著者

須永 梅尾

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.19, no.2, pp.69-84,203, 1976 (Released:2010-03-12)

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We shall come across the Manichaean texts of the Middle Persian, Coptic, Greek, and Arabian. In these texts specially we find several words, Nrjmyg, SAIŠ Συζυγος, Tawm as the Mediator between the Father of Light and the Apostle (Mani). The six translations of these words is (1) Twin or Pair, (2) Familiar, (3) Double, (4) Companion, (5) Consort, (6) Angel. The texts about these words is the Middle Persian fragmentary texts “M49 II”, Coptic texts “Manichäische Homilien”, “Manichaean Psalm-Book” and “Kephalaia” and new Greek texts “Kölner Codex”.From these texts I may conclude that the Twin as the Mediator of Mani was angelic. As to this conception of the Mediator there are some difference between his first and second revelation. Above all, in the period of the second revelation, the conception of the Mediator changed from Angel to Twin or Pair-Companion.When he entered upon his mission, the so-called three books in the canon were already completed. He said to his disciples: “the Pragmateia, the Book of the Secrets and Book of the Giants are gifts bestowed (written) by the Twin of Light. Other books in the canon is the Great Living Gospel given by the Envoy and the Treasure of Life given by the Column of Glory.” Namely the two books was given by Mediators as Iranian “Manvahmed vazurg (the Great Nous)”, and came later.Therefore the revelation in the three books and other both books each reflects the change of the religious thought of Mani. The former represents his early idea, the latter his later idea.I may conclude that the conception of the Mediator in the revelation of Mani changed gradually from the Jewish Christian or Mandaean Gnosis to the Iranian Gnosis (Twin→the Great Nous.)

著者

和田 浩一郎

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.51, no.1, pp.87-109, 2008-09-30 (Released:2014-03-30)

参考文献数

35

被引用文献数

1 1

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It is generally stated that in the Egyptian New Kingdom burials the bodies were placed with their heads pointing toward the West because of the Egyptians’ funerary belief that the deceased needed to face the rising sun for their resurrection. However, this statement does not fully reflect the actual archaeological data. A survey of the plans of New Kingdom royal tombs shows that some changes in the head orientation took place during this period. Before the New Kingdom Period, bodies were normally placed with their heads pointed to the north. However, the tombs of the 20th Dynasty have a symbolic east-west axis that causes the westward head orientation of royal mummies, whereas in the 18th Dynasty tombs some of the decoration scheme and sarcophagus placements show compromising orientations between the north and west. Non-elite burials in the Memphite and Heracleopolitan regions show a tendency different from the royal tombs in that there is more diversity of head orientation. Although about fifty percent of the burials in a given cemetery have the western head orientation, the considerable number of bodies are directed to the north, east and south. Since the burials of the previous periods in these regions do not show such diversity, it seems to be a noticeable feature of non-elite burial customs in the New Kingdom Period. A seriation analysis shows that the diversity of head orientation in non-elite tombs is not the result of a historical transition as seen in the royal tombs since it is found among burials of the same period. B. J. Kemp suggests that lower-class people did not ignore the formal concepts of funerary belief, even though they often chose “unsuitable” head orientations. Instead they followed their own sense to decide what was appropriate for them. It might be fair to assume that the diverse head orientations in the New Kingdom burials reflect the ancient Egyptians’ trait of accepting the existence of alternative concepts.

著者

太田 啓子

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.50, no.2, pp.161-180, 2007 (Released:2010-03-12)

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Jidda first appeared on the historical stage as the port city of Mecca. Former studies have not discussed the urban structure of Jidda or the historical changes in its character. This article examines how the international situation around Hijaz influenced Jidda and its ruler, the Meccan Sharifate, using primarily the local chronicles of Mecca, Meccan biographical dictionaries, and Meccan pilgrimage records.The natural conditions of Jidda were not suitable for a seaport; besides, early on its public facilities were insufficient. Nonetheless, during the pilgrimage season a flow of people and goods concentrated in Jidda because of its geographical advantage of being 72 kilometers from Mecca.In the middle of the 8/14th century, Jidda and Yanbu' rose as relay ports, and the west coast of the Arabian Peninsula became a main international trade route. The Meccan Sharifate became interested in Jidda as a sourse of revenue through customs duties. They built harbor facilities and collected customs duties. The Mamluk Sultan Barsbay, who was confronted with the economic decline of the Mamluk dynasty, sought to the increase of the amount of the customs duties collected in Jidda and actively invited ships engaged in the Indian trade. He dispatched a port controller to Jidda and collected the customs duties directly. Therefore the rise of Jidda as a relay port on the international trade route changed the policy of the Mamluk dynasty toward Hijaz; until then the Mamluk dynasty had ruled Hijaz indirectly through the Meccan Sharifate. In consequence, the character of Jidda changed from being the port city of Mecca into being a commercial port of the Mamluk dynasty, and the Meccan Sharifate became subordinate to the Mamluk dynasty in politics and economy because it had lost its source of revenue and economic independence.

