著者

高橋 寿光

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.61, no.2, pp.135-150, 2019-03-31 (Released:2022-04-01)

参考文献数

29

被引用文献数

1

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This paper aims to examine the blue painted pottery from Northwest Saqqara, and to discuss changes in production technology of blue painted pottery in New Kingdom Egypt. As a result of this examination, changes in technology of pottery production, especially to fabrics, motifs and decorative techniques, are recognized. This is found from the reign of Amenophis II, mid-Eighteenth Dynasty through to the Amarna Period, late Eighteenth Dynasty. It seems that such alterations indicate the simplification in production technology of blue painted pottery. Specifically, the following changes are observed; the fabrics used in blue painted pottery changes from Marl clay which was difficult to obtain and required higher firing temperature, to Nile silt which was easy to collect from Nile alluvium and fired at a lower temperature. The motif alters from elaborated patterns including graphical faunal and floral motifs and geometrical flower motifs, to simple patterns, such as liner and dot decorations. The decorative techniques change from complicated to simplified procedures. It seems that this simplification in production technology which has occurred during mid-late Eighteenth Dynasty leads to an increase in the quantities and places of manufacture of blue painted pottery in the Nineteenth Dynasty since its production became easier than before. The one of the largest deposits of blue painted pottery from Northwest Saqqara demonstrates chronological changes from the earliest to the latest production phases. The materials from Northwest Saqqara allow us to discuss diachronic variability in blue painted pottery manufacture which has been observed so far by finds from different sites and periods separately. The study of blue painted pottery from Northwest Saqqara reveals that the major changes of its production had occurred just after the Amarna Period which is well known as a significant epoch of history, society, religion and art in New Kingdom Egypt.

著者

杉 亜希子

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.48, no.1, pp.88-116, 2005-09-30 (Released:2010-03-12)

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The east and the north walls of the burial chamber of the 6th Dynasty Saqqara tomb of Idut (usurped from Ihy) ane inscribed with almost identical offering lists of 96 items. I studied these lists, reconstructing them to the extent possible, using the five main sequences of an offering ritual suggested by G. Lapp: 1. introductory rites, 2. Opening of the Mouth rites, 3. introductory rites (repeated), 4. invitation to the deceased, and 5. the presentation of food offerings. The origin of this offering ritual can be traced to the royal ritual seen in the Pyramid Texts Spells 23-171, and the repetitive formula in the Spells was presumably recited, while the offerings were made. Research on these lists elucidates the metaphorical implications embedded in the names of the offerings, each of which refers to the ‘Eye of Horus’, and demonstrates that the ‘magical effect’ of the lists is to support the deceased Idut in her transformation into the divine _??_-state through the offering ritual.

著者

長谷川 敦章

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.50, no.2, pp.1-27, 2007 (Released:2010-03-12)

参考文献数

70

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This paper studies a tomb found at Minet el-Beida in 1997. Fortunately, it seems that the tomb was not looted, and many grave goods were intact. These were the first materials recovered from Minet el-Beida since Schaeffer stopped the excavations in 1932, six decades before and have significant value for the archaeological study of the Late Bronze Age in the East Mediterranean world. This study aims to consider how long the tomb was in use by studying the structure of the tomb and the finds in it such as Mycenaean and Cypriote pottery.The tomb was built entirely of ashlars. It has one chamber of rectangular shape and is equipped with ashlar steps and a dromos, a short passage connecting the chamber to the outside. This type of tomb is commonly seen at Ras shamra, Minet el-Beida and Ras ibn Hani, and seems to date from the Late Bronze Age II, that is the 14th to 13th centuries B. C.Twenty-eight pieces of Mycenaean pottery and twenty-nine pieces of Cypriote pottery were recovered from the tomb. The Mycenaean pottery includes stirrup jars, alabastra and piriform jars. The chronological analysis in this paper suggests that most of the Mycenaean pottery dates back to the Late Helladic IIIB, several to the Late Helladic IIIA2, and one to the Late Helladic IIIB to IIIC1. The Cypriote pottery consists of white shaved ware and white slip II ware, which are also called milk bowls. The former are dated to the Late Cypriote IB to IIB and the latter to the Late Cypriote IIC1.In conclusion, it seems that the tomb started being used in the Late Helladic IIIA2 and was abandoned in the Late Helladic IIIB, that is, that it was used for about 165 years, between 1350 B. C. and 1185 B. C.

