著者
渡辺 和子
出版者
リトン
雑誌
死生学年報
巻号頁・発行日
vol.12, pp.167-180, 2016-03-31
著者
渡辺 和子
出版者
リトン
雑誌
死生学年報
巻号頁・発行日
vol.16, pp.5-28, 2020-03-31

The ‘Standard Version’ of The Epic of Gilgamesh, which is conjectured to have been established in the 11 century BC in Ancient Mesopotamia, originally consisted of eleven tablets, not twelve. It was well known in Mesopotamia that when a story was written on a set of tablets, the end of each tablet would have had a ‘catch-line’ identical to the first line of the next tablet. We can find these ‘catch-lines’ on each tablet of this epic showing us which tablet should follow.It is easy to interpret the epic as the unsuccessful journey of Gilgamesh, as M. Eliade did in his book: Histoire des croyances et des idées religieuses 1, 1976, 92. However, the ‘Standard Version’ of the epic was, in the present author’s view, a unique literary piece in which the editor seems to have concealed a number of devices, tricks, and riddles. The first step in solving the riddles seems to be to recognize the six lines at the end of the 11th tablet as ‘catch-lines’, which become a clue to decoding the message indicating that one should back to the same wording on the 1st tablet, in the preface written by the editor. This means that one must read the story repeatedly, always going back to the beginning, in order to identify and solve the riddles step by step in a continual reading of the whole work.The epic was probably a special piece that functioned primarily as a text book for the long-term training of the āšipu, the Mesopotamian shaman, and his professional circle of colleagues and candidates for āšipu, such as scribes, diviners, and physicians. Secondly, the epic which has been beloved by many as a popular work until our time, would have been helpful in the individuation process of human beings, as Rivkah Schärf Kluger has argued: “In the hero myth in particular, there is one character, the hero, who is the actor in a continuous sequence of events. The hero can, therefore, be consid28 ered as the anticipation of a development of ego-consciousness, and what he goes through in the myth as an indication of the process of moving toward the wholeness which is implicit and innate in the psyche; in the individual, the individuation process” (R. S. Kluger, The Archetypal Significance of Gilgamesh: A Modern Ancient Hero, 1991, 17).
著者
渡辺 和子
出版者
日本宗教学会
雑誌
宗教研究 (ISSN:03873293)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.86, no.2, pp.447-472, 2012-09-30 (Released:2017-07-14)

「ノアの洪水」の記事はメソポタミアの洪水神話と同系であることが広く知られているが、多神教的背景をもつものとは内容も文脈もおのずと異なる。また「多神教的」、「一神教的」背景の具体的内容も検討を要する。『ギルガメシュ叙事詩』(標準版)第一一書板にある洪水神話は、ウータ・ナピシュティの口からギルガメシュに語られる。神々の会議で最高神エンリルが洪水を決定し、他の神々にはそれを人間に漏らさないことを誓わせる。しかし知恵の神エアはウータ。ナピシュティに暗に伝えて船を造らせて生命の種を救う。洪水後に最高神はその暴挙をエアに責められて悔い改め、ウータ・ナピシュティに永遠の命を与える。洪水の顛末を語り終えたウータ・ナピシュティは、「今」では永遠の命を与えるために神々の会議を招集するものはいないと宣言する。他方聖書では、神は人間を創造したことを後悔して洪水を起こすが、ノアに船を作らせて生命の種を救う。洪水後も責められることはなく、ノアと契約を結んで再び洪水を起こさないと誓い、ノアには長寿を与える。
著者
渡辺 和子
出版者
東洋英和女学院大学
雑誌
人文・社会科学論集 (ISSN:09157794)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.38, pp.19-37, 2021-03

