著者
村中 淑子
出版者
桃山学院大学
雑誌
人間文化研究 = Journal of humanities research, St. Andrew's University (ISSN:21889031)
巻号頁・発行日
no.1, pp.3-27, 2014-11

I carried out an investigation into the use of negation expressions by speakers of the Osaka and Nara dialects. In this paper I report the results of the investigation. It has generally been thought that the negative suffix HEN(e. g., IKAHEN: I do not go) is more frequently used than another negative suffix, N (e. g., IKAN: I do not go) in standard negation sentences in modern Osaka dialect. However, I was able to confirm that the use of N has increased among young people in the past few years. IKAN has increased together with its past form IKANKATTA (I did not go), and IKEN (I cannot go) with its past form IKENKATTA (I was unable to go). This suggests that both the present and past forms change in conjunction with each other. In addition, it was found that the negative suffix YAN, which had previously not been used very much in Osaka, has come to be used more frequently in recent years. Negative suffixes can not only be located at the end of a sentence to create a negation, but can also be buried in the middle of a sentence and used to make expressions of supposition, will, or duty. By investigating them together, I was able to clarify the actual situation of negation expressions and the reasons for the change in the use of negative suffixes. It is suggested that supposition expressions (-YANDEMO) and will expressions (-YANTOKO) were related to the appearance of YAN in a negation sentence, but duty expressions (-YANA AKAN) were not. Moreover, statistical analysis of the use of YAN in each dialect area showed that the change was most pronounced in the Senboku and Minami Kawachi dialect areas.
著者
村中 淑子
出版者
社会言語科学会
雑誌
社会言語科学 (ISSN:13443909)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.20, no.1, pp.176-183, 2017-09-30 (Released:2018-02-07)
参考文献数
6

「国会会議録」(予算委員会)における伝統的な関西方言の出現の様相をみることにより,なぜ関西方言が公的場面で使われうるのかについて考察した.本稿で調べたのは「~まへん」「~まっせ」のようないわゆる「コテコテ」の関西方言のみであり,国会予算委員会における出現数は約60年の間に約100件とごく少数であった.しかし,それらは国会において,自分の意見を主張して強く相手に迫ったり,ワンポイント的にピシャリと批判したりする文脈で出現すること,当初はごくまれにしか使われていなかったが,1970年代から1980年代にかけて出現数が増え始めたこと,関西方言のノンネイティブであっても聞き覚えて使った話者もいそうであること,などの傾向をみてとることができた.少数事例の観察からではあるが,いわゆる「コテコテ」の関西方言は,ある効果を持つフォーマルスタイルの日本語として公的場面において認知されつつあり,その有用さが,公的場面における関西方言使用の広がりに結びついているという可能性がある,と指摘した.
著者
村中 淑子
出版者
桃山学院大学
雑誌
人間文化研究 = Journal of humanities research, St. Andrew's University (ISSN:21889031)
巻号頁・発行日
no.3, pp.55-83, 2015-10

In this article we studied color terms in loanwords in Japanese, and analyzed them using Corpus Data. We focused on ten color terms of English origin, using the full-text retrieval system "Himawari" of the internet library Aozora Bunko (12023 works, accessed October 1, 2014) for language resources, and observed examples from the Meiji period to the early Showa period. The color terms studied were as follows : PINKU (pink), GURIIN (green), BURUU (blue), GUREE (gray), BEEJU (beige), BURAUN (brown), REDDO (red), IEROO (yellow), HOWAITO (white), and BURAKKU (black). Following the study, the terms were classified into two categories. (a) Those having both an indicatory function in the context of multiple choice, and a descriptive function to describe attributes of things. They can be used independently but not in compound form. PINKU (pink), GURIIN (green), BURUU (blue), GUREE (gray), and BEEJU (beige) belong to this group. (b) Those having only the indicatory function and no descriptive function. They are always used in compound form. BURAUN (brown), REDDO (red), IEROO (yellow), HOWAITO (white), and BURAKKU (black) belong to this group. It may be said that words of group (a) are more familiar in Japanese than those of group (b), in particular PINKU and GURIIN as they describe the color of natural objects. In group (b), the reason why REDDO (red), HOWAITO (white), and BURAKKU (black) have low familiarity in Japanese is that Japanese original color terms AKA (red), SHIRO (white), and KURO (black) constitute extremely basic and fundamental vocabulary in Japanese, and it is likely that there was no place for words of foreign origin having similar meaning.
著者
村中 淑子
出版者
社会言語科学会
雑誌
社会言語科学 (ISSN:13443909)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.20, no.1, pp.176-183, 2017

