著者
藤森 かよこ Kayoko FUJIMORI 桃山学院大学文学部
雑誌
国際文化論集 = INTERCULTURAL STUDIES (ISSN:09170219)
巻号頁・発行日
no.15, pp.91-117, 1997-02-20

There is fairly general agreement that Sue Harrison's trilogy published from 1990 to 1994 is one of the literary fruits that multiculturalism has fostered. Harrison vividly and impressively represents the life and culture of the ancient Alute people, ancesters of Native Americans, based on her research and field work over many years, supported and stimulated by her own rich imagination. But it is not my present purpose to explore this area. My concern is in a feminist approach to this trilogy. Today's writers who try to create feminism-conscious stories confront much more sensitive and challenging problems than before. Liberal feminism originated from Europe in the 18th century. In the United States, in response to the civil rights movement in the 1960's, it developed into women's liberation movement in the 70's. However, with the permeation of multiculturalism in the 80's, propelled by the current of postmodernism, black feminists (womanists), lesbians and other minority groups' feminists have been criticizing the Caucasian/West/Judeo-Christian/middle-class/heterosexual-centerdness of liberal feminism. Nowadays feminists are expanding their argument into investigating the origins and structures of various discrimination systems, with and beyond the inquiry about how to reduce or end sexual discrimination. Some feminists fear that the present feminism agenda may neglect the problems peculiar to women and may result in delaying the dissolution of social unfaireness about women. Yet most feminists realize that it is one of their tactics, as well as one of their imperatives, to emphasize and promote their relationships and cooperative efforts with other discriminated groups. Thus contemporary writers must incorporate the above-mentioned feminist problems into their works if they want to satisfy feminist readers. We can safely state that Sue Harrison has achieved this challenge in writing Mother Earth Father Sky, My Sister the Moon, and Brother Wind. This trilogy is classified as a traditional and popular happy-ending fiction for women, in which a young heroine finally attains happiness through a series of torturous experiments and disasters; in the end she gets her own special protector, in most cases, her husband. Harrison's books also end with the heroine's delightful marriage or long-waited reunion with their family. In addition to this, we should note that the setting is in the prehistoric era, from B. C. 7056 to 7023. This means that Harrison's fictions have the advantage of being completely invulnerable from feminist critics' attacks. Criticizing the sexual dichotomy in the prehistorical setting is useless. Because writers must represent the factual aspects of their subjects in their realistic novels, even if some descriptions are offensive to feminists. Above all it is unfair to reproach the defects of past ages from a contemporary view point. But we are mislead if we regard this trilogy as a mere prehistory Harlequin Romance. Interestingly Harrison's books can satisfy not only non-feminist readers but also feminist ones. A close reading of these three books leads us to find many devices and episodes to demistify and invalidate patriarchism. In authentically traditional fictions, heroines cannot be really happy without being bound to some patriarchal family ststem. Harrison's heroines, even though they finally return to their male-dominated families and communities, are clearly characterized by a self-independence, self-respect and aggressiveness that we rarely see in women in the fictions with today's setting. Under the disguise of an obviously gender-biased traditional story, Harrison has inserted some unforgettable gender-free characters, female and also male, into her fictions. Harrison succeeds in fictionizing her materials from the standpoints of multiculturalism and feminism which the literary critics in the present postmodern era are ready to find in new novels. At the same time, Harrison fulfills the contradictory desire of conservative readers, who are in the majority, to consume their familiar plots in unfamiliar sceneries.
著者
山川 偉也 Hideya Yamakawa
雑誌
国際文化論集 = INTERCULTURAL STUDIES (ISSN:09170219)
巻号頁・発行日
no.36, pp.77-144, 2007-06-20

According to DL6, 20_21, Diogenes of Sinope, son of Hicesias the banker, counterfeited the state coinage; and when he was detected, according to some he was banished, while according to others he voluntarily quitted the city for fear of consequences. The anecdote has its immediate connection with Diogenes the Cynic's mission "παραχαραξον το νομισμα (Deface the currency"). But the scholars have suspected the truth of DL6, 20_21. However, in this paper I deface the current interpretations of DL6, 20_21 and submit another version consistent with Diogenes' cosmopolitan way of life.

