragi, the domain of the Hitoyoshi Sagaras' soryo (惣領). The weight placed on the Kuma-Hyuga route reflected the system of subordination of shoshi (庶子) to soryo. However, the internal disturbances that split the imperial lineages set the Hitoyoshi Sagaras and the Taragi Sagaras off against each other. Because this development made the road to Hyuga inaccessible, the Hitoyoshi Sagaras developed an alternate arterial route, called Sashiki Dori, in the direction of Yatsushiro Bay. This move corresponded to the weakening centripetal force directed toward Kyoto and Kamakura, i.e., the gradual breaking down of shoen (庄園) and gokenin (御家人) structures. Having acquired one transportation route in the direction of Yatsushiro Bay, the Hitoyoshi Sagaras cut another road, Azechi Dori, during the warring period for exclusively military purposes. II.Shinden Development (shinden 新田 -newly reclaimed rice fields) First, an attempt was made to reconstruct the Sagaras' hold as the jito (地頭) of Hitoyoshi no sho, on the area around Samuta Horinouchi, relying on the aerial photo, land registration map and on-the-spot investigations. In contrast to the rest of this general region, a rectangular pattern of land division indicated clearly the Sagaras' well planned development. A good illustration was the irrigation system. The Sagaras altered the natural course of water and dammed it to flow into Samuta Horinouchi. At the point of each change of course and at the springs on the plateau, temples (bodaiji 菩提寺) were constructed. Inasmuch as bodaiji had no familial ties to the Sagaras, we can assume that the temples functioned as places for popular worship. Any changes in the nature of the temples corresponded to the changes in the irrigation system. The above observation led to a conclusion that, in order to solidify their power, the Sagaras sought to control and develop old rice fields rather than open shinden. Secondly, the same attempt was made through examining the written documents. Here, it was found that, both the jito and the ryoke (領家) had definite limitations on shares (tokubun 得分) they could take from old rice fields called kishoden (起請田), leaving the peasants with a possibility of certain independence. In the case of shinden, however, only the ryoke's share was restricted, while the jito's share, having no set limitations, tended to absorb the entire surplus. Thus, the Sagaras succeeded in extending a tight control over shinden, which were synonymous to "jito-developed" rice fields. A land investigation of Shogen (1259 -60) indicates that ryoke were denied any share from these rice fields, and illustrates clearly the marked encroachment of jito-ryoshu power. The two examinations above led to seemingly contradictory conclusions regarding the nature of the Sagaras' power basis : kishoden from the on-the-spot investigation, and shinden from the written documents. The explanation is found in the changing designations for the rice fields : kishoden were transformed into "shinden" --that is, rice fields directly administered by the jito. This explains why, at the time of the Shogen investigation, the jito was able to deny the ryoke any share from the land. The figures in the Shogen land(View PDF for the rest of the abstract.)

著者

服部 英雄

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.86, no.9, pp.1283-1324,1419-, 1977-09-20 (Released:2017-10-05)

---

Why did Sagara move from his home base at Hitoyoshi, in Kuma district (gun 郡), to the newly subjugated area of Yatsushiro district? The usual explanation is that Yatsushiro district was controlled by a particularly strong private military group of local bushi landlords (kokujin 国人), the Yatsushiro-shu. The standing theory is that all of the three districts of the Sagara territory, Kuma, Yatsushiro, and Ashikita, had similar bushi military federations. The authority structure of these federations had three characteristics ; 1)the group of Elders (Otona 老者) of each of the three districts were independent ; 2)the Elders were the leaders of their own federations ; and 3)the Council of the federations, i.e., each group in consultation, regulated the Sagara. However, an investigation of historical documents shows that all of the above assumptions of the accepted theory are incorrect. That is, 1)group of Elders existed only in Sagara's home district at Hitoyoshi, and in his secondary headquarters at Yatsushiro ; 2)the Elders also served as officials of the Sagara, i.e., they held appointments in the daimyo's government ; and 3)the councils of these federations could not regulate the Sagara. In fact, the Yatsushiro federation (Yatsushiro-shu) was not a group of independent bushi, but an organization formed by the Sagara in a deliberate policy of placing the military at strategically-located castle towns (jokamachi 城下町). It is clear that the organization was composed of bushi, directly under Sagara control, who had been separated from their own lands. There had been many bushi landlords (kokujin 国人) with strong control of their own lands within Sagara's domain. Sagara intended to force them to move to castle towns away from their private lands to facilitate military mobilization. The Sagara gave special status to the military federations stationed in the castle towns, the Yatsushiro-shu and the Hitoyoshi-shu. One of their privileges was the right to request legislation (hosshiki oseidashi 法式仰出), one function of direct participation in the political activity of the Sagara power structure. Sagara's move to Yatsushiro, a subjugated district away from his home base, Kuma, necessitated strengthening his policy to separate bushi landlords from their local strong-holds. Sagara's strategy succeeded for a time, but in the end it could not be realized because an internal disorder forced him to evacuate Yatsushiro and return to Hitoyoshi.

