著者
萩原 守
出版者
法制史学会
雑誌
法制史研究 (ISSN:04412508)
巻号頁・発行日
no.68, pp.27-83, 2019-03-30
著者
萩原 守
出版者
公益財団法人 史学会
雑誌
史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.97, no.12, pp.1939-1976,2073-, 1988-12-20 (Released:2017-11-29)

A great deal of research has been done on the legal system in Mongolia during the Ch'ing period. But most of it is concerned with interpreting the Mongol Code (meng gu li 蒙古例) enacted by the Ch'ing government and tries to understand the judicial system in Mongolia in that way. There is no research which utilizes any actual judicial precedents. So there has been no way to see, except by speculation, (1)which code was actually effective, (2)how judgment was actually achieved, or (3)how leagues (cirulran) and banners (qosiru) actually functioned as judicial organs. In this paper the author collects and analyzes materials on judicial precedents in order to determine the actual process of the judicial system. He uses a collection of official documents (dang an 〓案) written in Mongolian. It was transcribed into the Cyrillic alphabet, titled as The oppression of Mongolian females in the period of the Manju invaders, and published at Ulan-bator in 1958. He also uses some other official documents photoengraved and introduced by K.Sagaster. The second chapter of The oppression of Mongolian females contains three documents exchanged between banners and leagues concerning an attempted murder which occurred in the left-wing-right-end (zuo yi you mo 左翼右末) banner of the Han-uul league in the Halha region. Looking at them, we can see the actual process of judgment. The outline of this incident is as follows. Two brothers stole three horses from a tayiji, but the bannerhead (jasar) ignored the Mongol Code and judged them by himself without reporting to his superiors. A daughter of the younger brother was given illegally to the tayiji in return for the stolen three horses and became a slave of the banner-head afterwards. Six years later she attempted to murder the banner-head and his wife, after she was incited by a man who had a grudge against the banner-head. The banner court of law sat again. Because she disclosed the illegal action of the banner-head in the second court of the league, the incident involved the banner-head himself and was reported to the emperor Qianlong (乾隆) by way of the minister dealing with the affairs in Huree (ku lun ban shi da chen 庫倫辧事大臣) and the board of foreign affairs (li fan yuan 理藩院). Finally the banner-head was deposed because of his illegal procedure and failure to report to his superiors, while the daughter was exiled to Canton, and the principal offender of the theft, her uncle, was sent to Hunan or Fukien. From these incidents, we can point out many legal facts which have not yet been appreciated. The first significant fact is the positive proof that the Mongol Code was applied in Mongolia during the Ch'ing period. And the second is the major principle that the Penal Code (xing lu・xing li 刑律・刑例) of the Ch'ing Code (da qing lu li 大清律例) was to be applied if there were no appropriate regulations in the Mongol Code. We can also bring out some other valuable facts : (1)the requirement that serious criminal cases had to be reported from banners to leagues and then to the board of foreign affairs, (2)the actual conditions at each level in which courts sat and the decisions were made and (3)the process of transporting criminals and witnesses from banners to leagues and then to Huree.
著者
加藤 久和 杉浦 一孝 森際 康友 中村 真咲 楜沢 能生 松本 恒雄 小長谷 有紀 萩原 守 小長谷 有紀 萩原 守 楜澤 能生 松本 恒夫 蓑輪 靖博 大江 泰一郎 恒川 隆生 奥田 進一 中村 真咲 上村 明 鈴木 由紀夫 B.アマルサナー S.ナランゲレル J.アマルサナー SH.バットスフ
出版者
名古屋大学
雑誌
基盤研究(A)
巻号頁・発行日
2005

本研究では、モンゴル国における土地法制をめぐる諸問題を法社会学的な観点から研究することにより、モンゴル国の土地をめぐる紛争と環境破壊の防止に貢献することを目指した。日本国内で研究会・シンポジウムを開催するとともに、都市・牧地・定着過程にある牧地・農地・鉱山の5つの研究班による現地調査を実施し、その調査結果をモンゴル国で開催した研究成果報告会で報告した。この調査結果は高く評価され、モンゴル鉱物資源法改正のための参考資料としてモンゴル国会にも提出された。
著者
萩原 守
出版者
神戸商船大学
雑誌
基盤研究(C)
巻号頁・発行日
1997

