著者

永井 正勝

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.43, no.1, pp.19-39, 2000-09-30 (Released:2010-03-12)

参考文献数

27

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The main subject of Middle Egyptian studies should be to seek its “langue” through careful analysis of the instances of “parole.” But many Egyptologists, such as Erman, Sethe, and Gardiner, did not fully recognize the importance of the “langue” of Middle Egyptian, instead they paid great attention to the study of morphological differences in the instances of “parole” themselves, and adapted the Semitic system to these differences. From the point of linguistics, however, morphological studies that are separated from the “langue” may possibly lead to misunderstandings of language.It was the linguist Hans Jakob Polotsky who first established the Middle Egyptian “langue” system through the analysis of grammatical categories and syntax. The German scholar Friedrich Junge also developed his grammatical study based on syntax and the “transformationsgrammatik” of Chomsky. By so doing, Polotsky and Junge disproved of the old-fashioned method of the Egyptologists' “Morphological Grammar, ” but there are also differences in the understanding of Middle Egyptian sentence system between Polotsky and Junge. Despite these differences, Leo Depuydt combined these two distinct studies and gave them the label “Standard theory.” Nowadays many scholars regard Polotsky's Idea as “Standard theory” according to Depuydt's terminology. It must be noted, however, that such a label is quite unsatisfactory since “Standard theory” does not equal to Polotsky's Idea, and that the very main point of Polotsky's Idea has been neglected by using such an unfortunate label. It is now clear that the subject with which we must grapple is to clarify the main point of Polotsky's Idea.In this paper I will examine Polotsky's Idea and point out the following Middle Egyptian sentence system explained by Polotsky. 1) There is a distinction of mode in Middle Egyptian. 2) The indicative mode of the main sentence is introduced by an auxiliary and has three tenses (i. e., present, past, future). 3) Some of the main sentences of indicative mode (1st tenses) have their counterparts in the emphasized adverbial sentences (2nd tenses). 4) The emphasized adverbial sentences in initial position (2nd tenses) begin with bare sdm. f/sdm. f form. 5) The prospective mode in the main sentence is expressed by bare sdm. f form.

著者

蔀 勇造

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.34, no.1, pp.125-132, 1991-09-30 (Released:2010-03-12)

著者

原山 隆広

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.50, no.2, pp.204-221, 2007 (Released:2010-03-12)

被引用文献数

1 1

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The Tafdil al-Atrak is a propaganda work by Ibn Hassul (d. 450/1058). This author served the first Saljugid ruler Tughril-Bek as secretary. During the time the Saljugids were advancing into Iraq (especially Baghdad), he wrote and dedicated this work to Tughril-Bek and his prime minister (wazir) al-Kunduri. That means the Tafdil al-Atrak is a product of the very period of this political upheaval, that is, the change of dynasty from the Buwayhids to the Saljugids. Thus it is a very precious contemporary source, from which we can gather interesting information about how the early Saljugids (Tughril-Bek's government) legitimized their rule, and how they regarded their opponents, the Buwayhids.The Tafdil al-Atrak comprises the following parts: 1) a refutation of the Kitab al-Taji, a Buwayhid history written by Abu Ishaq al-Sabi'; 2) a section on Persian myth and pre-Islamic history; 3) a section extolling the virtue of the Turks; and 4) a part praising Tughril-Bek and al-Kunduri. Throughout this work, Ibn Hassul presents Tughril-Bek as the ideal ruler, emphasizing his generosity, charitableness and justice, always contrasting him with 'Adud al-Dawla, the strongest Buwayhid ruler. But, the Buwayhids are not criticized for their religious attitude (i. e. Shi'a). In addition, the 'Abbasid caliphs are not described as the source of political legitimacy. Moreover, there do not appear signs of the themes often found in later sources, such as the Saljuqids' insistence on the caliphs' bestowing the robes of honor (khil'a), appointment decrees (taqlid/'ahd), and honorific titles (laqab); declaration of their obedience and loyalty to the caliphs; and their pursuance of religious obligations such as pilgrimage to Mecca (hajj) and holy war against heretics and infidels (jihad). It is a commonly accepted thesis that the Saljugid rule represented a “Sunni revival.” However, these facts are not in accordance with this thesis. The Tafdil al-Atrak is an important argument against this thesis written by the Saljuqids themselves.