著者

服部 英雄

出版者

東京大学

巻号頁・発行日

1996

---

博士論文

著者

服部 英雄

出版者

熊本県文化財保護協会

雑誌

文化財情報

巻号頁・発行日

no.270, pp.4-6, 2019-09

著者

服部 英雄 本田 佳奈

出版者

九州大学

雑誌

比較社会文化 : 九州大学大学院比較社会文化研究科紀要 (ISSN:13411659)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.13, pp.1-26, 2007

---

Following Jonai Jutakushi, we recorded interviews with seven individuals at Jonai Jutaku (城内住宅). The first interviewees were Mr. and Mrs. Nakao. Mr. Nakao has experienced air raids on both Tokyo and Fukuoka (Tokyo Daikushu and Fukuoka Daikushu). He made aircraft parts for sea planes at the underground factory in the Wajiro Mountains as a part of the labor mobilization campaign (Kinro Doin). The trial flights of the completed sea planes were conducted at Gan-no-su airport, but most of the aircraft were duds and didn't fly. The second couple interviewed was Mr. and Mrs. Yoshida. Mr. Yoshida fled Pusan, losing everything his family owned in the process. In addition, after he returned to Japan, his older brother died. The next interviewee was Mr. Matsuda, who was mobilized for labor as a coal stoker on a steam locomotive (蒸気機関車石炭くべ). He also witnessed air raids on Fukuoka, and his brother was killed in the field. There was a large old nettle tree in Jonai Jutaku. At one time this area had been a drill court and the nettle tree was the marker for foot races. Those who came in last had to run another lap. The soldiers have strong memories of this tree. The fourth interview was conducted with Mr. and Mrs. Kobayashi. They were asked about their memories of the Fuku-Haku area(福博地域) in Fukuoka City during the Taisho and Showa periods.

著者

村田修三 服部英雄監修

出版者

東洋書林

著者

服部 英雄 本田佳奈

出版者

九州大学

雑誌

比較社会文化 : 九州大学大学院比較社会文化研究科紀要 (ISSN:13411659)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.12, pp.111-148, 2006

---

There is a still residential area that is called Jyonai-jyutaku (城内住宅 : houses in the castle),in the Maizuru (舞鶴公園) park. This park is in ruins of the Fukuoka castle before. Jyonai jyutaku House was constructed for people struck by the World War II damage, and so that those from the oversea land who repatriated it might live. They were the people who had lost all the properties for the war. 60 years passed after the war had ended. The move is requested to each Jyonai house, for the purpose. of integrate Oohori park (大濠公園) with Maizuru park and to build the great central city park. This residential area existed in Sengo (戦後) ,the age of postwar days. However, if the Sengo days ends, being demolished is a fate of this town. We thought that we will make the record concerning this town. And, the interview investigation was done. Six representatives gathered, and the meeting that heard the story was held first. Then, the memories story of this house in which it lasted 60 was heard. Case of the married couple named Mr. /Ms. Kobayashi who lives in this house, the husband put on the khaki soldier, went to Philipino Negros island, had a narrow escape from death, and returned alive. The wife remained in Fukuoka, her houses was burnt in the damage of the air raid by the U.S.Army. Mr. Kobayashi is preserving the diary in the military forces age. Such a pocketbook is very valuable. It is possible to examine it comparing the both release and the description of the pocketbook. The talk becomes very concrete. These story talk about non-humanity that the war brings.