5 0 0 0 OA 青の色彩表象

著者
井本 英一 Eiichi Imoto 桃山学院大学文学部(元)
雑誌
国際文化論集 = INTERCULTURAL STUDIES (ISSN:09170219)
巻号頁・発行日
no.36, pp.1-32, 2007-06-20

The color blue is seen on the borders of the inside and outside of a home, in this world and the next world, so it is the color of the funeral, the marriage and other rites. Messengers from the other world used to wear blue clothes, and maids or servants of this world had blue clothes on. The executioner's clothes had something blue and the condemned criminal's had, too. A sacrifice, human or animal, had something blue. A man on his deathbed would change his usual clothes for blue ones. The dead person was thought to be an offering to the gods. The color blue was the symbol of giving vigor and energy to the god. The blue colors were used from the royal divine families to the common people. On the New Year, Emperors of China and Japan put on blue clothes. The Virgin Mary also wore a blue mantle.

5 0 0 0 IR 阮籍仕宦考

著者
林 宏作 Hong-Zuo Lin 桃山学院大学文学部
雑誌
国際文化論集 = INTERCULTURAL STUDIES (ISSN:09170219)
巻号頁・発行日
no.11, pp.(7)-(17), 1995-01-30

本論文は、『三国志』・『晉書』の正史をはじめ、阮籍自らの著作や『世説新語』及びその注に引用された諸々の資料に基づき、いままで史書に明示されていない阮籍の歴任した官職の年月を考証するものである。この考証によって、阮籍の生涯が一層はっきりするとともに、唐代に編集された『晉書』の誤った記載も明らかにした。しかし一七〇〇余年も昔のこと故、すべてを解明できたとは言い難いが、現時点では最も精確な結論に達したと思う。いまここで本論文の考証によって得られた結論だけを次に記しておこう。阮籍が「吏」として蒋済に招かれたのは二四二年、三三歳のときである。これは阮籍の最初の仕官である。その後、三九歳(二四八年)のときに「尚書郎」となり、そして同じ年に曹爽の「参軍」として招かれたのである。曹爽が失脚した後、阮籍は司馬懿によって「従事中郎」を命じられている。この任期は恐らく正始十年(二四九)三月から司馬懿の死した嘉平三年(二五一)八月までであろう。司馬懿の死後、阮籍は続いて司馬師の「従事中郎」に任じられ、正元元年(二五四)十月「散騎常侍」に移るまで、その任にあったと考えられる。そして自ら「東平の相」を求め、三たび「従事中郎」となり、「歩兵校尉」となったのはすべて司馬昭の執政の時代であり、二五五年二月から二五八年五月まで、つまり阮籍の四六歳から四九歳の間のことである、と史料によって推測するものである。In this paper I investigate into the historical evidences of Ruan Ji's successive posts in the government which hitherto have remained unspecified in the history books. The materials on which my research based were Sanguozhi, Jinshu, Ruan Ji's own writings, Shishuoxinyu and various notes quoted in the book. Notwithstanding the fact that I could not solve all the problems concerning the career of Ruan Ji, yet I believe at the present I have attained the most exact conclusion about the matter. The career of Ruan Ji was made clearer than before and incorrect records in Jinshu compiled during Tang period were disclosed. Here, I would like to epitomize only the conclusions attained by the investigation. It was when he was 33 years old in 242 A. D., that Ruan Ji was engaged by Jiang Ji as a government official. This was his first entrance into the government service. Later, when he was at the age of 39 in 248 A. D., he became Shangshulang and in the same year he was engaged by Cao Shuang as Canjun. After Cao Shuang lost his position, Ruan Ji was appointed to Congshizhonglang by Sima Yi. The term of this office was, perhaps, from March, 249 A. D., the tenth year of the Zhengshi era, to August, 251 A. D., the third year of the Jiapeng era, when Si-ma Yi died. After the death of Si-ma Yi, Ruan Ji was successively appointed to Congshizhonglang by Si-ma Shi, and he seemed to have remained in the office untill he was transferred to Sanjichangshi in October, 254 A. D., the first year of the Zhengyuan era. Then, he requested himself and took the office of "Minister of Dongpeng district", and thereafter for the third time he was appointed to Congshizhonglang and further to Bubingjiaowei. All these, I surmise, were during the period of Si-ma Zhao's administration, i. e., from February, 255 A. D. to May, 258 A. D., when Ruan Ji was at the age between 46 and 49.
著者
野尻 亘
出版者
桃山学院大学
雑誌
国際文化論集 = Intercultural studies (ISSN:09170219)
巻号頁・発行日
no.47, pp.75-92, 2013-03-28