著者

飯塚 正人

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.33, no.2, pp.20-35, 1990 (Released:2010-03-12)

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Muhammad 'Abduh (d. 1905), a famous religious reformer in the modern age, is known as one of the leading spirits of 'Urabi movement in his early days. But it was only after the resignation of the “reactionary” Cabinet of Riyad Pasha in September, 1881 that he participated in the movement. Until that time, as editor-in-chief of the Egyptian official gazette, al-Waqa'i' al-Misriyah, he thoroughly supported Riyad's Government and accused the movement of its. demand for radical reforms. Then, why did he change his attitude toward the movement immediately after its triumph over the “reactionary” regime?The previous studies have concluded that 'Abduh participated in the movement in order that he might keep it away from any radical reforms, because he believed that it was only through a gradual reform or national education that Egypt could develop. But, in fact, since his participation in the movement, he recognized such radical reforms as the convention of the representative parliament by the new regime. This fact apparently contradicts the conclusion of the previous studies.To understand his real intention behind his recognition of them, I have inquired into his articles written during this period, namely, “Ikhtilaf al-qawanin bi-ikhtilaf ahwal al-umam (Difference of the Laws according to Difference of the Circumstances of Communities)” and “Al-Shura wa'l-qanun (The Parliament and The Law)”, both contributed to al-Waqa'i' al-Misriyah. As a conclusion, I have pointed out that 'Abduh's idea of national education is closely connected with the application of the Shari'ah. And even after his recognition of the new regime, he never ceased to demand its application, while his request for national education was completely dropped. Actually, he believed that Egypt could not develop without its application and its respect by the whole nation.

著者

古林 清一

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.23, no.2, pp.117-136, 1980 (Released:2010-03-12)

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The purpose of this paper is to examine the relationship between Islam and politics in the thought of Muhammad 'Abduh. In this study, I have come to some conclusions. First, the tension between two kinds of laws, namely Qanun and Shari'a was very clearly awared in his thought. Second, young 'Abduh believed in a harmony between Qanun and Shari'a in the age of ‘Orabi’s Revolution. Third, he tried to overcome the contradiction between Qantn and Shari'a in his activities during the reign of Khedive 'Abbas II, but he could not succeed in moulding the comprehensive belief-system.

著者

相樂 悠太

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.63, no.1, pp.21-33, 2020-09-30 (Released:2023-10-01)

参考文献数

50

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Previous studies examining the thoughts of Ibn ʿArabī (d. 1240) have seldom considered his intellectual relationship with earlier Sufis when emphasizing his impact on posterity by initiating “Akbarian tradition.” His most well-known theory of “God’s self-disclosure” (tajallī) states that God is a non-limited being lacking a specific form and revealing Himself in various limited forms. Researchers have primarily understood this theory as the metaphysical theory discussing the existential world’s ranking structure regarded as being some level of God’s self-disclosure process, by applying the framework of later, more sophisticated theories. However, the fact that the concept of the heart (qalb)—central to the psychology or doctrine of the self-discipline of experiential mysticism before Ibn ʿArabī—is established in this theory as recognizing God’s self-disclosure is less appreciated. In this paper, I analyze Ibn ʿArabī’s doctrine of the human heart and God’s self-disclosure by referring to earlier Sufi texts and reexamine his theory of “God’s self-disclosure” in line with earlier Sufi thoughts based on its relationship with experiences of the heart.Ibn ʿArabī refers to the cosmos surrounding humanity as the locus of God’s self-disclosure to the human heart, adopting an ontological viewpoint that was lacking in previous thoughts. However, he does this with the primary aim of describing and evaluating the inner states of mystics who recognize God’s self-disclosure. Further, he often describes God’s self-disclosure based on the conception of the heart developed in earlier mystical tradition; thus, the relationship with the heart determines the orientation of this theory. Therefore, the theory vividly presents the experiential elements of earlier psychology or the doctrine of self-discipline affected by the notions or representations accumulated within them. This differs from the later theoretical modes of his intellectual inheritors.