著者

菊地 咲

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.58, no.1, pp.15-29, 2015

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<p>This article analyzes the process and contents of the ritual, text “Hauptritual B” published by W. Farber, in the book <i>Beschwörungsrituale an Ištar und Dumuzi</i> (1977). It examines how this ritual relates to the famous mythological narrative "Ištar's Descent into the Netherworld" by using the following: (1) comparing the ritual process with typical anti-witchcraft rituals (2) comparing the roles of the main divine characters in each texts.</p><p>   This ritual was linked to the mythological narrative through use of identical divine characters. However, the context in which they appeared in the ritual is not identical to their counterparts in the mythological narrative. Therefore, the above mentioned relationship does not give a direct explanation of the ritual acts by linking them to mythological narratives or provide an etiology of the ritual, as stated in former studies. This article argues that this loose correlation represents another type of relationship between a ritual and a mythological narrative.</p>

著者

岡田 恵美子

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.10, no.3, pp.129-145,216, 1967

被引用文献数

1

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Nizam-al-Din 'Ubaid Allah Zakani may be regarded as the most remarkable parodist and satirist produced by Persia in the fourteenth century, during which Sufism played an important role in the Persian literature.<br>'Ubaid-e-Zakani, who was born in Qazvin, lived at Shiraz in the reign of Abu Ishaq Inju.<br>His most celebrated satiric poem is &ldquo;Mush wa Gorbe&rdquo;, which means &ldquo;Rats and Cats&rdquo;, and his work should be estimated from the point of its characteristics in the Persian literature.

著者

近藤 真美

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.42, no.1, pp.84-102, 1999-09-30 (Released:2010-03-12)

被引用文献数

1 1

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This paper is written with the following aims: To show concretely how al-Subki family took opportunities to increase the prosperity of their family and how they kept this prosperity, and to consider what the limit of this prosperity was. I would like to take as a starting-point an examination of the actual conditions of ‘ulama’-society under the Mamluks.The following summarize the main points made in this paper:(1) The first step in the family's prosperity occurred when two members of the family took the post of qadi of Egypt, and one of the two took the post of mudarris in Cairo. The two were devoted to the education of their son, Tagiy al-Din (d. 756/1355). (2) After Taqiy al-Din received the post of qadi al-qudat of Syria, members of the family began to receive the many important posts in the fields of the judiciary and education, and they thus became rich. This was because of Taqiy al-Din's fame in jurisprudence, and because of the families' efforts to secure these posts, for example, through the use of bribery. (3) It is thought that one of the reasons behind the limitations on the family's prosperity in Cairo is that there was no room for them to establish a base of prosperity, and that, because of this, they tried to establish a base via forming relations with influential Syrian families through marriage. (4) However, a base couldn't be completely established in Syria. The reason may have been because the plague attacked many members of the family.From an examination of the case of al-Subki family, we can get a picture of a part of the rigid ‘ulama’-society in that era. That is in that era a few families were already influential and it was difficult for families to expand their sphere of influence.

著者

清水 和裕

出版者

学術雑誌目次速報データベース由来

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.38, no.2, pp.55-72, 1995

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In AH352/AD963, Mu'izz al-Dawla, a Buwayhid ruler of Baghdad, introduced two official observances: the public lamentations for the martyrdom of al-Husayn at the Day of 'Ashura, and the festival of Ghadir al-Khumm. From that time on, the religious strife between Sunni inhabitants of Baghdad and Shi'is became more serious. And in this situation, Sunni people invented two counter-celebrations to the Shi'i's: the visits to the Grave of Mus'ab b. al-Zubayr, and the festival of the Cave. Each observation of Sunni's and Shi'i's worked as a place for sectarianism. Then, we must ask the historical meanings of the visit to the Grave of Mus'ab, and why Sunnis chose Mus'ab as a counterpart to al-Husayn.<br>Mus'ab was appointed as a governor of Basra by his brother, Ibn al-Zubayr, the anti-Caliph of the Umayyad Caliphate in the Second Civil War. After he suppressed the Shi'i movement of al-Mukhtar, he waged several wars against the Umayyads and was killed by 'Abd al-Malik. Many historical stories depict him as a generous and brave man, but without piousness.<br>We can point out at least three factors that led to the invention of visits to the Grave of Mus'ab, as a counter-celebration of that of al-Husayn. First, he massacred al-Mukhtar and his followers, who held up a slogan: Revenge for al-Husayn. Secondly, the tragic story of his death bears a structural resemblance to that of al-Husayn. And thirdly, these two graves are placed symmetrically with respect to the city of Baghdad. All these factors show that the visit to the Grave of Mus'ab bore a social significance only as a contrast to that of al-Husayn.<br>In the Buwayhid Dynasty, we can see some religious symbols and symbolical acts of Shi'i's such as: (1) visits to the graves of Shi'i Imams, (2) Shi'i calls for prayer, (3) slogans written to the gates and paths of their quarters, (4) public insults for Sahabas, (5) Catapults which they brought with to the graves. These symbols promoted their internal cohesiveness and invoked their sectarianism more openly, while Sunnis, who had been offended by Shi'i usage of these symbols, began to seek their own.<br>They then found a symbol, which corresponded to one of the most important Shi'i Symbols of &ldquo;the Death of al-Husayn&rdquo;, in a historical account of &ldquo;the Death of Mus'ab&rdquo;. That is to say, under the social situation of the aggravated religious strifes, they found a new meaning in the death of a governor who lived in the Second Civil war and symbolized it as a counterpart to &ldquo;the Death of al-Husayn&rdquo;, which led them to the visit of his grave.<br>We can point out that the sectarian symbols of both parties became more open and complicated, which it brought more serious confrontations in the later rule of the Buwayhids, and must be considered as a significant feature of the religious strife during this period.