American geography of the 19th century suffered a major backlash due to the influence of environmental determinism. However, with the dawn of the 20th century, area studies became a major field. Yet even when much regional elements were broken down into detail and presented in terms of distribution, the difficulty remained of categorizing areas into objective, uniform regions. To address this difficulty, a variety of methodologies were developed regarding the concept of region. Sauer's "Morphology of Landscape" (1925) marked the beginning of this movement, followed by the concept of sequent occupance, defined by Whittlesey (1929). This concept addressed the succession and transition of the cultural landscape over the course of developments such as the hunter-gatherer society of indigenous peoples ; the immigration of farmers ; the formation of villages ; industrialization; and urbanization. In contrast, Hartshorne (1939) was influenced by Hettner (1927) in Germany, proposing the concept of areal differentiation, which in turn had a dramatic impact on the field of geography in the United States in the 1940s and 50s. This topographical methodology cited differences in distribution of various aspects of the earth's surface including weather patterns, geomorphology, soil, resources, etc., and also explained the spatial relationship between them. The issue here was that interpretations were made based on differences in specified phenomena between places. In other words, regions were conveniently interpreted in a way that suited the specific index that was chosen. This meant rejection of the kind of geography that emphasizes the morphological aspect of the cultural landscape. Further, it was concluded that it was not necessary to limit research topics to visible landscapes ; the new way of thinking emphasized the importance of choosing an event that would facilitate significant change arising from differences in location, or an event that had the potential to facilitate a change in other phenomena. However, while this type of methodology tends to emphasize the diversity of different regions, it also tends to close the door to generalization. James (1952, 1954) asserted the need to pay attention to areal likeness, an approach that enables comparison between regions. In addition, Whittlesey (1954) categorized regions into uniform regions and nodal regions for purposes of study. The uniform region is characterized by specified indices, standards and definitions such as the Corn Belt and the Cotton Belt. In contrast, nodal regions are those that have a specific focal point; that is, a certain structure is expected of this central area, including the flow and circulation of people and information emanating from a specific focal point. Depending on different standards, such as commutable zone and consumer catchment area, one can identify a diverse array of nodal regions. As noted above, studies in the field of geography in the United States, particularly in the post-World War II period, showed a deepening interest in clarifying the hierarchy and behavior of nodal and functional regions and regional interaction, paving the way toward system theory research on regional function systems. As part of this series of movements, Berry (1964) attempted to develop a fusion of the topographical or factorial ecology methodology and quantitative geography, applying multivariable analysis to regional data.
著者
深見 純生 Sumio Fukami
雑誌
国際文化論集 = INTERCULTURAL STUDIES (ISSN:09170219)
巻号頁・発行日
no.39, pp.7-18, 2009-03-10

Although it is difficult to reject emphatically the theory that Hundian, the legendary founder of Funan, came originally from India, the probability seems higher that he was of Southeast Asian origin. The itinerary of Suwu, a member of the royal family of Funan, to and from India in the early third century CE demonstrates the unfamiliarity between the two countries. In which case, the founding of Funan, the earliest known case of state formation in Southeast Asia, assumed to have taken place around the first century CE, and also its development into the center of the Southeast Asian trade network in the third century, must have been a result not of Indian influence but of developments taking place in Southeast Asia itself. The "Indianization" theory, in the sense that state formation in Southeast Asia took place after its contact with Indian civilization, thereby loses credibility.
著者
宮之原 匡子 Kyoko Miyanohara 桃山学院大学文学研究科博士後期課程
雑誌
国際文化論集 = INTERCULTURAL STUDIES (ISSN:09170219)
巻号頁・発行日
no.26, pp.81-99, 2002-07-20

By confining the whole action of the play to an island in the sea in The Tempest, Shakespeare presented it as the place of purification or regeneration, the locus of sea-change. In this island for twelve years Prospero continued to devote himself to the study of white magic, while at the same time fostering Miranda to be a pure and wonderful woman. The mutual love at the first sight between her and Ferdinand, the crown prince of Naples, encourages to cultivate virtues of endurance and devotion. The “marriage of true minds” not only leads to the new auspicious relationship between Milan and Naples, but also brings the hope of prosperity and happiness of both countries. Experiencing distress and suffering in the island, the hateful enemies to Prospero, except for his brother Antonio, repent of their past foul acts and regenerate themselves. Prospero himself also undergoes spiritual growth, and he forgives even his incorrigible brother who usurped the dukedom of Milan and put him and his three-year old daughter to certain death. Under Prospero's theurgical power, the island becomes the place of regeneration, enabling true love of the innocent young, repentance of the wicked through suffering, spiritual growth after discovering their true selves, reconcilation of the adversaries. Thus, a hope of the restoration of peace and order once destroyed is made possible.
著者
井本 英一 Eiichi IMOTO 桃山学院大学文学部
雑誌
国際文化論集 = INTERCULTURAL STUDIES (ISSN:09170219)
巻号頁・発行日
no.14, pp.77-100, 1996-09-30

