著者

菊池 忠純

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.31, no.1, pp.183-198, 1988-09-30 (Released:2010-03-12)

被引用文献数

1 1

著者

遠藤 春香

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.53, no.2, pp.133-141, 2011-03-31 (Released:2014-04-02)

著者

前田 君江 前田 弘毅

出版者

The Society for Near Eastern Studies in Japan

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.50, no.2, pp.303-306, 2007

著者

神 直道

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.15, no.2, pp.1-26,141, 1972 (Released:2010-03-12)

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In reading poems as “poetry” in the Old Testament, we notice that the problem of rhythm and rhyme is one of the difficulties. The theories of them among European scholors are indeed reasonable to the reffering texts, but are very troublesome to apply them to other parts. It seems to me that there are some reasons method on the basis of European prosody or indefinite concepts of rhythm and rhyme. The present paper attempts to approach it from the philological and climatological point of view, apart from theories ever discussed.

著者

古谷野 晃

出版者

学術雑誌目次速報データベース由来

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.43, no.1, pp.40-70, 2000

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The purpose of this paper aims to clarify the distributional pattern of the ancient settlements in the 'Middle Nomes' (9th-15th) in Upper Egypt from a geographical and toponymical point of view.<br>The origins of urban settlement in ancient Egypt still remain unknown. Most of the ancient settlements were buried by thick alluvial soils of the Nile, or occupied by later settlements. Therefore empirical studies for the ancient settlements remain very difficult.<br>The place-names derive from the characteristics of the past. Therefore, the toponymical study may help to classify the spatial structure of nomes. The results of this study are as follows.<br>1. 148 pre-Islamic settlements were specified in the targeted region, and the location sites of the 88 place-names could be identified. 70% of the identified place-names were of hieroglyphic origin, while 25% were of the Coptic origins, and the remainder 5% were of Greek origin.<br>2. About 29 settlements are located at the desert edges. Most of them originated from the Predynastic or the Greco-Roman eras, however the majority of them had already vanished or become smaller settlements.<br>3. Only 17 place-names may have been of Greek origin. Most of their settlements were concentrated in the Hermopolite nome where the Greeks had actively settled. From the lack of historical data it can be construed that the Greek place-names were not popular among the Egyptians; therefore their settlements did not remain in later times. Another reason for thelimited Greek origin was due to the fact that their settlements were severely damaged bythe low water level of the Nile and the desertification at later times. After the original settlements were ruined, new settlements on the reclaimed lands were never built any more.<br>4. The number of settlements of the Coptic origin reaches 30, however, most of these settlements had already vanished or become smaller.<br>5. The Nile Valley of this region is relatively widespread, so a number of settlements had developed on the flood plains, particularly in the 9th, 10th and 15th nomes.<br>6. Most of the ancient settlements that had developed in the regional centers were located on the Nile bank or on the natural levees and low mounds near the bank. However, many of the ancient settlements are not situated on the present Nile banks any more, because the river had changed its position over the years.<br>7. Few settlements in the Middle region except the 9th, 10th and 12th nomes were located on the east bank of the Nile. The settlements on the east bank were scattered intermittently, while the settlements on the west bank were distributed evenly.<br>8. The distributional pattern of the ancient settlements in the 'Middle Nomes' is lattice-like, which was based on the network of transportation and irrigation canals.<br>9. Many place names of the ancient settlements, even the Greek or the Coptic names, derived from the local deities. Names derived from geographical aspects such as geomorphological characteristics were uncommon.

著者

医王 秀行

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.32, no.1, pp.1-19, 1989-09-30 (Released:2010-03-12)

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Under the 'Abbasid dynasty, qadis in Kufa differed from those in Medina in their origin, personal connections and scholastic tendencies. In Kufa, the influence of Ibrahim Nakha'i, Ibn Abi Layla and Abu Hanifa was strong, and their relatives and disciples assumed the post of gadis. There were political strives behind the appointment and dismissal of qadis. Sharik became a qadi after Ibn Abi Kayla who was cooperative with the government, but he lost his post due to the persecution of unorthodoxy in the reign of al-Mahdi. After Abu Yusuf assumed the post of a qadi al-qudat, many disciples of Abu Hanifa became qadis in Kufa in the days of Barmakid and al-Ma'mun. Liberal tendencies in Iraq in those days appear to have been reflected in the views of qadis and lawyers of Kufa.This tendency and pro-Shi'ite trends in Kufa came into conflict with the qadis and lawyers in Medina. Among the qadis of Medina there were few scholars who studied law and Hadith, but people of the Bakr and 'Umar families, who were descendents of Abu Bakr and 'Umar condemned by the Shi'ites held many posts of qadis in Medina. It may be said that they were able to manage legal and administrative affairs in the Holy Place not because of their learning but because of their authority which they derived from being descendents of powerful families.