著者

三橋 冨治男

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.9, no.2-3, pp.199-220,234, 1966 (Released:2010-03-12)

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Ottoman admiral, Piri Reis' old map was discovered by Bay H. E. Eldem, Director of National Museums in 1929, when the old Ottoman Imperial Palace—Topkapu Saray was being turned into a Museum of Antiquites. This old map was missing for a long time.The detailed research of Prof. P. Kahle and other scholars have presented very important informations regarding this map, because it was sometimes called “the map of Columbus”.This paper gives the explanation about figure, substance matter, preserved condition and two varieties of this old map, and shows the big image of well-known Turkish admiral in the 16th century with some interesting episode. At the same time, this paper points out that Ottoman Turks were excellent experts in the field of cartography and they stood very far above the level of European cartography in those days.

著者

嶋本 隆光

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.30, no.1, pp.72-89, 1987-09-30 (Released:2010-03-12)

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It is generally admitted that the coming of Ayatollah Ha'eri in 1921 to the city of Qom was the decisive event for its expansion as a religious city. This does not necessarily mean, however, that the significance of the city began only at the time. The city of Qom had already been an important religious center during the nineteenth century, not only as a great Imamzadeh (i. e. that of Fatemeh, Hazarat-e Ma'sumeh), but as a developing city for religious study.In this process crucial was the patronage, whether material or spiritual, by the Qajar kings and courtiers. True, innumerable constructions and repairments of religious buildings had been done in this period, which helped rehabilitate the city inwardly as well as outwardly. At the same time the royal patronage had the reason on its own. The rulers needed the legitimacy for their reign over the country, whose subjects were mostly Shi'ite believers of Twelver Imami school, so badly that the peaceful relationship with the religious force was indispensable. Thus the relationship between the state and religion was rather friendly and mutual.Despite of this, it is contended that in Twelver Imami Shi'ite tradition, there exists a constant friction between state and religion, based on the doctrine that during the Greater Occultation of the Twelfth Imam, every secular ruler should be regarded as illegitimate and usurpatory.In this paper the author demonstrates that as far as Qom in the 19th century is concerned, the above contention is not the case, but on the contrary, material support by the kings and governmental figures was an essential factor for the development of the city.

著者

堀川 徹

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.25, no.2, pp.21-37, 1982 (Released:2010-03-12)

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In Central Asia, the term iqta' appeared in a chronicle again in the late 16th century. Soviet historians understood that it was similar to soyicrghal or tankhvah and was used as an outdated term having no substance. As B. Ahmedov pointed out, however, the iqta' meant that the members of the royal family and distinguished amirs were granted the administrative and the tax immunity at a certain area by the khan under the agreement that they would offer military service and pay a portion of their tax revenue to the state. The iqta' was different from the soyurghal apearing in the documents, which meant the right given to the moslem saints or the learned men and tankhvah given to the soldiers, but was synonymous with the soyurghal in the chronicles in those centuries. It was related to the khan's appanage grant policy and to the tradition of soyurghal in the previous eras', but was not the same with the military iqta' system.

著者

山川 廣司

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.40, no.2, pp.34-50, 1997 (Released:2010-03-12)

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This paper examines the ships used by the Mycenaean Greeks in the Mediterranean area in the latter half of the second millennium B. C. using as sources mainly paintings, results of Undersea archaeology, and Linear B script documents.The first noteworthy source is a miniature fresco., “The Escort of Ships”, from Room 5 of the “West House, ” excavated at Akrotiri. It shows a procession of decorated ships moving by oar or sail from one coastal town to another, representing some kind of military campaign, and is dated to the 16th century B. C. In the middle of the fleet, there is a flagship with about 40 rowers, a steersman and 10 warriors. The fresco shows the type and structure of ships of that time that were not necessarily merchant or trading ships.A second is the sunken ship at Ulu Burun, excavated by G. F. Bass and dated to the 14th or early 13th century B. C. Apparently loaded with a very valuable cargo, it seems to have sunk in the middle of its voyage. Research has shown that it was 15 to 18 meters long and had a minimum capacity of 12m. tons deadweight. The keel was made of heavy timber and the planks were fastened to the keel to each other using pegged mortise-and-tenon joints.Third and finally, I refer to the record of shipbuilding in the Linear B tablets of Pylos. Na-u-do-mo (shipbuilders) are mentioned on PY Vn 865, while in PY Vn 46 and Vn 879, opinion is divided as to whether ka-pi-ni-ja should be interpreted as a list of timbers for shipbuilding or for construction of a building. T. G. Paleima insists on the former interpretation and L. Baumbach on the latter.I hypothesize that a kind of gift trade was carried on by royal officials and merchants appointed by the king of Pylos.