The Aramaic version of the story of Ahikar; The story of Heykar (Ahikar) in the Arabian Nights; Ahikar in the Book of Tobit; Ahikar in the Aesop's Fables as a Babylonian vizier; Ahikar in the Old Turkish and the Mongolian versions; custom of killing old men; sheltering of the escaped old men in the cellars; the story of Cyrus the Great of the Persian Empire; abandonment of old men in Korea; an obedient son took back an abandoned old man home; a neighboring king made unreasonable demands upon the king who had ordered to abandon an old man; an old man's wisdom helped the king solve the demands; no mention about the neighboring king making unreasonable demands; Ahikar in the Buddhist versions; Ahikar in the Chinese versions; Ahikar in the Japanese versions; addenda and corrigenda to AT 922A and 981.
著者
小林 信彦 Nobuhiko Kobayashi
雑誌
国際文化論集 = INTERCULTURAL STUDIES (ISSN:09170219)
巻号頁・発行日
no.30, pp.3-50, 2004-07-01

In the story of Jataka 316, a hare jumps into fire to offer his own body as broiled meat. This is a story of extreme self-sacrifice. The hare does this extreme act in order to satisfy a condition for becoming a buddha. This story was transmitted to Japan and adapted as konjakumonogatari-shu(今昔物語集) 5.13. However, its keystone has changed. The Japanese hare is not interested in becoming a buddha. Instead, the hare aims to acquire makoto-no-kokoro (誠ノ心 sincere heart): one who is possessed of it is said to defer his own profit to the interest of others.
著者
青野 正明 Masaaki Aono 桃山学院大学国際教養学部
出版者
桃山学院大学総合研究所
雑誌
国際文化論集 = INTERCULTURAL STUDIES (ISSN:09170219)
巻号頁・発行日
no.39, pp.85-122, 2009-03-10

In 1936, the Japanese Government-General of Korea reorganized the colony's shrine system. This reorganization was carried out for two purposes: first, to promote some of the main shrines to the status of Kokuhei-shohsha (国幣小社), which ranked sixth among nationally-supported shrines; and second, to increase the overall number of shrines (神社・神祠) as a way of mobilizing Korean people to carry out the Government-General's policies. In this paper I examine principally the second of the two above-mentioned purposes, seeking to clarify the connection between the government's shrineexpansion policy and its statements about making use of Korean village rites. The enactment of the shrine-expansion policy itself will be considered in a subsequent paper.
著者
青野 正明 Masaaki Aono 桃山学院大学国際教養学部
出版者
桃山学院大学総合研究所
雑誌
国際文化論集 = INTERCULTURAL STUDIES (ISSN:09170219)
巻号頁・発行日
no.41, pp.133-185, 2009-12-22

In 1936, the Japanese Government-General of Korea reorganized the colony's shrine system. This reorganization was carried out for two purposes : first, to promote some of the main shrines to the status of Kokuhei-shosha (国幣小社), which ranked sixth among nationally-supported shrines ; and second, to increase the overall number of shrines (神社・神祠) as a way of mobilizing Korean people to carry out the Government-General's policies. In this paper I examine principally the second of those two purposes. By analyzing the Government-General's principle of having one shrine in each myeon (面), I seek to clarify the process through which that policy was formed.
著者
小林 信彦 Nobuhiko Kobayashi
雑誌
国際文化論集 = INTERCULTURAL STUDIES (ISSN:09170219)
巻号頁・発行日
no.38, pp.1-37, 2008-07-25