This article aims to contribute some material to the discussion on the Shamanism of Ancient Mesopotamia. A specialist, known as the āšipu, who belonged to some of the main temples, was responsible for treating most diseases in conjunction with other specialists who were organized under him. I believe that this āšipu should be regarded as a shaman in Mesopotamian society.This discussion will include a sample text (No.115) from a book by JoAnn Scurlock (2006) which outlines how the āšipu, in the first stage of his treatment, makes his diagnosis of a client based on their symptoms. When the āšipu ascertains that the disease has been inflicted on the living by a roving ghost (eṭemmu) that is assumed to dwell in the underworld, he organizes a treatment consisting of a series of ritual procedures which includes a set of recitations.In the second stage, he makes a clay figure of the ghost, sets up an offering table to the ‘three great gods’ (Ea, the god of wisdom and freshwater; Shamash or Šamaš, the sun god and Asarluhi or Marduk the son of Ea), and has the client recite a prayer that he (the āšipu) has prepared three times to the gods. In the third stage, the āšipu buries the figure of the ghost and pours water on it, presumably enabling the ghost to return to the underworld as the figure melts. In the final stage, he purifies the client with a censer and the flame of a torch and then sends the client home by a different path than the one he came by with instructions not to look back.In a case like this, where the disease was caused by a ghost, the healing ritual places great importance on the fact that the ghost is never attacked or made to perish, but is given proper care so that it can remain in the underworld and not venture out among the living again.Japanese people are quite familiar with this kind of understanding. Therefore, an insight into Japanese folk religion and its practices from the viewpoint of comparative studies of religion would shed much light on our understanding of Mesopotamian religion which, like Japanese folk religion, arose naturally over time (during ca. 3000-300 BC).
著者
渡辺 和子
出版者
リトン
雑誌
死生学年報
巻号頁・発行日
vol.4, pp.155-185, 2008-03-31

People in Ancient Mesopotamia (ca. 3000-500 BC) believed that they would continue to exist as spirits (et.emmu) after death in the netherworld and they must be fed with kispu, which their living family had to periodically offer to them (see the author’s “Offering for the Dead in Mesopotamia,” Annual of the Institute of Thanatology 2007).If the spirits were not adequately buried or taken care of, they could cause various troubles for the living. These could be evil omens, frightening apparitions, or physical or mental diseases. The professionals who handled these problems were called ??ipu which is still defined by standard Akkadian dictionaries as ‘magician.’ Recent studies have shown that the ??ipu belonged to a temple and had not one but several functions including priest, magician and physician. And the asu, which is conventionally translated as ‘physician,’was proved to have been the pharmacist, bone setter and performer of minor surgery and to have assisted the ??ipu. JoAnn Scurlock (esp. 2002, 2005 and 2006) contributed greatly in presenting a much clearer image of the ??ipu caring for spirits and healing diseases caused by them in Mesopotamia. It is not easy to understand ancient phenomena as belonging to several modern categories such as religion, magic and science, at the same time. These categories, however, are undergoing reconsideration today.Departed spirits are the responsibility of the living family. But many texts assumed the existence of all kinds of spirits, of both known and unknown people, which might cause trouble for unspecified reasons. It can be compared with the long Japanese tradition caring for not only メソポタミアの「慰霊」と「治療」 the spirits of one’s own family, shouryou( 精霊), but also the spirits of strangers, muen-botoke( 無縁仏), mainly on the occasion of urabon( 盂蘭盆). Anthropology and Ethnology have been the analyzing ambiguous attitude of living people toward their ancestors and the dead who might be merciful or frightening for them.V. Jankelevitch (1966), a French philosopher, distinguished ‘the death in the third person, in the second person and in the first person.’ However, he added that death in each person is reflexively death in the first person. Ph. Aries (1977) adopted certain key terms such as ‘the death of the self (la mort de soi)’ and ‘thy death (la mort de toi)’ from Jankelevitch for his reconstruction of a history of Western Europe from the Middle Ages to fit the respective attitudes toward death. Aries added that death has come to be thought of as taboo in the latter half of 20th century in Europe.K. Yanagida (1995) applied the theory of ‘person’ in death to describe matters related to death in contemporary Japan. He explained that ‘my death,’ ‘your death’ and ‘his/her/people’s death’ are all totally different. He later (2002) suggested, however, the idea of ‘death in person two-pointfive(’ 二・五人称), so that we could have an empathy with ‘death in the third person.’ It is not rare now in Japan to hear : ‘His/Her death is for me the death in ‘person two-point-three(’ 二・三人称), that is: ‘nearer to the second person than to the third person.’ In Japanese, grammatical person is usually expressed in cardinal numbers, (such as ‘person one’ (一人称), not in ordinal numbers such as ‘the first person’ (第一人称). This makes it possible to add further divisions between two and three.It is not wrong to adopt foreign thoughts and terminologies and to improve on or change them to make them fit for our situation in Japan. We should, however, consider the ambiguity of both death and the dead. We should also be aware of distortions that occur when we use modern and contemporary terms for ancient phenomena.
著者
渡辺 和子
出版者
東洋英和女学院大学
雑誌
人文・社会科学論集 (ISSN:09157794)
巻号頁・発行日
no.38, pp.19-37, 2021-03