著者

小田 淑子

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.20, no.1, pp.79-94,268, 1977-09-30 (Released:2010-03-12)

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Fana' and baqa' are two of the most important technical terms in Sufism. Fana' is generally defined as “dying to one's selfish ego (nafs)”, and baqa' as “surviving by receiving the divine Life after fana'”. I would like to elucidate how fana' and baqa' are related to each other in Rumi.In order to attain to fana', it is required to concentrate one's self on God. In this process, the world as that of Multiplicity is regarded as something to renounce. At the moment of fana', God makes one's self die, then there is nothing but God. It is the realization of the Unity of God. However, the symbol of the transformation of a stone into a ruby denotes that the death of the self is immediately the transformation into the fundamental Self. The death of the self, the realization of the Unity of God and the appearance of the Self may take place at the same moment of fana'. I think that fana' is, in principle, or in the most authentic mode, simultaneous with baqa'. But there remains a problem. Though most mystics usually feel intoxicated at the moment of fana', some of them may come to enjoy and anticipate such a mysticll feeling termed “hal”. To remain. in hal may be regarded as the false mode of fana', in the stage of which man affirms his self in a wrong way, in other words, he does not die out. Such a man does not open his eye onto the world.To surpass the false mode of fana' is to become utterly one with God in Love and to enter into the world (baqa'). The return to the world in the attainment of baqa' marks the purest oneness of man with God. Rumi expresses such a pure oneness between God and the man in baqa' by the term of “the One ness with Light” (ittihad-i nur). It implies the two aspects of baqa'; that of the purest oneness between God and man, and that of the so-called “second separation” (farq-i thani). Since one who attains in baqa' has died to his self, baqa' preserves an aspect of fana' in itself. In Rumi, baqa' means twofold; to live the eternal Life, and the survival of the bodily existence. Accordingly, fana' also means two fold; the Non-being of the fundamental Self, and the death of his self. Needless to say, each pair of twofold meanings, respectively, points to the one and same situation.If we consider the relation between fana' and baqa' from the viewpoint of Rumi's idea of “the New Creation” (khalq-i jadid), both terms are closely related to each other not statically but dynamically. Baqa' means, first of all, to live the eternal Life, and the Eternal is ever the Present or at the Moment, therefore, a mystic in baqa' lives the eternal Life at every moment. That would be possible only by dying at every moment (fana'). Moreover, he does realize such a fundamental fact. In regard to the other meaning of baqa', the survival of the bodily existence, it cannot be continuous. It must be the continuity including the discontinuity within itself. Since a mystic in baqa' realizes the discontinuity, he can experience a new “state” or “present” (hal), which is not like that of the day before, every day.

著者

矢島 文夫

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.20, no.1, pp.191-204, 1977-09-30 (Released:2010-03-12)

著者

岡田 明子

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.12, no.1-2, pp.65-92,171, 1969 (Released:2010-03-12)

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It was generally thought that the Sumerian kingship appeared in their society which had been equal, when the Sumerian cities became to need the powerful director with the intensification of the disputes between the cities. H. Frankfort, Th. Jacobsen, S. N. Kramer, and some others generally thought like this, and concluded that the Sumerian kingship established at the Early Dynastic II.But recently some scholars has begun to think earlier than the Early Dynastic II about the appearance of the kingship. They think that the centralization and the leading minority was rather suggested in the Sumerian great enterprises as the river improvements, the irrigation, and so on, though H. Frankfort thought them useful for strengthening the unity of the community.I consider the establishment of the Sumerian kingship from the development of the temple architecture.The Sumerian temple architecture deriving from the small shrines at Eridu developed into the gigantic temples of Uruk at the late Uruk period (c. 3000 B. C.). But after this period the precincts became more extensive and to be enclosed with the walls on the one hand, the temple architecture itself was inclined to be rather small, and to be built on a high terrace, that famous ziggurat, on the other hand. Almost all the great temples at the Early Dynastic period took this style, and this suggests the separation of the grades in the Sumerian society, that is to say the privileged class to be able to use the temple on the large terrace, and the mass to be able to approach only under the ziggurat. The former intervened between the mass and the great gods, and grasped the gods' will in their hands. The most powerful man of the privileged class became their king.And so the Sumerian kingship already appeared at the late Uruk period, that is earlier than the period when H. Frankfort and some others suggested.