<p>「国会会議録」(予算委員会)における伝統的な関西方言の出現の様相をみることにより,なぜ関西方言が公的場面で使われうるのかについて考察した.本稿で調べたのは「~まへん」「~まっせ」のようないわゆる「コテコテ」の関西方言のみであり,国会予算委員会における出現数は約60年の間に約100件とごく少数であった.しかし,それらは国会において,自分の意見を主張して強く相手に迫ったり,ワンポイント的にピシャリと批判したりする文脈で出現すること,当初はごくまれにしか使われていなかったが,1970年代から1980年代にかけて出現数が増え始めたこと,関西方言のノンネイティブであっても聞き覚えて使った話者もいそうであること,などの傾向をみてとることができた.少数事例の観察からではあるが,いわゆる「コテコテ」の関西方言は,ある効果を持つフォーマルスタイルの日本語として公的場面において認知されつつあり,その有用さが,公的場面における関西方言使用の広がりに結びついているという可能性がある,と指摘した.</p>
著者
村中 淑子
出版者
桃山学院大学総合研究所
雑誌
人間文化研究 = Journal of humanities research, St. Andrew's University (ISSN:21889031)
巻号頁・発行日
no.9, pp.23-50, 2018-11

This article analyzes aspects of the dialect maintenance of "J-turn" migrantK in his 90s.K was born in a small village in the south of the Kaga district in IshikawaPrefecture, where he lived until he was 16 years old. Then he moved to Osakacity where he lived for a total of 20 years. He was then transferred to Tokyo,living there for about five years, and later moved to other cities. Since hisretirement at the age of 58, he has settled in Kanazawa city, the capital ofIshikawa Prefecture. We can call someone like him a "J-turn" migrant, becausehis movements resemble a U-turn but with slight differences.We investigated which of the four dialects he used: the south Kaga dialect,the Osaka dialect, the Tokyo dialect or the Kanazawa dialect. The items weanalyzed were his accent patterns when pronouncing two-mora nouns and hisusage of auxiliary verbs and particles.The results showed that he maintained the characteristics of the south Kagadialect well. In particular, concerning the accent patterns of two-mora nouns,he maintained the characteristics of his native village dialect, which is onevariety of the south Kaga dialect. In other words, it may be said that K maintainedthe dialect that he acquired at the village where he lived till the age of16, despite repeated migration for several decades.We considered the factors behind K's dialect maintenance from the followingfive viewpoints :(1) Common ground and differences between the Kaga dialect and the Osaka dialect(2) Properties of the community where he belonged to in migration(3) His language environment at home(4) How he regards the Kanazawa dialect and the south Kaga dialect(5) The characteristics of the village where he was born
著者
村中 淑子
出版者
徳島大学
雑誌
言語文化研究 (ISSN:13405632)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.6, pp.277-298, 1999-02-20

京阪式アクセントにおける複合名詞のアクセントは,前部要素の起式によって全体の起式が決定し,後部要素が何であるかによってアクセント核の有無および位置が決定する,ということはすでに知られている(和田実1942)。また,複合名詞のアクセント核については,ほぼ4通りに分けられることもわかっている。すなわち,アクセント核が無いか(以下,平板化と呼ぶ),後部要素の直前にアクセント核があるか(以下,プレアクセントと呼ぶ),後部要素の1拍目にアクセント核があるか,後部要素のもとのアクセント核が生かされるか,のいずれかである(前田勇1953,佐藤大和1989)本稿では,多人数調査の結果により,京阪式アクセント地域における複合名詞アクセントの動態を明らかにし,考察する。調査は1998年3月に実施した。インフォーマントは各世代の男女あわせて51名,いずれも東大阪市内の生え抜きである。その内訳は次の通り。できるだけ自然なふだん通りの発音を得るため,「あ,飛行場や」「竸馬場やん」のように,方言発話文のなかに複合名詞を含ませる形で調査票を作り,それを話者に読み上げてもらい,録音した。後日,すべての録音について聞き取りをおこない,資料を作成し,分析した。