This article aims to contribute some material to the discussion on the Shamanism of Ancient Mesopotamia. A specialist, known as the āšipu, who belonged to some of the main temples, was responsible for treating most diseases in conjunction with other specialists who were organized under him. I believe that this āšipu should be regarded as a shaman in Mesopotamian society.This discussion will include a sample text (No.115) from a book by JoAnn Scurlock (2006) which outlines how the āšipu, in the first stage of his treatment, makes his diagnosis of a client based on their symptoms. When the āšipu ascertains that the disease has been inflicted on the living by a roving ghost (eṭemmu) that is assumed to dwell in the underworld, he organizes a treatment consisting of a series of ritual procedures which includes a set of recitations.In the second stage, he makes a clay figure of the ghost, sets up an offering table to the 'three great gods' (Ea, the god of wisdom and freshwater; Shamash or Šamaš, the sun god and Asarluhi or Marduk the son of Ea), and has the client recite a prayer that he (the āšipu) has prepared three times to the gods. In the third stage, the āšipu buries the figure of the ghost and pours water on it, presumably enabling the ghost to return to the underworld as the figure melts. In the final stage, he purifies the client with a censer and the flame of a torch and then sends the client home by a different path than the one he came by with instructions not to look back.In a case like this, where the disease was caused by a ghost, the healing ritual places great importance on the fact that the ghost is never attacked or made to perish, but is given proper care so that it can remain in the underworld and not venture out among the living again.Japanese people are quite familiar with this kind of understanding. Therefore, an insight into Japanese folk religion and its practices from the viewpoint of comparative studies of religion would shed much light on our understanding of Mesopotamian religion which, like Japanese folk religion, arose naturally over time (during ca. 3000-300 BC).
著者
渡辺 和子
出版者
リトン
雑誌
死生学年報
巻号頁・発行日
vol.3, pp.47-70, 2007-03-31

In Ancient Mesopotamia, people believed that human beings continue to live as ghosts in the netherworld after death. The life of the ghosts, however, depended on food and drink which their living family periodically offered them at their tombs. The periodical offering for the dead was called kispu in Akkadian. The word is attested in the documents, the royal inscriptions and the literary texts from the second and the first millennium B.C. The word kispu refers also to the offering which is entombed with the body. One part of this offering is the ration for the dead during the journey to the netherworld; the other is a gift to the gods of the netherworld.The people of Ancient Mesopotamia were conscious of the continuity between the worlds of the living and the dead. For example, a phrase in a document from the second millennium B.C. reads: “You give me bread as long as I live, and you shall offer kispu when I have died.” It was the greatest misery for them if their ghosts did not get food and drink in the netherworld.The basic Akkadian dictionaries translate kispu into “Totenopfer” or “funerary offering.” Tsukimoto (1985) translates it, however, into the rare German word “Totenpflege” (“caring for the dead”) and shisha-kuy?(死者供養)in Japanese. The connotation of kispu is closer to that of shisha-kuy? than to that of the conventional translations in either German or English.
著者
渡辺 和子
出版者
リトン
雑誌
死生学年報 = Annual of the Institute of Thanatology, Toyo Eiwa University
巻号頁・発行日
vol.2, pp.23-44, 2006-03-31