清代モンゴルの法制史は、ヨーロッパやモンゴル国でのモンゴル文文書主体の文献学的文書研究と日本や中国での漢文法典主体の法制史研究とがすれ違いに終わっており、筆者は双方をつなぐ研究をしたい。例えば文書書式の唯一の研究者ノロブサンボー氏も、清代モンゴルの文書書式を13世紀以来のモンゴル固有の伝統的書式とし、諸外国、特に中国からの影響を無視している。しかし実際には、清代のモンゴル文公文書書式は、13世紀の文書とも16〜17世紀初めの文書とも全く共通せず、モンゴルの伝統を受け継いだだけの物とは認めがたい。清代モンゴルの公文書書式としては、冒頭で発送者、次いで宛先が明示され、その後文書の最終用件が提示された後、ようやく本題部分が始まる。文中では多くの文書が何重にも直接引用された後結論が述べられる。文書の末尾にも定型文言があり、最後に発送年月日が記される。文中では拾頭・平田・閾字等が見られ、口供を記録した別紙が最後に添付されることもある。犯人や証人の口供や甘結の後には、しばしば指紋の押捺等の画押が取られる。さらに法律条文は直接引用され、文書の端々に定型化した特定の細かい言い回しが多数見られる。以上のいずれの書式も、むしろ清代の中国本土での漢文文言とことごとく共通している。従って清代モンゴルの裁判文書を初めとする公文書書式は、モンゴル伝来の書式というより、満州文文書を介して中国本土から導入されたと考えるべきである。そのことは、「必要的覆審制度」や「州県自理の案」の存在、「検尿をsirqaci(?作)が『洗冤録』を用いて行う点」等々、裁判制度面におけるモンゴルと中国本土との共通性からも確認でき、文書書式と制度とが一括して導入された可能性が高い。その導入時期の問題はいまだ不明なので、次の課題となろう。
著者
萩原 守
出版者
東方學會
雑誌
東方學 (ISSN:04957199)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.139, pp.22-38, 2020-01
著者
萩原 守
出版者
公益財団法人 史学会
雑誌
史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.97, no.12, pp.1939-1976,2073-, 1988

A great deal of research has been done on the legal system in Mongolia during the Ch'ing period. But most of it is concerned with interpreting the Mongol Code (meng gu li 蒙古例) enacted by the Ch'ing government and tries to understand the judicial system in Mongolia in that way. There is no research which utilizes any actual judicial precedents. So there has been no way to see, except by speculation, (1)which code was actually effective, (2)how judgment was actually achieved, or (3)how leagues (cirulran) and banners (qosiru) actually functioned as judicial organs. In this paper the author collects and analyzes materials on judicial precedents in order to determine the actual process of the judicial system. He uses a collection of official documents (dang an 〓案) written in Mongolian. It was transcribed into the Cyrillic alphabet, titled as The oppression of Mongolian females in the period of the Manju invaders, and published at Ulan-bator in 1958. He also uses some other official documents photoengraved and introduced by K.Sagaster. The second chapter of The oppression of Mongolian females contains three documents exchanged between banners and leagues concerning an attempted murder which occurred in the left-wing-right-end (zuo yi you mo 左翼右末) banner of the Han-uul league in the Halha region. Looking at them, we can see the actual process of judgment. The outline of this incident is as follows. Two brothers stole three horses from a tayiji, but the bannerhead (jasar) ignored the Mongol Code and judged them by himself without reporting to his superiors. A daughter of the younger brother was given illegally to the tayiji in return for the stolen three horses and became a slave of the banner-head afterwards. Six years later she attempted to murder the banner-head and his wife, after she was incited by a man who had a grudge against the banner-head. The banner court of law sat again. Because she disclosed the illegal action of the banner-head in the second court of the league, the incident involved the banner-head himself and was reported to the emperor Qianlong (乾隆) by way of the minister dealing with the affairs in Huree (ku lun ban shi da chen 庫倫辧事大臣) and the board of foreign affairs (li fan yuan 理藩院). Finally the banner-head was deposed because of his illegal procedure and failure to report to his superiors, while the daughter was exiled to Canton, and the principal offender of the theft, her uncle, was sent to Hunan or Fukien. From these incidents, we can point out many legal facts which have not yet been appreciated. The first significant fact is the positive proof that the Mongol Code was applied in Mongolia during the Ch'ing period. And the second is the major principle that the Penal Code (xing lu・xing li 刑律・刑例) of the Ch'ing Code (da qing lu li 大清律例) was to be applied if there were no appropriate regulations in the Mongol Code. We can also bring out some other valuable facts : (1)the requirement that serious criminal cases had to be reported from banners to leagues and then to the board of foreign affairs, (2)the actual conditions at each level in which courts sat and the decisions were made and (3)the process of transporting criminals and witnesses from banners to leagues and then to Huree.
著者
萩原 守
出版者
神戸大学
雑誌
基盤研究(C)
巻号頁・発行日
2006

本研究は、崇徳3(1638)年のモンゴル文法規、康煕6(1667)年のモンゴル文法典、康煕35(1696)年のモンゴル文法典を比較研究し、清朝前半期における蒙古例の起源を問うという目的を持っていた。このうちまず、崇徳3年軍律と同年の漢文版軍律との対応関係を解明した。次にこの軍律は、康煕6年法典には含まれず、康煕35年に初めて蒙古例法典へ入ったことがわかった。さらに康煕35年版や後の乾隆年間の法典中の条文の改変状態より、八旗の法から蒙古例への編入という蒙古例形成課程の一類型を抽出できた。