著者

伊藤 義教

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.7, no.2, pp.15-31,104, 1964-10-30 (Released:2010-03-12)

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This article is composed of three parts. In the 1st part, the writer has given a new translation of Citak Handarz i Poryotkesan. A new translation may be justified for ex. in §33 (cf. p. 15, n. 36), §54 (cf. p. 16, n. 47) and the beginning of §32: be pat han i χves hukunisnih “if not through his own good deeds” which should be taken as the last constituent of §31. In the 2nd part, the writer points out a morphologic relation between the early Achaemenian inscriptions and documents on the one hand, and the Andarz-literature on the other: in other words, Dar. Naqs-i-Rostam inscriptions as well as Xenophon's Cyropaedeia VIII 7, 1-28 are nothing but a sort of combination of historiography and andarz. It is interesting to note that parallelisms can be found between Dar. NRa 11. 56-58: martiya hya Auramazdaha framana hauv-taiy gasta ma θadaya and Citak Handarz i Poryotkesan §20: apak hamak vehan pat dat-χup-sandakih estatan “With all the good people one must stand in the situation that the Law seems (sandakih<sand-“videri”) agreeable (to himself)”. The 3rd and last part is a short survey of the Andarz-literature, leaving behind the problem of what development in thought and spirit this genre of literature has ever made.

著者

伊藤 義教

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.7, no.1, pp.1-17, 1964-08-15 (Released:2010-03-12)

著者

塩尻 和子

出版者

学術雑誌目次速報データベース由来

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.32, no.1, pp.33-49, 1989

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What is the criterion of good and evil brought forth endless controvercies in the Islamic ethics between the rationalists and the conservative groups; the former insisted that it could be known through the human reason, and the latter confined the authoritative criterion only to the revelation and its derivatives. The rationalists, the Mu'tazilah, maintain that the good and evil is inherent in the nature of the act itself and can be understood by the reason. For them the criterion of good and evil must be intrinsic and objective.<br>Based on this traditional Mu'tazilite ethical principles, 'Abd al Jabbar, who is a great scholar belonging to the later Mu'tazilah, elaborated his own ethics. He brought situational and prudential perspective into the judgment of ethical good-evil, taking into account various aspects and levels of the actual acts.<br>&ldquo;Benefit&rdquo;, one of the key terms in his ethics, is always correlated to Good, while &ldquo;Injury&rdquo; is to Evil. An act is good when it brings forth &ldquo;Benefit&rdquo; or when it defends Injury. Since the criterion of Good and Evil is put on the balance of &ldquo;Benefit&rdquo; and &ldquo;Injury&rdquo;, &ldquo;Injury&rdquo; which &ldquo;Benefit&rdquo; exceeds is judged as Good. All these prudential judgments can be rightly grasped by man's reason. However, as ethics must be always valid, 'Abd al Jabbar states that &ldquo;Benefit&rdquo; must not be of worldly selfish profits, nor should be gained by wrong means.<br>To consider the whole aspects of his ethics together, he seems to conceive a qualitative hierarchy of Benefit, of which the highest is the creation of God itself; &ldquo;Benefit&rdquo; not in a prudential nor rational sense, but in a eschatological sense. In the side of man, &ldquo;Benefit&rdquo; in the ultimate sense will be realized in the hereafter in accordance with what he has done in this world.<br>In this sphere &ldquo;Benefit&rdquo; has both the rational and eschatological meaning in 'Abd al Jabbar's ethics, even though it has situational and prudential aspects. The study of the whole relevance of these aspects is my next task.