著者

服部英雄 編

出版者

弘道閣

巻号頁・発行日

vol.下編, 1918

著者

服部 英雄 五味 文彦 神田 由築 高野 信治

出版者

九州大学

雑誌

基盤研究(B)

巻号頁・発行日

2011-04-01

---

差別される環境に耐えて、力強く生きた人びとの歴史を明らかにした。これまでの歴史叙述では賤民視された彼ら彼女らは貧しく劣悪な環境におかれ、虐げられた生活のみを強いられたとされてきた。それは一面ですべてではない。教科書には河原ノ者は河原に住んだと記述するものがある。このような歴史理解では、子孫が祖先の活動を誇ることはできない。「ムラ」がなかなかに解体しなかったのはなぜか。富みは確実にあった。皮革製品・製作加工業の独占である。海外交易にても不足を補充、富みを蓄積した。周囲の目は残酷で冷たかったが、かばいあうムラの中は暖かく、一般ムラよりもむしろ真に人間らしい、やさしさがあった。

著者

服部 英雄 井上 聡 細井 浩志 橋本 雄 柳 哲雄 櫻木 晋一 金谷 匡人 竹田 和夫 土居 聡朋 楠瀬 慶太

出版者

九州大学

雑誌

基盤研究(B)

巻号頁・発行日

2006

---

時間法や航海技術を非文字知(民衆知・暗黙知)の視点で調査・分析した。時間には季節(日の出・日の入り)に無関係の絶対時間(定時法)と季節によって変わる相対時間(不定時法)とがある。不定時法が自然発生的で多用された。航海技術については、地形や潮流を知悉した航海術や漁撈法を調査・分析した。中世紀行文に記された港津発着の時間を手がかりに、当日の潮流、潮力、人力、風力を分析した。

著者

服部 英雄 稲葉 継陽 春田 直紀 榎原 雅治

出版者

九州大学

雑誌

基盤研究(B)

巻号頁・発行日

2000

---

文献資料のみに依拠してきた従来型の歴史学の隘路を切り開くべく、地名を史料(歴史資料)として科学的に活用する方法を確立した。地名を網羅収集する作業を進め、文字化されていない未記録地名を収集し、地図に記録し印刷した(主として佐賀県および熊本県阿蘇郡)。地名を史料として利用するため、電算化による検索を九州各県および滋賀県で進めた。研究上の環境整備を進めるいっぽうで、地名の歴史史料としての学問的有効性を確認し、拡大する作業を行った。交通に関わる地名、タンガ(旦過)、武家社会を考える地名イヌノババ(犬の馬場)、対外交渉史を考える地名トウボウ(唐房)をはじめ、条里関係、荘園関係、祭祀関係などの地名の分布調査、および現地調査を進めていった。地名の活用によって、研究視野が拡大される例。唐房地名は中世チャイナタウンを示す。従来の研究は対外交渉の窓口は博多のみであると強調してきたが、唐房は九州北部(福岡県、佐賀県、長崎県)、九州南部(鹿児島県)にみられる。一つの港津にトウボウ(当方)のほか、イマトウボウ(今東方)もあって、複数のチャイナタウンがあった。綱首とよばれる中国人貿易商の間に利害の対立があったことを示唆する。福岡・博多は新河口を開削して(御笠川や樋井川、名柄川)、干潟内湖を陸化し、平野の開発を進めた。それ以前には多くの内湖があって、それに面して箱崎、博多、鳥飼、姪浜、今津の港があった。自然環境・立地は類似する。博多のみが卓越していたわけではない。貿易商社たる綱首は一枚岩ではなく、競合した。それぞれが幕府、朝廷(大宰府)、院・摂関家と結びつく。地元では相互が対立する寺社と結びついた。チャイナタウンは多数あって、カンパニー・ブランチを形成した。これは考古学上の成果(箱崎遺跡で中国独自の瓦検出)とも一致する。従来の研究にはなかった視点を獲得した。