著者

足利 惇氏

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.17, no.2, pp.155-160, 1974 (Released:2010-03-12)

著者

小野寺 幸也

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.19, no.2, pp.17-39,199, 1976 (Released:2010-03-12)

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It was as early as 1938 when A. Goetze pointed out the existence of tagtulu (na) verbal form in Ugaritic third masculine plural imperfect conjugation. But virtually all the scholars have done away with this phenomenon as “peculiarity” (e. g. C. H. Gordon), and have not dared to go any further.If we read, however, the text of the Keret Epic carefully, it becomes clear that yagtulu (na) form, which has been universally regarded as the usual verbal form in 3m. pl. impf., does not occur at all. All the thirteen cases in 3m. pl. take the form of tagtulu (na). This finding by the present writer prompted him to investigate all the other Ugaritic material from this viewpoint. The result has been rather drastic. The y-preformative form in 3m. pl. does not appear in the Aqhat Epic either. All the eight examples are in the tagtulu (na) form. Only in the Baal and Anath Cycle and in other minor texts shows up the y-form a few times.In order to explain this interesting phenomenon, one would have to take into consideration the fact that in Amarna Canaanite t-form is employed more frequently than y-preformative conjugation in 3m. pl., a fact first detected by Wm. Moran in 1951. At the same time, one should also pay attention to the situation of Classical Hebrew, where some examples of t-form appear, although to far smaller extent than in Ugaritic and Amarna Canaanite.Based on the results derived from the considerations summarized above, the writer would like to propose some hypotheses as to the possibility of using tagtulu (na) form in 3m. pl. (1) as a chronological criterion to date groups of Ugaritic literature, and (2) as a clue to tighten the link which connects Canaanite dialects or as a clue to subdivide the Northwest Semitic languages in general.

著者

坂本 翼 銭廣 健人

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.61, no.2, pp.163-173, 2019-03-31 (Released:2022-04-01)

参考文献数

73

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This paper aims to reconstruct the history of Japanese Egyptology from its birth in the 19th century to the work of Seitaro Okajima in the 1940s. Where exactly did this discipline originate, and what kind of discipline is it? By exploring these questions, this paper attempts to demonstrate that the birth of Japanese Egyptology owes a great deal to the efforts of Shogoro Tsuboi and Kei’ichiro Kume. Next, it examines how Takashi Sakaguchi, who inspired Seitaro Okajima, and Kosaku Hamada, who received over 1,500 Egyptian artefacts from Flinders Petrie, paved the way for academic Egyptology. Finally, this paper explores how Okajima, who had studied under both Sakaguchi and Hamada, developed the discipline to a fuller extent, and the governing idea of his works is discussed.

著者

河合 望

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.51, no.2, pp.27-56, 2009-03-31 (Released:2014-03-30)

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Scholars have discussed the individual roles of Ay and Horemheb, who were the most influential persons during Tutankhamun’s reign and its aftermath, as well as the relationship between them for ages. Did they work together cooperatively or did some form of competition or hostility exist between them? This article examines the interaction between Ay and Horemheb and their attitudes towards one another through a review of all the available evidence. The first part focuses on their relationship under Tutankhamun and the second with their interactions following Tutankhamun’s death. I demonstrate that they were the most prominent figures in different social groups, suggesting that Ay was the fatherly advisor of the king at the court, while Horemheb was the actual governor of all the administration in the country as the “Regent” and “Generalissimo” under Tutankhamun. By the end of Tutankhamun’s reign, however, Ay seems to have obtained the title “Vizier” and the epithets “doer of maat” and “the one who unites the hands of the god,” representing that he is now capable of governing the country. Ay was indeed on the verge of becoming the successor of Tutankhamun. Therefore, I do not agree with the recent suggestion that Horemheb was the designate successor of Tutankhamun while he was the regent of Tutankhamun. In the second part, I argue that there was strong antagonism between Ay and Horemheb after Tutankhamun’s death. The evidence indicates that Horemheb sought to discredit Ay as proper successor to the king. As a result, Ay appears to have excluded Horemheb from greater courtly influence by appointing Nakhtmin not only as his “Generalissimo” but also as “King’s son.” This squabbling even continued after Ay’s death as Horemheb, once ascended to the throne, soon endeavored to erase all memory of Ay, his men and even Queen Ankhesenamun in revenge.