著者

安岡 義文

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.63, no.1, pp.1-20, 2020-09-30 (Released:2023-10-01)

参考文献数

62

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This paper offers a new art-historical meaning regarding the grid reform of anthropomorphic representations that took place in Egypt around the mid-seventh century BC. The objective of this paper is two-fold. First, it is to demonstrate the problems with previous interpretations, which depended, on the one hand, upon the written record of Diodorus Siculus on the Egyptian method of statue production, and upon comparative analyses of the two-dimensional representation of human figures on the other. This paper offers a proportional analysis of three-dimensional objects, particularly the so-called “sculptor’s models,” and demonstrates that the clear discrepancies in the proportions between two- and three-dimensional art support a straightforward understanding of Diodorus’ account against the more “creative” interpretations suggested in recent studies.Secondly, this paper is devoted to giving new meaning to the art-historical context of the grid reform. This reform—in which Late Period Egyptians abandoned the tradition that had functioned well for nearly 1,800 years and created a completely new system by uniting the Egyptian metrological system and the traditional method of grid projection—reflects less improvement in the appearance of the image than a metaphysical development that had never been seen or experienced before. It saw the creation of a module system based on anthropometry in a true sense, one that seems to have stimulated the Aegeans to refine the Egyptian system to suit their own cultural aesthetics in subsequent centuries. Thus, it is no exaggeration to state that anthropometry, which has been a core tenet in Western art throughout history, has its roots in Egyptian art.

著者

熊倉 和歌子

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.60, no.2, pp.214-218, 2018-03-31 (Released:2021-04-01)

参考文献数

10

著者

日本オリエント学会 [編]

出版者

日本オリエント学会

巻号頁・発行日

1962

著者

森川 孝典

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.37, no.1, pp.164-165, 1994-09-30 (Released:2010-03-12)

著者

高橋 寿光

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.62, no.2, pp.122-142, 2020-03-30 (Released:2023-04-01)

参考文献数

73

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This paper aims to examine the blue-painted pottery from all sites across Egypt and Egyptianized cities outside the Nile valley, and to discuss how its production centers were developed in the New Kingdom. The examination shows that, from the reign of Amenhotep II in mid-Eighteenth Dynasty through the Amarna Period in the late Eighteenth Dynasty, the find-spots of blue-painted pottery were essentially restricted to royal residential centers, such as Memphis, Amarna and Thebes. These provenances suggest that they were manufactured particularly in a few royal workshops. While, in subsequent periods, the fi nd-spots became widespread across Egypt, and spread out to neighboring regions. From the Post-Amarna Period at the end of Eighteenth Dynasty to Nineteenth Dynasty, the blue-painted pottery was still found from the main administrative centers or royal residential cities, such as Qantir, Memphis and Thebes, but they also became known from local administrative centers, including Groub, Asyut, Abydos and Elephantine. Furthermore, the locally made blue-painted pottery appeared from the Syro-Palestinian region and the area on Egypt’s Libyan border. If we compare fabrics, forms and designs of blue-painted pottery from these sites, some marked diff erences can be recognized, and they indicate that the blue-painted pottery was manufactured in workshops at each site. Hitherto, little is known about the development of blue-painted pottery manufacturing centers during New Kingdom, since the previous studies had been conducted by using fi nds from diff erent sites and periods separately. The present study, dealing with materials from the entire country and its outer regions, reveals that the blue-painted pottery production centers came to increase just after the Amarna Period which is well known as a signifi cant epoch of history, society, religion and art in New Kingdom Egypt.

著者

宇野 昌樹

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.38, no.2, pp.88-102, 1995 (Released:2010-03-12)

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“Tanasukh” and “Taqammus”, are terms that mean metempsychosis in Arabic. This concept is accepted by the Alawite and the Druze, but rejected by the Sunnis, who considered this concept as heretical and those who believe in the concept as heretics. There is some debate among scholars about the origins and the exact meanings of terms “Tanasukh” and “Taqammus”. The former derives from a Koranic reference to “the conception of the soul”. It has been interpreted by the method of the Isma'ili Shia doctrine of “Batin”. Finally, although “Tanasukh” predates “Taqammus”, both have apocalyptic overtones referring to the reincarnation of the Mahdi and the so-called “Day of Judgment”.