著者

橋爪 烈

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.54, no.1, pp.96-119, 2011-09-30 (Released:2015-02-27)

参考文献数

32

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‘Aḍud al-Dawla (d. 372H/983) was the most powerful ruler of the Buwayhid Dynasty. This paper aims to examine his view of his royal lineage as expressed in Kitāb al-Tājī, which was written by Abū Isḥāq Ibrāhīm al-Ṣābi’ (d. 384H/ 994) at the express command of ‘Aḍud al-Dawla. It also aims to understand the book within the wider social and political context of the period when Buwayhid Dynasty was at its zenith. Section 1 provides an outline of the content of Kitāb al-Tājī and its background. The book was written when ‘Aḍud al-Dawla was just about to send a military expedition in 369H/980 against the Ziyārid and Sāmānid dynasties in the eastern regions of the ‘Abbāsid Caliphate. Section 2 establishes the noble lineage of the Daylam and the Jīl people by reconstructing the contents of Kitāb al-Tājī, which is now available only in an excerpt version. I compare the excerpt with some later sources that quote directly from the original text of Kitāb al-Tājī. These sources suggest that not only the Daylam but also the Jīl were connected with the Buwayhid Dynasty through a marriage alliance. Section 3 further analyses how the writing of Kitāb al-Tājī was affected by the ongoing conflict between the Buwayhid and the Ziyārid. When ‘Aḍud al-Dawla ordered Abū Isḥāq to write Kitāb al-Tājī, his underlying agenda was to present his lineage in order to justify his reign vis-à-vis the Ziyārid and their allies. In conclusion: (1) Kitāb al-Tājī reflected ‘Aḍud al-Dawla’s view of his own royal lineage, and, crucially, it was written under his supervision. (2) He portrayed himself as the converging point of the two noble lineages of the Daylam and the Jīl. (3) His purpose was to justify to his own army and to the Daylamite and Jīlite principalities the legitimacy of his reign just before lauching his military expedition against the Ziyārid of the Jīl.

著者

塩尻 和子

出版者

学術雑誌目次速報データベース由来

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.33, no.1, pp.30-44, 1990

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It is the foundation of the ethics in Islam that man is to be judged hereafter according to what he has done in this world. On the resurrection God will create man anew as same as created first time in this world. 'Abe al-Jabbar established his theory on the self-identity which continues from this world to the hereafter from the viewpoint of the Mu'tazilite atomic ontology, in which the things in this world are conceived to be composed of atoms and their inhering accidents.<br>On the contrary to most of the earlier Mu'tazila who insist that the reality of man be the spirit, 'Abd al-Jabbar maintains that his reality is in his total living body with the life and the physical structure in addition to the spirit. The spirit is distinct from the physical body and it cannot be realized without life in the body. Man is not only an exterior unity composed of several atoms and accidents with its special structure distinct from other beings, but also an interior unity composed of spirit, life and other accidents. In this meaning he calls man "Living Totality (jumla al-hayy)".<br>On the resurrection, this living totality is to be created anew as the same man as in this world. 'Abd al-Jabbar conceives the minimal unit of the atoms (aqall al- ajza') which survives the resurrection and continues to be in the hereafter. While the spirit perishes together with life and physical body at the death of man, the minimal unit of the atoms remains and is transferred to the next life. The core of his identity is this minimal unit of the atoms. This will be the kernel, the centre of self-identity in the hereafter; a substrate in which the new spirit, the new life and the new physical body, completely distinct from those of this world, will inhere.