The Epic of Gilgamesh, the oldest mythological composition, was written about four thousands years ago. Of its various themes, this paper focuses on the acceptance of death and grief in the cases of Enkidu and Gilgamesh.Gilgamesh, king of Uruk, and his friend Enkidu make an adventure to a cedar forest and slay Humbaba, the guardian of the forest. They also kill the “Bull of Heaven” which Anu, the god of heaven, had sent against them. For these acts of hubris, the gods sentence Enkidu to death. After he is placated by the sun god Shamash and consoled by Gilgamesh, he can accept his painful destiny. Gilgamesh, mourning bitterly for Enkidu and in fear of death, sets out on a long journey to Ut-napishtim who had obtained eternal life. He refuses all advice to break his mourning. Ut-napishtim tells him not to sleep for seven days. However, he falls asleep immediately afterwards. When he wakes up, he realizes that it is impossible to obtain eternal life. At last he finishes his mourning and bathes, dresses in clean garments, and returns to Uruk.Gilgamesh does not fail an initiation, as is often argued. I believe the epic presents examples of accepting death and completing grief.
著者
渡辺 和子
出版者
リトン
雑誌
死生学年報 = Annual of the Institute of Thanatology, Toyo Eiwa University
巻号頁・発行日
vol.6, pp.65-104, 2010-03-31

The Epic of Gilgamesh (the Standard Babylonian version) was probably composed by Sin-l?qi-unninni as its editor in the Akkadian language to thebest of our knowledge in about the 12th century BC, using as its base the older version of the epic (the Old Babylonian version) established in the early second Millennium BC. The Standard Babylonian version is known to us through the copies made in the 7th century BC in Nineveh. These copies were excavated in the 19th century AD and brought to the British Museum.In the epic, Gilgamesh grieved over the death of Enkidu, his friend, and was afraid of his own death. Longing for the ‘secret of death and life,’ he made a trip to visit ?ta-napi?ti who had been a human but was bestowed with eternal life by the gods after the Deluge. But ?ta-napi?ti told Gilgamesh that there was “now” no one to summon an assembly of the gods, the only place where Gilgamesh could also obtain eternal life. Then, he told Gilgamesh not to sleep for six days and seven nights. However, Gilgamesh fell asleep immediately. When he finally was woken up by ?ta-napi?ti and realized that he really had slept for seven nights, he received the insight that death was inevitable. On the way home, he found the special ‘heartbeat herb’ (?ammu nikitti) in accordance with ?ta-napi?ti’s instructions. But a snake ate the plant, presumably became rejuvenated by it, and cast off his skin while Gilgamesh was bathing. Gilgamesh was enormously discouraged and returned to Uruk, his home city.The ending of the story may seem to impresses upon the audience or the reader that the main intent of the story is to tell about Gilgamesh’s failure in his quest. But this impression is incompatible with the introduction of the story, in which the editor as a narrator introduces Gilgamesh as a man who indeed obtains wisdom after his painful journey to the other world.
著者
渡辺 和子
出版者
日本宗教学会
雑誌
宗教研究 (ISSN:03873293)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.86, no.2, pp.447-472, 2012-09-30