Called Toyoashihara-no-nakatsukuni (豊葦原の中津国) in the mythological age, Japan is described as a country where grass or trees and stones or rocks are fierce and vociferous. Japanese plants and minerals have feelings and express them just like human beings from time immemorial. Since then the Japanese have believed that a tama (soul) subsists in everything that exists on earth. This is the core of Japanese culture, which the Japanese keep still now.There is another system of belief which can never be compatible with this Japanese culture. That is the Buddhist system, which presupposes that minds "transmigrate." When a body dies, the mind leaves it and enters an embryonic germ, and a new life begins. It is only those endowed with a mind that can transmigrate and succeed in becoming a Buddha. Human beings and animals belong to one world and plants and menerals to another. There is a line of demarcation, impossible to get over between the two worlds.The Japanese refuse to accept this point. as it contradicts the principle of Japanese culture. All Japanese leaders of religion agree in removing the line between animals and plants. They deny the Buddhist system of Indian origin. And here appears an interesting character who was unique in maintaining the Japanese principle.Kenchi ( 顯智) was a leader of the followers of Shinran ( 親鸞) in Shimotsuke (下野) from the latter half of the 13th century to beginning of the 14th century. He said that plants are preachers as well as humans. He believed that plants are not different in their nature from human beings. In the view of Kenchi, this was a universal truth and there should be expressions in Buddhist scriptures to support it. He claimed to have found two relevant passages in the Dafodingshoulengyanjing (大佛頂首楞嚴經).In the first passage it is said that plants become humans and humans become plants. It follows that plants and humans are transformed into each other and that plants can become humans at will. In the second passage it is said that clods of earth raised by owls grow into owls and that plant seeds raised by birds grow into birds. It follows that minerals are transformed into animals and plant seeds are transformed into animals. So Kenchi asserted that plants and minerals are regardedas the same in their nature as humans in the Buddhist scripture.It is to be regretted that Kenchi's quotations are beside the point for two reasons. In the first place, the text of the Dafodingshoulengyanjing is not authentic as it was made up by a Chinese writer. The stories of owls raising clods and birds raising seeds have been handed down among the Chinese from the time of Simaqian (司馬遷145_86BC) Secondly, the passages quoted by Kenchi occur in the text as negatve examples. The first one demonstrates the view of the ignorant, and the second one introduces the view of followers of an anti-Buddhist cult.Japanese religious leaders who call themselves advocators of Buddhism are all faithful to their own tradition. In removing a the boundary between animals and plants, they are practical deniers of Buddhism. Among them Kenchi is worthy of our attention. He is so ignorant as to quote passages intended to give counter-examples in an unauthentic Chinese text. Unlike the others, he is unsophisticated and all the easier to understande. His case symbolizes straightforwardly the contradictive aspect observed in the Japanese tradition.
著者
金子 祐樹 Yuuki Kaneko
雑誌
国際文化論集 = INTERCULTURAL STUDIES (ISSN:09170219)
巻号頁・発行日
no.32, pp.151-195, 2005-06-15

In Korea, a traditional kneeling bow, called jeol (_), is performed duringceremonies of ancestor worship, jaisa (__). The purpose of this paper is toinvestigate the origin of jeol and the background to how it came to be performedin Korean Confucian ancestral rites.Should jeol be performed in jaisa? Strictly speaking, it should not. The correctritual for jaisa was laid down in the chapter titled "Ancestral Rites" in theFamily Rituals of Chu Hsi (朱熹), and stipulated that participants should bowwhile kneeling with a straight back. Although jeol is a prostration of Koreanorigin, in coming to be accepted as a form of Confucian bow it became a Koreanvariant of traditional Confucian rites. In this phenomenon we can find thenatural energy that transformed jeol from a Korean folkway to a Confucian ritualprostration.To clarify how this came about, I examined the vicissitudes of movementtechniques in Korean ritual ceremonies from ancient times to the period of theJoseon dynasty.From the era before unification by Silla, dance accompanied by singing wasthe centre of Korean religious ceremonies. It remained popular after Buddhismwas introduced to Korea, perhaps because, as a means of appeasing andcommunicating with the spirits, it was considered to be superior to previousforms. However, dance was rejected in the Joseon period because of theJoseon dynasty's policy of indoctrination with Neo-Confucian ideology, includingthe holding of ancestor worship ceremonies according to Chu Hsi's FamilyRituals. Nevertheless, jeol, being a kneeling bow intended to express respectfor elders or superiors, came to be performed in ancestral rites because it wasadmitted as implying respect for ancestors.Korean Confucianists had to solve this problem. First came the techniquefor the kneeling bow developed by Jeong Gyeong-sai, which eventually led toKim Jang-saeng's coining of the term jeonbae to denote jeol defined and carriedout as a Confucian bow. In this way jeol was finally admitted as being a Confucianbow, and has continued to be performed in Korea up to the present.
著者
野尻 亘 Wataru Nojiri
雑誌
国際文化論集 = INTERCULTURAL STUDIES (ISSN:09170219)
巻号頁・発行日
no.39, pp.19-55, 2009-03-10