著者

紺谷 亮一

出版者

The Society for Near Eastern Studies in Japan

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.42, no.1, pp.121-138, 1999

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The Uruk Period is considered to be the period in which a large scale trading network expanded to the north, mainly along the Euphrates river, nearly covering the entire area of Western Asia. This period corresponds to the Late Chalcolithic Period in Anatolia. The main cities in this period were generally located in places where communication could be conducted by water.<br>As far as the trading network is concerned, the contact between Mespotamian alluvial plains and the mountainous regions such as Zagros and Taurus foot hill has been emphasised. Apparently, northern Syria, northern Mesopotamia and southwestern Iran had close relationships with the Uruk culture. On the other hand, Anatolia is considered as a local region indirectly influenced by Uruk culture. Such influence came from main cities in the middle Euphrates basin (Habuba Kabira).<br>However, from a different point of view, it is possible to construct an entirely new theory for Anatolian culture in this period. Evidence supporting such a theory was found at Arslantepe, which is located near the city of Malatya in the upper Euphrates basin, eastern Anatolia. Its altitude is high enough to bring to snow and severely cold winter to this region. In spite of that, the Uruk merchants expanded their trading network as far as the mountainous regions to acquire the rich mineral resources of Anatolia.<br>Furthermore, according to new archaeological materials, Arslantepe, in which Uruk and Transcaucasian materiais were found together, suggests a close relation between the Transcaucasian region, Black Sea region, eastern Anatolia and Mesopotamia. The Transcaucasian region has richer mineral resources than Anatolia, as well as developed metal industries. Arslantepe played a role as the transport center between its northern neighboring region like Transcaucasus and southern Mesopotamia. This is based on a new trading network system which had not been proposed until now.

著者

柴山 栄

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.13, no.3-4, pp.1-93,A191, 1970 (Released:2010-03-12)

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This is to probe the authenticity of this inscription by philological, linguistic and paleographic studies.There are many pre-Columbian texts from various parts of America, but most of them are more or less unintelligible. A notable exception turned up by the inscription found in 1872 under strange circumstances. In the 19th century, the text was discussed pro and con, and the weight of scholarly opinion finally rejected the text as a fake. Competent Semitists expunged it from the list of authentic texts, however, the text is now intelligible to any modern scholar who knows Hebrew and Phoenician and other semitics by our presenting a lot of materials having been excavated since 1872.Now we appreciate that the role of the Phoenicians, as intermediaries of ancient civilization, was greater than has been supposed.

著者

森 雅子

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.31, no.1, pp.148-160, 1988-09-30 (Released:2010-03-12)

著者

大城 道則

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.50, no.1, pp.173-189, 2007-09-30 (Released:2010-03-12)

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Khentkawes is considered to have been a daughter of Menkaure and also a queen of Shepseskaf, the last king of the Fourth Dynasty. However she is still an enigma. Khentkawes was played an important role as a connection between the Fourth Dynasty and Fifth Dynasty. After she died, a mastaba tomb (LG100) was built in the area between the valley temples of Khafre and Menkaure. In this article I will try to reveal and retrace Khentkawes's life. As a result, it will also hopefully clarify the social and political conditions in the transitional period.Firstly, it is necessary to consider LG100's structure and it's meaning because this tomb is very similar to King Shepseskaf's. His tomb is not a typical pyramid of the Fourth dynasty, but a mastaba. Moreover, his tomb was not built in Giza but Saqqara. Secondly, I suggest that there is a possibility that the Khentkawes who has a mastaba in Giza and the Khentkawes who has a pyramid in Abusir are actually the same person in terms of chronology, iconography and the shared title of “nswt bity mwt nswt bity” (“mwt nswt bity nswt bity”). If they are the same person, then she has two huge structures in the fashion of an Egyptian king. It is reminiscent of the Multi-Grave System that has two kinds of tomb-one for burying the body and one for receiving the worship of pilgrims. From the aspect of the Multi-Grave System, I also suggest the possibility that Khentkawes actually ascended to the Egyptian throne. If so, then Khentkawes was a pharaoh of Egypt or, at the very least, a person who was equal to a king and who had two huge monumental structures erected in her memory.