著者

平野 智洋

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.54, no.2, pp.74-91, 2012-03-31 (Released:2015-04-01)

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The purposes of this article are reconstruction of the genealogy of the late Byzantine historian Georgios Sphrantzis (Γεώργιος Σφραντζῆς, 30. July 1401-1477/78?), who wrote the “Chronikon”, and considering the family’s social position. The most of scholars had thought that the family name of the Sphrantzis was his paternal one. During the 10th-14th century, the Sphrantzai were basically the magnates of the Macedonia region, namely Thessaloniki. This family position is testified in Georgios’ historical work as his maternal family. His maternal grandfather was the founder of a monastery in Verroia (chap. XL. 13). On the Ottoman conquest of Thessaloniki (1387), this person immigrated to the Limnos island on the North Aegean Sea, leaving his eldest daughter (possibly historian’s mother) in Thessaloniki; and his other two daughters became pupils of the Osia Thomais and settled in a convent in Constantinople (chap. XVIII). The Sphrantzai were mentioned in Constantinople and Lirnnos during the 15th century, but as ‘Sphrantzai-Sevastopouloi'. One Andronikos Sevastopoulos acted as an imperial official in both Thessaloniki and the North Aegean in the late 14th century. The possibility of his family connection with the Sphrantzai was proved from the usual practice of calling the eldest grandson by the paternal grandfather’s name: an apographevs Andronikos Sphrantzis Sevastopoulos was mentioned in the Limnos in 1430. Chronologically he could be a grandson of Andronikos Sevastopoulos, and son of a senator Sphrantzis Sevastopoulos. The connection between this family and the historian was testified from historian’s own narration. His fourth son was also Andronikos. He had skill of taking census, a task of the apographevs, which was held by his possible brother Andronikos and another member of the Sevastopouloi. Thus it is concluded that the historian Georgios Sphrantzis took his family name from his maternal one.

著者

川瀬 豊子

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.21, no.1, pp.71-90, 1978-09-30 (Released:2010-03-12)

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Persepolis Fortification Tablets deal with administrative transfers of food comodities from 509 to 494B. C., that is, from the thirteenth to the twenty-eighth year of Darayavau-I. It is the main purpose of this paper to find some tentative solutions about the problems of the relations between the rites in Persepolis and the royal economy through the investigation of these texts.The writer extracted 103 texts referring to the religious life in Persepolis and then classified them into two groups according to the text styles as below.Group I; rations for gods, that is, rite expensesGroup II; rations for individuals with religious functionsAfter having analyzed them, I could get the following facts.1) The rites were subjected to the royal economy in the respect of the material sources and man-power.2) The royal economy showed positive concern in extending its control over the administration of rites.3) The distinction between religious and secular circle was not so clear-cut, because there seems to have been considerably high level of mobility between them. I could recognize the two streams of the people; the outflow of priests into officials and vice versa.4) It was Persian kara-, the main power of the conquest movement, that profited from these processes.In principle, this was based on the request of the state at the turning point from war to peace. Haxamaniš- needed not only to rearrange the administrative system but legitimately to absorb Persian kara- into it. In fact, Darayavau-I had already declared that he would protect the profits of Persian kara- in order to maintain the Haxamaniš- dynasty.

著者

川瀬 豊子

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.30, no.1, pp.21-40, 1987-09-30 (Released:2010-03-12)

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The Persepolis Fortification texts, which cover the period from the 13th to the 28th year of Darayavau- I (509-494 B. C.), are very helpful source materials for elucidating the management of horses in the possession of the royal household.The Persepolis public administration of this period showed positive concern about control of horses. They were an indispensable factor in organizing and maintaining the far-flung empire.The Fortification texts record that horses were fed with barley fodder. Each adult horse consumed 3-10 QA of barley per day, and each foal 1-3 QA. These texts refer to the extra ration of grain, wine, beer and other food products, amount of which is much smaller than that of the regular daily ration.The public administration assigned the men called mudunra horses for official affairs, and stationed the mudunra men in grazing land near the districts where horses would be more frequently needed. The mudunra men were engaged in taking daily care of horses, by themselves or with their assistants. In order to meet the changing demand for horses, the public administration sometimes moved the mudunra men and the horses under their charge to other areas. Evidently the mudunra men played a key role in establishing the effective system for the use of horses as the means of traffic and communication.