「ノアの洪水」の記事はメソポタミアの洪水神話と同系であることが広く知られているが、多神教的背景をもつものとは内容も文脈もおのずと異なる。また「多神教的」、「一神教的」背景の具体的内容も検討を要する。『ギルガメシュ叙事詩』(標準版)第一一書板にある洪水神話は、ウータ・ナピシュティの口からギルガメシュに語られる。神々の会議で最高神エンリルが洪水を決定し、他の神々にはそれを人間に漏らさないことを誓わせる。しかし知恵の神エアはウータ。ナピシュティに暗に伝えて船を造らせて生命の種を救う。洪水後に最高神はその暴挙をエアに責められて悔い改め、ウータ・ナピシュティに永遠の命を与える。洪水の顛末を語り終えたウータ・ナピシュティは、「今」では永遠の命を与えるために神々の会議を招集するものはいないと宣言する。他方聖書では、神は人間を創造したことを後悔して洪水を起こすが、ノアに船を作らせて生命の種を救う。洪水後も責められることはなく、ノアと契約を結んで再び洪水を起こさないと誓い、ノアには長寿を与える。
著者
渡辺 和子
出版者
リトン
雑誌
死生学年報 = Annual of the Institute of Thanatology, Toyo Eiwa University
巻号頁・発行日
vol.1, pp.105-128, 2005-03-31

The standard version of the Epic of Gilgamesh composed in Akkadian in the second millennium BC narrates the adventures of Gilgamesh, the tyrannical ruler of Uruk, and his heroic quest for immortality. After Gilgamesh grieved over the death of his beloved friend Enkidu, he became frightened by the inevitability of death and he set out on a long journey to visit Ut-napishtim, the wise, who had survived the flood in ancient times and had been endowed with immortality by the gods. Ut-napishtim, tells Gilgamesh, how he survived the flood with the help of Ea, the god of wisdom. Then he says to Gilgamesh, “But now, who will bring the gods to assembly for you, so you can find the life you search for? Come, for six days and seven nights do not sleep!” (XI 207-209) Gilgamesh fails this challenge and realizes it is impossible for him to obtain eternal life. On the return journey, Gilgamesh manages to find the herb of rejuvenation, which Ut-napishtim had told him about. But a snake chances upon the herb, eats and casts off its skin, depriving of Gilgamesh the rejuvenation he had hoped for.The present author does not agree with M. Eliade who argued that the Epic of Gilgamesh narrates the failed initiation of Gilgamesh due to his lack of wisdom. The editor of the Epic, possibly Sin-l?qi-unninni, must have intended to bring the immortal Ut-napishtim and the mortal Gilgamesh together by incorporating the flood myth into the Epic. The purpose of the editor seems to have been to declare that the times in which immortality could have been given to a human being were 128 long past.At the beginning of the Epic, the editor introduced Gilgamesh as the extremely wise man who “came a distant road and was weary but was granted rest.”Although Gilgamesh had returned to Uruk in vain, it is suggested that he became wise and overcame the fear of death. The Epic narrates, in my view, a story of a successful initiation which has been appealing to the people until today.
著者
渡辺 和子
出版者
秋山書店
雑誌
現代宗教
巻号頁・発行日
pp.29-48, 2012-07
著者
渡辺 和子
出版者
リトン
雑誌
死生学年報
巻号頁・発行日
vol.2008, pp.155-185[含 英語文要旨], 2008