著者

高橋 洋成

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.48, no.2, pp.28-46, 2005 (Released:2010-03-12)

参考文献数

18

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Semitic morphology has been a “puzzle” for linguists. The aim of this paper is to clarify the morphological nature of Semitic “root” and “pattern, ” and to define them from general linguistic point of view.The main function of the Semitic root is to dynamically mediate between a word and a new word derived from it by carrying over the meaning and consonantal structure of the former to the latter. Linguistically speaking, the element which has this function should be called a base. Hence the Semitic root can be regarded as a sort of base consisting of consonants only.The Semitic pattern has a structure predictable by a phonological rule, i. e. the syllabification rule (Goldsmith 1990). In the CV-skelton formulated by the syllabification rule, consonantal elements, such as radicals (each consonant of the root) and some derivational affixes, and vocalic elements are arranged according to their morphophonemic motives. This method reveals the synthetic structure of derived words, which has been overlooked by the traditional analytic approach.

著者

柳生 俊樹

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.55, no.2, pp.63-75, 2013-03-31 (Released:2016-04-26)

参考文献数

34

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On a number of reliefs, sculptures and wall paintings in ancient Eurasia, there occur representations of horses with crenelated manes. These represents a characteristic way of trimming of the horse’s mane, which leaves the hair uncut at one, two or three places. This was “crenelation” by Otto Manchen Helfen. This paper focuses on this Way of trimming in the eastern Eurasian steppes.Some archaeological remains of the eastern Eurasian steppessuggest that crenelation of the horse’s rnane was widely distributed before the 2nd century B. C. However, it is clear that crenelation disappeared in the 2nd century B. C. as there are no materials of that period showing the existence of crenelated mane, while there and are representations of horses without crenelated manes. The author believes that the disappearance of crenelation is a very important fact to consider when reconstructing the history of the eastern Eurasian steppes.It seems that disappearance of crenelation occurred simultaneously with the following phenomena in the eastern Eurasian steppes of Znd-lst centuries B. C.: 1. Appearance of a composite bow covered with bone laths at the grip and ears, which was longer and more powerful than that of before the 2nd century B. C.2. Appearance of copper cauldrons cast in a multi-piece mold, a casting method different from that of before the 2nd century B. C. These cauldrons were usually buried with a dead person, a custom is not confirmed before this time.3. Disappearance of the motif of an animal whose hindquarters are twisted 180 degrees.The author considers the disappearance of crenelation to be related to these phenomena. It is possible to say that changes dated to the 2nd century B. C. are related to rise of the Xiongnu and the subsequent unification of nomadic tribes in the eastern Eurasian steppes. Therefore, the disappearance of crenelation is very a useful fact to consider when reconstructing the early history of the Xiongnu, a period for which there are few material remains.

著者

仁子 寿晴

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.47, no.2, pp.1-19, 2004 (Released:2010-03-12)