著者

江川 ひかり

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.41, no.2, pp.245-252, 1998 (Released:2010-03-12)

著者

板倉 勝正

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.12, no.1-2, pp.128, 1969 (Released:2010-03-12)

著者

飯島 克彦

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.54, no.1, pp.59-74, 2011-09-30 (Released:2015-02-27)

参考文献数

39

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In the Early Byzantine period (330-610), religious unrests frequently occurred. Traditionally, it has been said that monks provoked the people to create the unrests. However, T. E. Gregory and F. Winkelrnann have questioned this view. This paper examines the religious unrests in Constantinople in the time of the emperor Anastasius I (491-518), and attempts to correct the image of the monks as the sole catalysts behind them. The following points have been discussed: 1. To what extent did the monks involve themselves in the unrests? 2. How different were the attitudes of the monks and the people toward the patriarch Macedonius II (496-511), during whose term most of the religious unrests occurred? 3. Beside the monks, who could have provoked the people to riot? The conclusions are as follows: 1. Of the religious unrests that took place in 496, 508, 511 and 512, the monks were involved in two (511 and 512), but they either triggered these unrests or formed a coalition with the people rather than playing a main role. Some monks who opposed the unrests were even killed by the people in the riot of 512. 2. Although Macedonius was hesitant to hold a firm doctrinal position, the Chalcedonian people constantly supported him, while the monks did not. 3. In addition to the monks, the patriarch and the priests could have also provoked the people to riot.

著者

吉田 豊

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.36, no.1, pp.199-200, 1993

著者

辻田 明子

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.54, no.1, pp.1-19, 2011

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In texts of ancient Mesopotamia figure both a female Dumuziabzu and a male Dumuziabzu. According to royal inscriptions, the goddess Dumuziabzu was the tutelary deity of Kinunir (or Kinirša) in Lagaš, whereas the god Dumuziabzu was the son of Enki in a god-list (An = <i>Anum</i>). In earlier studies, these two gods were considered to be identical, and the sex of this god/goddess was occasionally thought to be determined by location; for example, the god is female in Lagaš and male in Eridu. In this context comparison between Dumuziabzu and Dumuzi was also taken into account. Because of the common element dumu-zi in their names, a direct link between them was suggested earlier, but this view is now largely abandoned. In this study, evidence on Dumuziabzu has been thoroughly gathered from documents dating from the third to the first millennium BCE, in order to see as precisely as possible the relation between the female Dumuziabzu and the male Dumuziabzu.<br>&emsp;The following observations have been made. First, the female Dumuziabzu was an influential deity in Lagas in the third millennium BCE. Her worship disappeared almost totally with the decline of Lagaš after the Third Dynasty of Ur. However, her name and the district whose deity she was, Kinunir, were passed down in the literary texts after the Third Dynasty of Ur, even in the lamentations written during the first millennium BCE. Furthermore, a few literary texts indicate some confusion between Dumuziabzu and Dumuzi. It seems that Dumuziabzu came to be considered male since the name contains dumu-zi, and that, because of his association with abzu, he then came to be regarded as one of the gods in Enki's circle.

著者

黒柳 恒男

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.7, no.3, pp.95-110,144, 1964

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Sufism played a great role in the classical Persian literature which flourished from the tenth century to the fifteenth century. We may regard a poet to be a Sufi by nature and a Sufi is incomplete without ecstacies of a poet.<br>The first Persian Sufi poet was Abu Said Abi'l Khair who employed ruba'i form as a mode of Sufi expression. Sanai, Attar, Rumi and Jami expressed Sufism chiefly in mathnavi form.<br>Persian Sufism found its highest expression in ghazal, the greatest exponent of which was Hafiz.<br>The conventional symbolic language is characteristic of Sufi poetry. It is said that every object mentioned by Sufi poets is typal of some philosophic or Sufi conception.<br>In this article I divided Sufi symbolic terms into the following five categories chiefly based on the great Sufi poet Iraqi's work.<br>(A) Terms on the parts of human body.<br>(B) Terms on wine<br>(C) Terms on religion.<br>(D) Terms on plants.<br>(E) Terms on nature.<br>(F) Terms on love.