著者

前田 君江

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.55, no.2, pp.33-52, 2013-03-31 (Released:2016-04-26)

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The purpose of this paper is to analyze the refrain patterns and their poetic functions in Ahmad Shāmlū’s (1925-2000) “In this Blind Alley” (1979) and his other poems.The refrain patterns found in poetry can be classified into five types: 1) perfect refrain, 2) incremental refrain, 3) mixed refrain, 4) refrain by another “voice,” and 5) double refrain. Incremental refrain involves the repetition of the same phrase, with one or a few words substituted, while mixed refrain is the repetition of perfect refrain along with a one-time repetition of its incremental version. The fourth type is not based on the repetition of a phrase, but rather on the inclusion of a voice that can be distinguished from the voice of main text of the poem. Finally, double refrain refers to the double use of perfect refrain and incremental refrain. This final type is the type found in “In this Blind Alley.”Arguably, three factors make it possible for the fear and warning that the poem expressed in the days of its creation to maintain a contemporary reading that addresses the situations we may be facing at any given moment.The first factor is its multiple levels of meaning. In his early works, we can see that Shāmlū’s refrain derives from his techniques of repetition. Each time the poetic phrase is repeated, it evokes deeper metaphors or makes another allusion.The second factor is ambiguity of the voice of the refrain. The refrain, with its high musicality and rhythm, is repeated in a symmetrical structure evocative of a chorus. This dissociates the voice of the refrain from the voice of narrator of the main text, who is often regarded as the poet himself.The third factor is the poetic function of the substitution of words in incremental refrains, and the interaction between these substitutions and the main text.

著者

藤井 守男

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.29, no.2, pp.85-101, 1986 (Released:2010-03-12)

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This paper intends to analyze the philosophical speculation of Akhond-zade (1812-78) known not only as one of the earliest play wrights in Azerbaidzhan but also as a vigorous advocator of a reform of the Arabic alphabet. Although he was a government emploee of the Tzarist Russia, he keenly sympathized with Persian nationalists and their movement. In his highly controversial speculative work, the Maktubat-e Kamal al-Dowle, he severely criticized Islamic fanaticism (Ta'assob-e Eslami) as a main obstacle to the diffusion of Western Civilization, which he understood in an unrealistic manner. He also, in his work, shows a nationalistic heart harbouring anti-'Arab sentiments.He was admittedly a materialist: yet he took advantage of Persian mysticism, especially, its pantheistic monist concept of unity of existence to systematize his own claims. The world, according to him, is a total and complete Being, that is “Complete Force”, which manifests itself in diverse forms regulated by the law of Nature. Moreover, this complete force, he asserts, could be considered as an existence realized when a “whole” and a “part” are integrated, both of which have neither beginning nor end. There is no difference between them, for which he declares that they exist as one like a human body.Thus, nominally advocating the breakout of the “prison” of metaphysics, he developed this unique materialist “ontology”. It paved the way for denouncing the justice of the Quranic God and the Creator for the 'Arab as well.

著者

高野 太輔

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.45, no.2, pp.133-147, 2002 (Released:2010-03-12)

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In 76 A. H./695 A. D., a Kharijite leader, Salih b. Musarrih al-Tamimi rebelled against the Umayyads in the region of Dara with the horsemen under the command of Shabib b. Yazid al-Shaybani. Although Salih was killed in the early stage of the revolt, Shabib succeeded him and led the remnants of the Kharijite forces through the region of al-'Iraq. The men who followed Shabib numbered barely over one hundred, because the “Kharijite” forces were mainly made up of his own tribesmen, Banu Shayban, in spite of their summoning the other Arabs to the faith. Al-Hajjaj b. Yusuf al-Thaqafi, the notorious governor of al-'Iraq, sent the Kufan troops one after another against Shabib whose army defeated all of them and rushed into the city of al-Kufah, killing those who prayed at the great mosque, and moved away up to the eastern mountainous district. In the next year the Kharijites invaded al-'Iraq again, defeated the army of fifty thousand men under the command of ‘Attab b. Warqa’ and camped outside the city of al-Kufah, facing al-Hajjaj himself there. But the Syrian troops who were sent by the caliph 'Abd al-Malik pushed them back and made Shabib drowned in his crossing the river of Dujayl at the end of 77/697.For all that the Kharijite rebels were regarded as fanatic extremists from the viewpoint of later Sunni Islam, the Arabic sources which narrate the course of the revolt seem to glorify them as mighty horsemen and fearless soldiers. This is because Shabib rebelled against the Umayyads, the enemy of the 'Abbasids who would overcome them and build a new dynasty under which the remaining Arabic chronicles and biographies were written.

