著者
服部 龍二
出版者
総合政策学部
雑誌
総合政策研究 = Japanese Journal of Policy and Culture (ISSN:13417827)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.28, pp.111-128, 2020-03-01

This paper introduces an interview with Yoji Okabe, former Sumitomo Bank senior managing director. Okabe was a friend of Masataka Kosaka (1934-1996), a professor of Kyoto University. Okabe and Kosakaattended a private school named Rakuhokukai for five years before entering Kyoto University. Okabe and Kosaka engaged in merger of alumni associations of Kyoto Daiichi Junior High School and Rakuhoku High School, when they were students of Kyoto University. Okabe and Kosaka got acquainted with Eiichi Nagasue, the representative on the side of the Kyoto Daiichi Junior High School. Nagasue became the chairperson of the Democratic Socialist Party. Okabe and Kosaka kept in touch with Nagasue even after graduating from the university. Kosaka visited home of Okabe in London when Okabe worked abroad. Their wives were also good friends.
著者
加茂 具樹 小島 朋之 小島 朋之 北岡 伸一 家近 亮子 加藤 陽子 川島 真 服部 龍二 一谷 和郎 王 雪萍
出版者
慶應義塾大学
雑誌
特別研究促進費
巻号頁・発行日
2007

近年の日中関係は、日中間の歴史認識問題をめぐって対話可能な環境が整いつつあるきわめて稀な「凪」の状況にあるとの認識のもとで、(日本に利用可能な)日中戦争に関連する歴史資料の調査及び収集をすすめ、また同時に日中戦争や日中歴史研究に関する対話のプラットフォームの構築をおこなった。
著者
服部 龍二
出版者
千葉大学
雑誌
千葉大学社会文化科学研究 (ISSN:13428403)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.3, pp.3-25, 1999-02-28

かつて筆者は、在華権益拡張策と新4国借款団の関連性を論じた際、原内閣が対米英協調に終始することなく独自に国益を拡充せんとしていたことを明らかにした。加えて原内閣は、時としてウィルソン政権(Woodrow Wilson)の新外交に強い違和感を示し、国益拡充のためには対英協調を基本方針とした。原内閣期最大の国際会議である パリ講和会議への対応は、まさにそのことを示している。このパリ会議に関する研究は少なからず存在するものの、日英協調や日米摩擦を原外交の中に位置づける視点は十分に確立されてこなかったように思われる。この点に加えて本稿では、中国外交文書を交えて中国側が調印拒否に至る過程を跡づけるとともに、米英の動向が後のワシントン体制成立との関係でいかに位置づけられるのかを探っていきたい。
著者
服部 龍二
出版者
JAPAN ASSOCIATION OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS
雑誌
国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)
巻号頁・発行日
no.122, pp.54-68,L9, 1999

The general evaluation of the Beijing government's treaty revision diplomacy is not high because the Beijing Special Tariff Conference from 1925 to 1926 resulted in a barren result. However, the fact is that the Beijing government built an important cornerstone towards the revision of unequal treaties. It was not accidental that political estrangement was caused between Japan, America, and Britain; and that a better environment for Chinese treaty revision was created.<br>What has been emphasized on this point conventionally was the materialization of the Kellogg-Johnson line as a pro-Chinese line. This should be, at least partly, interpreted as the result of Chinese treaty revision diplomacy. In particular, the formation of the pro-Chinese line in the Department of State was, to a large extent, the response to the plan which the Beijing government instigated. Chinese Foreign Minister Shen Ruilin esteemed relationships with America to ensure diplomatic support from Secretary of State Frank B. Kellogg, while the activity of Chinese Minister to America Alfred Sze satisfied the expectation of the Beijing government Foreign Ministry. Considering the political process of the Paris Peace Conference and the Washington Conference, that situation was rather an exceptional success in Chinese diplomacy history.<br>British diplomacy, whose mediation between America and Japan had been effective in the Paris Peace Conference and the Washington Conference in the past, did not work this time. This, again, was the result of what the Beijing government had planned. The Chinese side differentiated their attitude towards Britain from their policy towards America and Japan, because of the fact that Britain had shown the severest attitude at the beginning. When British Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs J. Austen Chamberlain approached America in order to convert his previous policy, Japanese Foreign Minister Shidehara Kijuro's stiffened economism was revealed. In this sense, the isolation of Shidehara diplomacy could be understood in context as a result of Chinese treaty revision diplomacy towards America and Britain.
著者
服部 龍二
出版者
千葉大学
雑誌
千葉大学社会文化科学研究 (ISSN:13428403)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.2, pp.7-32, 1998-02-28