著者

後藤 明

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.31, no.1, pp.206-211, 1988-09-30 (Released:2010-03-12)

著者

小笠原 良治

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.23, no.2, pp.168-182, 1980 (Released:2010-03-12)

参考文献数

11

著者

間舎 裕生

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.55, no.1, pp.53-56, 2012

著者

間舎 裕生

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.55, no.1, pp.53-56, 2012

著者

小笠原 弘幸

出版者

The Society for Near Eastern Studies in Japan

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.51, no.1, pp.110-139, 2008

被引用文献数

1

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Almost all the Ottoman historians of the 15^th century claimed that the Ottoman dynasty stemmed from Japheth, the son of Noah. Japheth was generally regarded as the ancestor of the Turks in Muslim historiography. That is why the Ottoman historians accepted Japheth as their ancestor, although the descendents of Japheth were less respected than those of Shem, from whom the Prophets originated.<br> In the second half of the 15^th century, however, Oruç and <i>Giese Anonymous</i> quoted a hadith that "the descendents of Issac will conquer Constantinople" and mentioned that the Ottoman Sultans came from Issac, who was a descendent of Shem.<br> In 1480's, <i>Saltuk-nâme</i> and <i>Oxford Anonymous</i> claimed Esau, who was a son of Issac and the brother of Jacob, to be the Ottoman ancestor. The authors of these books narrated that the sons of Esau would be a king because Issac prayed to God for Esau. It appears that this account was based on the former Muslim historians like Mas'udi and also that Esau was more respected than Japheth. Besides, Esau was also regardeed as the ancestor of the kings of Rum. Though "Rum" originally signified Roma, the Ottoman Sultans were the kings of Rum at that time. That might have helped the Ottoman historians to accept Esau as the ancestor of the Ottoman dynasty.<br> During the late reign of Bayezit II, three historians, Rûhî, Bitlîsî and Kemâlpasazâde strongly claimed that Esau was the ancestor of the Ottoman dynasty. Though they also briefly mentioned Japheth, they considered the Esau origin more important. The higher authority of Esau made the Ottoman historians of this period accept Esau as the ancestor. Nevertheless, after the reign of Bayezit II, the Ottoman historians accepted the Japheth origin again, because Japheth was "the authentic ancestor" according to the Islamic tradition. The changes in the Biblical origin of the Ottoman dynasty might reflect the development in the identification and legitimizastion of the Ottomans.

著者

杉村 貞臣

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.31, no.2, pp.75-91, 1988 (Released:2010-03-12)

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how the five emperors in the Dynasty of Lascaris (1204-1261) succeeded to the throne is discussed here. The succession by the blood relation as Theodoros I, Theodoros II, John IV, and the succession by the marriage as John III, continued the family line of Lascaris. But a usurpation by Michael VIII has gone to ruin the family of Lascaris. The patriarch and the aristcracy in Nicaea supported the family line of the dynasty.

著者

渡辺 金一

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.9, no.1, pp.40, 1966 (Released:2010-03-12)

著者

青木 健

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.45, no.1, pp.229-235, 2002-09-30 (Released:2010-03-12)

著者

新井 桂子

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.16, no.2, pp.139-155,189, 1973 (Released:2010-03-12)

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Cyprus has received attentions of many foreign powers because of her copper and her suitable location for the trade and the strategic point in the east Mediterranean.Her relation with Mycenaean civilization can be roughly divided into three stages as follows;1) the trade. Its zenith was shown by the overwhelming appearance of the Pictorial style pottery in Cyprus, wherever the homeland of this style might be. Not as the colonists but as the residents, especially at Enkomi and Kition, the Mycenaean merchants and craftmen were engagedin the trade with the Mycenaean world and the Levant. Though this trade brought Cyprus prosperity, it seems that they had not so great political power in Cyprus. And by the 13th century B. C. they became independent from the Mainland to some extent. Cyprus had not belonged to the Mycenaean world yet.2) the refuge of the Mycenaean civilization. Soon after a series of the destructions in the Mycenaean world at the end of the 13th century B. C., Cyprus also suffered from destructions but in the rebuilt cities we can see the high standard of the technique of LH. IIIB which no more in the Mainland. Before the culture of the Mycenaean refugees gave influences on that of Cyprus fundamentally, there happened the second destruction in Cyprus and many destricts were desolated. Both destructions in Cyprus, I think, were caused by the Sea People. The Mycenaean Greeks among them played the leading part in their movements toward the east. The Trojan war, for instance, was one of the conflicts between them and the great powers of the east. After the final destruction in c. 1150 B. C., the Mycenaean Greeks again began to immigrate in Cyprus and other places. This series of immigrants succeeded in establishing themselves in Cyprus and introduced the Granary class pottery which influenced on the Cypriot ones. When Cyprus got out of the following Dark Ages, she had been almost completely hellenized.3) influence on the Greek world. Though the center of the culture had disappeared and the so called Dark Ages had begun, the Mycenaean way of life in the Mainland still continued in narrow streams untill the middle of the 11th century B. C., when iron used as working tools and the Protogeometric pottery appeared. These novelities, which seem to have received some influences from Cyprus or through Cyprus from somewhere in the east, introduced the new era.

著者

桜井 啓子

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.34, no.2, pp.125-139, 1991 (Released:2010-03-12)

著者

屋形 禎亮

出版者

The Society for Near Eastern Studies in Japan

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.17, no.1, pp.125-129, 1974-09-15 (Released:2010-03-12)