著者

守屋 彰夫

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.25, no.2, pp.38-54, 1982

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To define the correlation of &lsquo;treaty&rsquo; with &lsquo;covenant&rsquo;, the functions of the gods in the Aramaic Inscriptions from Sefire (Sf) are investigated from the religious-historical point of view. It is stated in stele IA lines 7-14 that this treaty was concluded <i>in the Presence of</i> the gods of the contracting parties and the names of the gods as witnesses are listed. In the first half of these lines (11. 7-10) the gods of <i>KTK</i>, an unknown city or territory, are enumerated in pairs, showing clearly the influence of the Babylonian pantheon. The construction of these lines suggests that the Babylonian culture exerted a remarkable influence on <i>KTK</i>. The latter part of the same enumeration lists the gods in Arpad as witnesses (11. 10-12). There both western semitic gods, such as <i>Hadad</i>, '<i>El and</i> '<i>Elyon</i>, and natural phenomena were worshipped. Unlike the former enumeration, there is no pair consisting of a god and his consort. To enumerate gods as witnesses in such a way was very prevalent in the Ancient Near Eastern traditions. In Sf natural phenomena were adored as well as gods, but in the OT phenomena listed were limited to only <i>heaven and earth</i> (e. g. Dt. 31:28 etc.). In addition, God appears as the witness to the treaty between Laban and Jacob (Gen. 31:50). These examples show that the function of the gods in Sf is similar to that of God in the OT. There was a traditional thought in Ancient Orient that the transgressors of the treaties were cursed and doomed to extinction by the treaty-gods. A similar type of curses appears in stele IA lines 14-35, in which <i>Hadad</i> plays quite an important role and most curses are closely related with his character as the storm-god. Furthermore, it was essential that the gods themselves conclude the treaty, which means, they were not only witnesses but also parties to the treaty. The following verbal usages are discussed in detail here: <i>sym</i> and <i>nsr</i>. Frequent appearances of the expression '<i>lhy</i> <i>&lsquo;dy&rsquo;</i> or <i>&lsquo;treaty-gods&rsquo;</i> emphasize the inseparable connection of Sf with the OT and Ugaritic Literature. My final conclusion is: although there may be no direct borrowings on the part of the OT from Sf, the covenant thought in the OT and the treaty thought in Sf are closely related each other.

著者

井本 英一

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.11, no.3-4, pp.69-90,194, 1968 (Released:2010-03-12)

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There are three calendars of ancient Iran: the Old Avestan, Young Avestan and Old Persian calendars.Gathic people were aware of the lunar year as well as the solar and settled five important turns of season on the ecliptic while they made them adjust the solar vague year. It is probable that even a Metonic cycle was known to some extent.The young Avestan and the Old Persian calendars are the complex of the solar, lunar and lunisolar calendars.Problems of months of the beginning of the year, the five-day stolen month and the ten-day fravardigan at the end of the year, the Zoroastrian weeks, and the Hamaspathmaedaya feast are illustrated.

著者

加賀谷 寛

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.12, no.3-4, pp.191-205,231, 1969 (Released:2010-03-12)

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Imamzadah is a charismatic descendant of one of the Twelve Imams, then it came to mean a cult-site of the deceased Imamzadah. In modern Iran, it is usually understood in the latter sense, We may say that it is a miniature construction of those sacred tombs of Imams.The cult-site is believed as full of magico-religious power (barakah), radiating from the relics of Imamzadah, which posess healing power. The cult consists generally of donation (nadhr) of candles by a supplicant (ahl-hajat) praying for immediate personal ends (du'a).The practice of the cult could permeate thoroughly in almost every little society, based on their self-identity with Imam, presumably on the principle of faction-making within Muslim society. At the same time, sociologically, it has integrated the little society.The author maintains that we can not understand the whole range of religious attitudes of Muslims without making a survey of this practice.In the end, he stresses the immediate need of a systematic field survey of this cult.

著者

齋藤 正憲

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.49, no.1, pp.110-130, 2006-09-30 (Released:2010-03-12)

参考文献数

49

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Mineralogical and experimental examinations were carried out on the clays that it was thought could have been used during the Naqada I period or earlier. The investigations showed some features as follows: 1) the clays used during the Naqada I period were the so-called Nile Silt, 2) potters of that time exploited two types of clay, which were possibly fired by different methods, and 3) the firing of the pottery made from the fine clay was probably conducted in a firing structure. These results suggest that the techniques of making pottery had been fully sophisticated by the end of the Naqada I period.Certain changes occurred in ceramic production during the Naqada II period. Some pottery types typical of that time began to be manufactured from Marl Clay, while the Naqada I pottery had been made only from Nile Silt. The parallel ridges on the rim of some Naqada II pottery suggest the introduction of the turning device. The disappearance of black spots may indicate that the updraught kiln was also introduced to the Naqada culture. The use of the similar calcareous clay, the turning device and the updraught kiln in the Syro-Palestinian region predated the introduction of these into Egypt. This fact suggests that the new information on ceramic production came from Syro-Palestine.The new mode of pottery production appears in the clay preparation, in the shaping process and in the firing method. Such an overall change suggests the influx of foreign potters into Egypt rather than learning through the superficial imitation. Furthermore, is it likely that only potters came to Egypt? It should be concluded that á large group of people migrated from Syro-Palestine and that this stimulation was a major factor in making the Naqada Culture mature enough to expand into Lower Egypt.