As a result of observing data from approximately 70 papers written by Japanese geographers from 2002 to 2007 concerning transportation and physical distribution, various themes in geography studies and research trends became apparent: 1. transport between metropolitan areas; 2. inter-regional transport; 3. social transportation geography research; 4. historical geography research relating to modern transportation; 5. geographical research on warehouses; 6. informatization of distribution systems; 7. physical distribution systems by management type; 8. freight flows and international physical distribution; 9. the system of "Just-in-Time"; 10. physical distribution and geographic information systems; 11. geographical studies related to logistics. However, global trends in transportation and physical distribution have brought moves toward deregulation and privatization. Soon, it may be necessary for Japanese transport geography research to critically inspect policies instead of affirming the current situation concerning the spatial effect of deregulation or privatization on the transportation network or on regional society. Concerning the serious accessibility or mobility gap between metropolitan areas and surrounding less densely populated areas, research should be done from the standpoints of social fairness and equality, the merits and demerits of transportation changes promoted by scrap and build or creative destruction, and the abuse of motorization. Physical distribution research has also seen great change. Influenced by the information age and the marketing revolution, research on the logistics systems of businesses centered on chain-stores has become more popular. As for transportation system research, the trend is away from the specialized large volume transportation of the period of high economic growth to Just-in-Time delivery, as well as the transformation of the industrial structure due to the oilshock. The latest trend is represented by a series of research studies by Aoyama, an advocate of a new economic geography based on logistics, a broader concept than the unified system of production, distribution and consumption. Another new theme of economic geography research in the logistics industry is an interest in information systems, electronic commerce and cyber space of physical distribution or marketing trade and consumption. Our conclusion is that there is a growing methodological gap between transport geography (passenger transport research) and physical distribution research (freight transport research and logistic systems research).
著者
シュミット クラウディア・カロリネ
出版者
桃山学院大学
雑誌
国際文化論集 = Intercultural studies (ISSN:09170219)
巻号頁・発行日
no.47, pp.259-295, 2013-03-28

Samurai is an important genre in Japanese entertainment media, such as books, television, and even manga. It has been a genre especially for male target groups for a long time, but during the last decade, there has been a tendency for samurai manga to focus on female target groups. In my research, I focus on the difference between the image of samurai in manga for male and female target groups, and afterwards I describe the possible social reasons for those differences. For the analysis I chose Okita Soji from Watanabe Taeko's Manga "Kaze hikaru" as an example for a samurai described for a female target group, and for a male target group, I chose Miyamoto Musashi from Inoue Takehiko's "Vagabond" as a representative samurai. I mainly follow Yomota Inuhiko's method as presented in his work "Manga genron", adding a focus on the keywords social life, love and life as swordfighter, especially analysing problems and solutions concerning these themes. Through the analysis I found some interesting answers. While the image of Okita in "Kaze hikaru" obviously is adapted to classical genres for female readers (the keywords love and social life are the main points and the story itself is similar to high-school campus stories), Miyamoto's description focuses on his work of building a strong self, especially by countless action scenes. The two represent a different ideal of masculinity, on the one side showing an Okita who is influenced by the typical effeminate male aesthetics of Japanese male pop idols-an image mainly created by aiming towards female fans. And on the other side there is a Miyamoto representing aclassical warrior image, which can be interpreted as a counter flow to the new male aesthetics. Yet, Miyamoto's warrior journeys and his life far from civilization can also be seen as criticism of young men's reaction to the growing demands of their working lives, but also in their daily lives as some kind of escapism from their daily lives. In contrast to Miyamoto, Okita shows an exaggerated image of loyalty, especially to his troops' leaders and his protegee, a girl dressed up as boy who joines his samurai troop. Especially his relationship to his protegee shows the uncertainty of young women concerning gender constructs and shows the desire of women to take part in social life or even to create history. In summary, it is obvious that the image of the samurai is fit to the gender of the target groups and it seems as if it gives the reader an entertaining possibility to compensate for the limits of everyday live.