In treating the Hara cabinet's railroad policy in China, this paper analyzes Japanese economic expansion in China during the immediate post World War I era and reexamines Japanese foreign policy toward the New Consortium which has been regarded in general as a typical case of cooperative diplomacy with America and Britain. The Hara cabinet inherited from the former Terauchi cabinet the policy to extend the Nanchang-Jiujiang railway line in northern Kiangsi. Supported by the Hara cabinet, Toa Kogyo Company took the initiative in the negotiations with China and finalized a loan contract with Nanchang-Jiujiang Railway Company to extend the Nanchang-Jiujiang railway line. This Sino-Japanese loan contract was intended for the building of the Nanchang-Pingxiang railway line. However, this line was part of the larger Nanjing-Hunan railway line whose loan contract had already been offered to the New Consortium by British bankers. Japan, in other words, reached an agreement on the loan contract to extend the Nanchang-Jiujiang railway line without notifying the New Consortium, which had already been granted the rights to build the Nanjing-Hunan railway line. Trying to expand its economic concessions in China, Japan slighted cooperation with America, Britain, and France. The Hara cabinet, in addition, tried to extend the Siping-Zhengjiatun railway line in Manchuria and concluded the Siping-Taonan Railway loan contract, supporting the negotiations between the South Manchurian Railway Company and the Chinese government. Japan promised to offer funds to a faction in the Chinese government during the negotiations, which contradicted the basic foreign policy of the Hara cabinet that Japan, in line with America and Britain, would never offer funds to China until China was united. While knowing that the New Consortium did not permit any country to build the Zhengjiatun-Tongliao railway line, which was a branch line of the Siping-Taonan railway line, Japan went ahead and built that railway. We can therefore see that the Hara cabine
著者
服部 龍二
出版者
中央大学
雑誌
若手研究(B)
巻号頁・発行日
2003

本年度は、占領期における幣原喜重郎の内外政上の役割を研究した。まず、戦後政治全般における幣原の動向については、首相期を中心としながら、天皇制の擁護や日本国憲法の制定過程について論じた。その主要な成果としては、拙稿「幣原喜重郎と戦後政治」(『人文研紀要』、第55号、2005年10月、1-37頁)において刊行してある。次に、最晩年の衆議院議長時代については、ダレスの訪日に端を発する超党派外交を分析してある。これについては、アメリカのナショナル・アーカイヴスにおける史料調査を踏まえて、拙稿Shidehara Kijuro and the Supra-Party Diplomacy,1950(『中央大学政策文化総合研究所年報』、第8号、2005年6月、171-187頁)として公にした。1920年代の外相期については、主に政策と人脈の形成と展開という視点から研究を行った。その成果については、拙稿「幣原喜重郎の政策と人脈」を『中央大学論集』第27号に投稿してあり、今年中には刊行予定である。そのほか、幣原の外交思想を伝えるものとして、拙稿「幣原喜重郎講演『外交管見』」を執筆した。これについては、『総合政策研究』第13号に投稿してあり、やはり今年中には刊行予定である。これらの集大成として、拙著『幣原喜重郎と20世紀の日本--外交と民主主義』(有斐閣)を今年中に刊行する。なお、一般向けに書き下ろしたものとしては、拙稿「ワシントン会議--海軍軍備制限条約、九国条約への調印」および「幣原喜重郎外相と南京事件--対中政策をめぐる論争」があり、いずれも鳥海靖編『日本近代史の転機』上巻(吉川弘文館、2006年刊行予定)に収録される。