著者

星野 陽

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.11, no.3-4, pp.37-51,192, 1968 (Released:2010-03-12)

参考文献数

18

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It is a widely-known fact that Mithra, famed in Avestan Hymn (Yasht) is considered identical with Mithras, the God of War who waged a fierce religious contention against Christianity in the Mediterranean World at the end of the Ancient Period.Studies in this field, however, have largely been focused, as seen i n the study by Prof. Cumont, on the development of Mithraicism in the Roman World, and so far due attention has not been paid to the process of the formation of Mithraicism in the Orient. This is due, first, to the fact that the interest of Western historians has mainly been centered to elucidating Christian European Civilization, and therefore the study of Mithra, despite its connection with Christian European Civilization, has had to be confined both in time and area to the limited world of Rome at the end of the Ancient Period, and secondly it is due to linguistic and other osbtacles that one cannot avoid in the study of Orient Mithras.The study of the entire history of Mithraicism will become possible only when the unity of Orient and Latin worlds is successfully attained, but unfortunately the two worlds have remained separate without any interchange of inter-world study between Orient and Latin worlds.The proposed study into Mithra in Avestan Hymn is intended to give light upon the original nature of Mithraicism and also to inquire into the causes of the development of the religion during the period of more than 2, 000 years.Renan once said something to the effect that if any fatal hindrance had prevented Christianity from development, the world would have been under the rule of Mithra. This statement clearly suggests the important religious role played by Mithraicism in the Imperial Roman Period.As it is well-known, a great variety of religions of both Oriental and Occidental worlds flourished in the Ancient Mediterranean World. I deem it worth its while to look into the problems of Mithracism in its original nature, to which religion one often refers “an amalgam of religions in Iran, Babylonia-Greece and those of the Romans and the Hebrews”.

著者

岡崎 桂二

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.35, no.2, pp.39-55, 1992 (Released:2010-03-12)

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The 'Abbasid revolution brought about a radical change in every corner of the society. In the literary field, poets tried to adapt themselves to the taste of the new urban society, especially of the newly established caliphal court. Through their efforts a highly rhetorical and ornate style in Arabic poetry was created, and this new style was named badi (literally—the New) by the Caliph poet, Ibn al-Mu'tazz. Badi' continued to exercise considerable influence both in composing and criticizing Arabic poetry.Bashshar b. Burd (c. 95-167A. H.) was noted for his particular attachment to figures of speech such as pun, metaphor and antithesis. Al-Jahiz regarded him as an originator of this new style. He was ethnically persian, socially mawali, religiously heretic, ideologically shu'ubi, and physically blind.In this paper the author investigates what Bashshar's stylistic features are, how he originated them, and how deeply the literary event was intertwined with the specific social and intellectual climate of his time.

著者

竹田 新

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.26, no.2, pp.75-94, 1983 (Released:2010-03-12)