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The purpose of this article is a reinterpretation of Farabi's philosophy. Several difficult questions have arisen concerning Farabi's Trilogy, which consists of Tahsil al-Sa'ada, Falsafat Aflatun and Falsafat Aristutalis, one of which is how to understand the relationship among the three works. But in view of the general theme of the three works, i. e. investigation (fahs), and on comparing them with another investigative work, Kitab al-Huruf, we can see how Tahsil al-Sa'ada relates to the other two works.In the course of this examination, we must, at the start, solve the difficult question, how to interpret Farabi's assertion: ‘philosophy was completed with Aristotle’, which appears in two places (one in Tahsil al-Sa'ada, and the other in Kitab al-Huruf). If we take this assertion, it would mean that Farabi made no contribution to philosophy- he was only a transmitter, not a true philospher. However by considering Farabi's thought on the history of mathematics and the relation between mathematics and philosophy (especially logic), this phrase can be interpreted with subtle shade. (1) It is safe to say that in the age of Plato and Aristotle, as far as Farabi thought, mathematics was not fully developed, and so he could not really have believed that philosophy had been completed, for it seems that he thought mathematics and philosophy go hand in hand. (2) What he called into question when he discussed mathematics was not substantial matters or mathematical problems, but methodology. So we infer that his treatment of philosophy too is about methodology.This line of thought can show us the process of his introducing a mathematical methodology to his philosophy in the Trilogy. Now we can see how he describes in Tahsil al-Sa'ada the way his own philosophical investigation differs from that of Plato or Aristotle as seen in Falsafat Aflatun or Falsafat Aristutalis. Mathematical methodology has affected on Farabi's philosophy in various ways. This paper suggests some aspects of this effect, for example, we describe how it works in metaphysics and politics.This article cannot follow all the consequences of this thought, so it remains only preliminary research, but this step, I trust, is an important one for our understanding of Farabi's philosophy, especially of how he was a ‘true philosopher’.

著者

大川(黒宮) 玲子

出版者

The Society for Near Eastern Studies in Japan

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.45, no.1, pp.142-158, 2002

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There are various kinds of <i>kitab</i> ("what is written", or "book") in Islamic thought. In the Qur'an are to be found the Heavenly Tablet, the Record Book and some Scriptures such as <i>Zabur</i> (the Psalms), <i>Tawrah</i> (the Torah), <i>Injil</i> (the Gospel) and the Qur'an. The two former parts are what we can call 'invisible <i>kitab</i>' because it is thought that the Heavenly Tablet is located near Allah in Heaven, and that the Record Book is usually kept by angels. On the other hand, we can call the Qur'an as a 'visible <i>kitab</i>' because it is a scripture sent down from Heaven to Earth. In this paper, it is pointed out that these <i>kitabs</i> are closely linked to the concept of predestination in Islamic thought.<br>Firstly, the relationship between the Heavenly Tablet and the Record Book will be focused on. It is thought that every decree of every creature, which will occur until the Last Day, i. e. predestination (<i>qadar</i>), was written on the Heavenly Tablet with a pen according to God's order. In the Record Book, all human deeds are written by angels, and will be used to judge the person to decide whether they should go to heaven or hell on the Last Day. The content of the Record Book is included in the Heavenly Tablet with the same words. Therefore, we could say that not only the Heavenly Tablet but also the Record Book exist within range of predestination by God.<br>As for the Qur'an, we can discover the linkage to the concept of predestination in the theory of sending down of the Qur'an (<i>inzal</i>), which is the revelation theory in Islamic thought. It is thought that the Qur'an was sent down in full from the Heavenly Tablet to the lowest heaven on the Night of <i>Qadr</i>, and then from the lowest heaven to the earth piece by piece, depending on situations which occurred in Muhammad's community. However, there is another opinion which says that the Qur'an was sent down to the lowest heaven on the Night of the Middle of the Month of <i>Sha'ban</i>. Both nights are considered to have a relationship to the concept of predestination because for each of the nights there are traditions which indicate that decrees for the following year are decided. Besides, the term '<i>qadr</i>', which means power, is very close to the term '<i>qadar</i>', predestination, and there is a verse in the Qur'an which suggests that the Qur'an was sent down on the Night of <i>Qadr</i> (Q. 97: 1), so it came to be believed as true that on this night the Qur'an was sent down. On the other hand, the Night of the Middle of the Month of <i>Sha'ban</i> also has reason to be regarded as the night when the Qur'an was sent down; there are traditions that on this night Allah comes down to the lowest heaven and forgives human beings, giving merciful gifts such as the Qur'an and so on. This image is very close to the theory of the sending down of the Qur'an to the lowest heaven, however this is not accepted as a correct theory. Through both of these illustrations, we can say that in both theories, there is deep linkage to the concept of predestination.<br>So far, it is clear that the concepts of 'predestination' and '<i>kitab</i>' exist side by side in Islamic thought and closely match one another.