People in Ancient Mesopotamia (ca. 3000-500 BC) believed that they would continue to exist as spirits (et.emmu) after death in the netherworld and they must be fed with kispu, which their living family had to periodically offer to them (see the author's "Offering for the Dead in Mesopotamia," Annual of the Institute of Thanatology 2007).If the spirits were not adequately buried or taken care of, they could cause various troubles for the living. These could be evil omens, frightening apparitions, or physical or mental diseases. The professionals who handled these problems were called ??ipu which is still defined by standard Akkadian dictionaries as 'magician.' Recent studies have shown that the ??ipu belonged to a temple and had not one but several functions including priest, magician and physician. And the asu, which is conventionally translated as 'physician,'was proved to have been the pharmacist, bone setter and performer of minor surgery and to have assisted the ??ipu. JoAnn Scurlock (esp. 2002, 2005 and 2006) contributed greatly in presenting a much clearer image of the ??ipu caring for spirits and healing diseases caused by them in Mesopotamia. It is not easy to understand ancient phenomena as belonging to several modern categories such as religion, magic and science, at the same time. These categories, however, are undergoing reconsideration today.Departed spirits are the responsibility of the living family. But many texts assumed the existence of all kinds of spirits, of both known and unknown people, which might cause trouble for unspecified reasons. It can be compared with the long Japanese tradition caring for not only メソポタミアの「慰霊」と「治療」 the spirits of one's own family, shouryou( 精霊), but also the spirits of strangers, muen-botoke( 無縁仏), mainly on the occasion of urabon( 盂蘭盆). Anthropology and Ethnology have been the analyzing ambiguous attitude of living people toward their ancestors and the dead who might be merciful or frightening for them.V. Jankelevitch (1966), a French philosopher, distinguished 'the death in the third person, in the second person and in the first person.' However, he added that death in each person is reflexively death in the first person. Ph. Aries (1977) adopted certain key terms such as 'the death of the self (la mort de soi)' and 'thy death (la mort de toi)' from Jankelevitch for his reconstruction of a history of Western Europe from the Middle Ages to fit the respective attitudes toward death. Aries added that death has come to be thought of as taboo in the latter half of 20th century in Europe.K. Yanagida (1995) applied the theory of 'person' in death to describe matters related to death in contemporary Japan. He explained that 'my death,' 'your death' and 'his/her/people's death' are all totally different. He later (2002) suggested, however, the idea of 'death in person two-pointfive(' 二・五人称), so that we could have an empathy with 'death in the third person.' It is not rare now in Japan to hear : 'His/Her death is for me the death in 'person two-point-three(' 二・三人称), that is: 'nearer to the second person than to the third person.' In Japanese, grammatical person is usually expressed in cardinal numbers, (such as 'person one' (一人称), not in ordinal numbers such as 'the first person' (第一人称). This makes it possible to add further divisions between two and three.It is not wrong to adopt foreign thoughts and terminologies and to improve on or change them to make them fit for our situation in Japan. We should, however, consider the ambiguity of both death and the dead. We should also be aware of distortions that occur when we use modern and contemporary terms for ancient phenomena.
著者
関 復華 小林 直樹 渡辺 和子 伊藤 清隆 荒木 洋之助 石戸 良治
出版者
公益社団法人 日本化学会
雑誌
日本化学会誌(化学と工業化学) (ISSN:03694577)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.1985, no.10, pp.2040-2047, 1985-10-10 (Released:2011-05-30)
参考文献数
67
被引用文献数
3

2,3,5-トリ-O-ベンジル-D-リボフラノース[1]を石川試薬(ヘキサフルオロブロペンージエチルアミン)で処理することによって2,3,5-トリ-O-ベンジル-α-および-β-D-リボフラノシル=フルオリド[2α]および[2β]がそれぞれ21.4%および63.8%で得られた。[2α]あるいは[2β]とイソプロペニル=トリメチルシリル=エーテル[3]乏を微量の三フッ化ホウ素ジエチルエーテラートを触媒として反応させると両者とも高収率高選択的に(2,3,5-トリ-O-ベンジル-α-D-リボフラノシル)アセトン[4α]を与えた。[4α]は三フッ化ホウ素ジエチルエーテラートと長時間処理すると[4β]に異性化し[4α]:[4β]=1:2.5の混合物を与えた。さらに[2β]と[1]あるいは2,3,5-トリ-O-ベンジル-1-O-トリメチルシリル-β-D-リボフラノース[6]とを三フッ化ホウ素ジエチルエーテラートを触媒として反応させることにより高収率で2,2ノ,3,3ノ,5,5'-ヘキサ-O-ベンジル-(β-D-リボフラノシル=β-D-リボフラノシド)[5β]を与えた。その他,関連した選択的リボフラノシル化反応について述べた。
著者
渡辺 和子
出版者
リトン
雑誌
死生学年報 = Annual of the Institute of Thanatology, Toyo Eiwa University
巻号頁・発行日
vol.9, pp.231-246, 2013-03-31

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