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In the Arabic geographical works the term “iqlim” appears frequently. According to Yaqut, an Arabic geographer, this word has four different meanings, i. e. (1) a region; (2) a large village in Andalusia; (3) a “kishwar”; and (4) a climate or a mathematically arranged climatic zone.The word “iqlim” is the Arabicized form of the Greek word “klima” which means a climate. This word was used first to indicate one of the seven climatic zones of the inhabited world. This usage corresponds to the stage of introduction by the Moslems of a foreign (i. e. Greek) concept. Then it came to be used as a word that signified the kishwar, a concept of Persian origin. The Persians conceived the whole world to be composed of seven circular kingdoms with their own as the center. Each of these seven kingdoms was called kishwar. The Persian view of the world resembled that of the Greek in that both of them divided the world into seven different units. Because of this similarity the Greek concept of “klima” came to be intermingled with the Persian concept of “kishwar”, both being expressed by the word “iqlim”. One can call this stage as the fusion of the two different concepts.Finally, the word “iqlim” was given a new meaning, namely a region. This meant more exactly a kind of administrative unit such as provinces or districts. A large village in Andalusia was also called an “iqlim”. The transformation of the connotation of the word expresses the process in which the fused notion of iqlim and kishwar evolved into an Islamic notion of administrative entity.Those who used the term “iqlim” to signify a climate were mainly the scholars of ‘the science of longitudes and latitudes’ such as al-Khuwarazmi, al-Farghani, al-Biruni, az-Zargali and at-Tusi. The writers who belonged to ‘the science of marvels of countries’ used the the term to denote the kishwar. Examples of these writers were Ibn al-Fagih, al-Mas'udi, Abu Hamid al-Gharnati and ad-Dimashgi. The scholars of ‘the science of roads and realms’ such as Ibn Khurdadhbih, al-Balkhi, al-Mugaddasi, al-Bakri and Abu ‘l-Fides’ used the word to mean regions or administrative units.A further explanation is provided by Yaqut about the seven climatic zones. He divides the inhabited world (i. e. the northern hemisphere of the globe) into seven climatic zones so that there are differences by thirty minutes from zone to zone in the length of the longest summer day. The zone nearest to the equator is named the first and the furthest the seventh. Then you have thirteen hours of day on the summer solstice in the first zone and sixteen hours in the seventh zone. (Some scholars such as al-Farghani and al-Biruni, on whom Yaqut himself relied, arranged the zones so that you have thirteen hours on the summer solstice in the middle line of the first zone. Another group of scholars such as al-Khuwarazmi adopted a different method according to which you have thirteen hours on the dividing line of the first and the second zones. The latter group belonged to a minority.)Yaqut also arranged various regions and cities in each climatic zone from the east to the west. This system of arrangement was also adopted by al-Farghani and al-Biruni. The works of these scholars had a great influence and Yaqut followed their example in his conspectus.

著者

堀井 聡江

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.38, no.1, pp.184-198, 1995-09-30 (Released:2010-03-12)

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Die gesetzlichen Umgehungen (hiyal, s. hilah) sind als solche Maßnahmen zu verstehen, mit denen man ohne Verstoß gegen das heilige Gesetz gewünshte Rechtsfolge erreichen kann, eben deshalb wurden sie vor allem von den hanafitischen Rechtsgelehrten zum parktischen Zweck untersucht. Die hanafitischen Umgehungen führen zu einem Fachbereich. Ihre hiyal-Literature kennzeichnet die positivrechtliche Rechtsproblematik, die die Entwicklung ihrer Schullehre bezeugt. Man kann in diesem Bereich eine zweckmäßige Anwendung der hanafitischen Lehre betrachten.Aus diesem Standpunkt geht es in dieser Arbeit darum, die Entwicklung der Umgehungen mit der hanafitischen Schullehre in Zusammenhang zu bringen. Ich beschränke Beispiele dafür auf zwei Rechtsgeschäfte, die am häufigsten zur Umgehung benutzt werden, d. h. das Geständnis (igrar) sowie die Klausel (shart) um den materiellrechtlichen Aufban der Umgehung zu zeigen.