著者

岡本 和也

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.50, no.2, pp.252-274, 2007 (Released:2010-03-12)

参考文献数

46

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The Jochid Ulus (the Golden Horde) and the Mamluks were dispatching envoys to each other in the Black Sea-Eastern Mediterranean region in the late 13th century. Diplomatic relations between the Jochid Ulus and the Mamluks have been well studied by modern scholars, but in these previous studies, it was often stated that the relationship between them originated in their mutual understanding that they shared a common enemy in the Ilkhanids. However, considering the importance of the Byzantine Empire through which the envoys had to pass, it is impossible to dispense with a discussion on the role of the Byzantine Empire in this relationship.This article aims at a reexamination of the dispatch of envoys between the Jochid Ulus and the Mamluks by analyzing the Mamluk chronicles. In addition, in order to understand the purpose of the envoys between the Jochid Ulus and the Mamluks the Mamluk-Byzantine envoys will also be examined.My conclusions are that the Jochid Ulus and the Mamluks were sending envoys not just because of mutual hostility towards the Ilkhanids, but also for trading mamluks between their two countries. In other words, these envoys had commercial purposes, such as trading mamluks, as well as political ones, such as cooperating against the Ilkhanids. For these two countries, dispatching envoys was important policy affecting the basis of their existence.

著者

澤田 萌

出版者

The Society for Near Eastern Studies in Japan

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.53, no.1, pp.106-119, 2010

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The Malamatiyyah is a group of Islamic mystics who appeared in Nishapur in the ninth century. Although its secrecy made unclear its historical details, one famous Nishapuan Sufi author, Sulamī (d. 1021) provides us with valuable information on them in <i>al-Risālah al-Malāmatiyyah</i>. It tells about some of their unique practices which were designed to help them avoid arrogance and to aid them in the purification of their souls, such as their practice of deliberately committing acts that would draw people's censure (<i>malāmah</i>), concealing their high spiritual state, and earning their livelihood through mundane work. It is said that this group was absorbed by the rising tide of Baghdad Sufism in the tenth century.<br> In the eleventh century, Nishapur produced one of the most famous Sufi authors, Qushayrī (d. 1072), whose <i>Risālah</i> is probably the most widely read Sufi manual in Islamic world. The present paper focuses on his regional link with Nishapur, and attempts to show how Qushayrī adopted some of the unique Malāmati precepts in his <i>Risālah</i>, such as their concept of <i>futuwwah</i> the insistence on the need for the purification of the soul (<i>nafs</i>), and the acceptance of censure. Especially in connection with the last of these items, it is noteworthy that Qushayrī devotes a whole chapter of his <i>Risālah</i> to "backbiting (<i>ghībah</i>)", which is an unusual topic in a Sufi manual, and tells us there that being exposed to backbiting from others is directly linked with merit in the afterworld. These considerations not only us a new understanding of the Sufi thought of Qushayrī, but also suggest that Baghdad Sufism itself was transformed and underwent new developments under the influence of one particular local tradition, the Malāmatiyyah of Nishapur.

著者

大塚 和夫

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.29, no.1, pp.84-95, 1986-09-30 (Released:2010-03-12)

著者

小板橋 又久

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.32, no.2, pp.30-44, 1989 (Released:2010-03-12)

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We can find in the Old Testament mšrr “singer” and šr “singer” which both derive from the verb šr (*šyr) “to sing”. We can find Mšrr only in Ezra, Nehemiah, and Chronicles. Mšrr occurs several times with the word “Levites”, and denotes a singer which belongs to the temple, especially to the Jersusalem Temple, except in Ezra 2: 65 and Neh. 7: 67, in which case we can't determine the kind of singers. On the other hand šr does not occur in specific materials. From two examples (II Sam. 19: 36; Eccl. 2: 8) which denote the “palace singers” and four examples (I Kings 10: 12; II Chron. 9: 11; II Chron. 35: 25; Ps. 68: 26) where we can't determine the kind of singers, we conclude that šr does not mean the specific type of singer but referes to a singer in general.Why does the term mšrr occur only in the so-called Chronicler? Ezra, Nehemiah and Chronicles stress that there was one form in the songs and instrumental music dedicated to Yahweh which were performed in the Jerusalem Temple based on the true faith in Yahweh. The group that proclaimed that the traditional form was very important might use the term mšrr and distinguish it from the other terms which refer to the singers not based on the traditional form from their point of view.