著者

松本 克己

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.34, no.1, pp.138-143, 1991-09-30 (Released:2010-03-12)

著者

戸田 聡

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.56, no.1, pp.98-102, 2013-09-30 (Released:2016-10-01)

参考文献数

4

著者

松山 洋平

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.57, no.1, pp.18-32, 2014-09-30 (Released:2017-10-01)

参考文献数

65

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This study considers the increase and decrease in īmān (belief) in Māturīdism and illustrates the structure and concept of īmān within this school. It is commonly understood that, contrary to the majority of Ash‘arītes and ahl al-ḥadīth (people of ḥadīth), who admit the increase and decrease in īmān, a vast majority of Māturīdītes deny this because, according to their theory, work is not a constituent of īmān, and īmān is composed of only taṣdīq (assent) by the heart, or by another perspective, taṣdīq by the heart and iqrār (confession) by the tongue. Even among the Māturīdītes, who deny the increase and decrease in īmān, a changeable aspect related to this concept is perceived, but it is believed that the core structure of īmān is unchangeable. The changeable aspect is referred to as nūr (light), ḍiyā’ (brilliance), or thamara (fruit) of īmān. These changeable aspects of īmān are not components of īmān, even though they originate from īmān. However, a group of Māturīdītes, all of whom are scholars from the Ottoman era, believe that īmān is unchangeable only when it refers to mu’man bi-hi (what should be believed), and it accepts the increase and decrease in īmān when it refers to assent. The author focuses on the following two results of the study. First, those scholars among the Māturīdītes who admit the increase and decrease in īmān are all from the Ottoman era. This perspective could be interpreted as the later Ottoman Māturīdītes' approach to the Ashartes theories on īmān-related issues. Second, the Māturīdītes who admit that there is something changeable, separate these mutable concepts cautiously from the structure of īmān, which are immutable. By doing so, this school succeeds in describing the precise relationship between the concept of īmān and its related concepts.

著者

田澤 恵子

出版者

The Society for Near Eastern Studies in Japan

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.52, no.1, pp.63-83, 2009

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It is difficult to track down the Levantine origins of the six Syro-Palestinian deities found in New Kingdom Egypt (Baal, Reshef, Hauron, Anat, Astarte, and Qedeshet). Part of the problems is that the images of these deities, venerated both by the royal family and by the ordinary people, were much Egyptianised. It has been pointed out that Syro-Palestinian art was greatly influenced by Egypt, Anatolia and Mesopotamia, which plausibly results in the assumption that Egyptian styles, once exported to Syria-palestine, may have come back to Egypt in the form of 're-imported' images of these deities. This paper will discuss, as a case study, the means by which the representation of the goddess Qedeshet was established.<br> The investigation leads us to the following conslustions: 1) the motif of a naked female <i>en face</i> might have been imported from Egypt to Syria-Palestine before the New Kingdom, but then part of this iconography was possibly brought back to Egypt with the concept of Qedeshet, 2) the idea of the goddess standing on the back of an animal was not Egyptian originally, and as for Qedeshet, the influence of the goddess Ishtar in Mesopotamia would be very important, 3) the snakes in the hands of Qedeshet probably reflect the Egyptian view in which the serpent is the symbol of magical protection, resurrection and vitality in the afterlife.<br> Under the circumstances, it can be deduced that the motif of the goddess Qedeshet in the New Kingdom has not been dominated primarily either by Egypt or by Syria-Palestine but is in fact composed of elements of iconography and concepts from both regions. Some could be originally Egyptian components, introduced into Syria-Palestine earlier and re-imported into Egypt with Syro-Palestinian factors, while others were newly brought into Egypt, and assimilated to some extent with Egyptian ideas on particular aspects.

著者

斎藤 淑子

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.13, no.1-2, pp.43-74,187, 1970 (Released:2010-03-12)

被引用文献数

1

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In the Islamic World, the highest title kept by a sovereign was “Caliph” or “Sultan”. Originally the successors or agents of the prophet Muhammad claimed to be “Caliph”. They held, in the earlier periods, the supreme power either in the secular or in the religious affiars. Only with the lapse of time, they lost their secular power and became mere religious leaders. This took place especially in the late-Abbasids. Consequently the “Sultan” appeared on the stage as a person of power who had replaced the “Caliph” in the secular affairs. In short, these two titles which are important in the Islamic history underwent some changes. But, in the Ottoman empire, they were again unified under the so-called Sultan-Caliph System. It is said that in 1517, the Sultan Selim I inherited, on the occasion of his conquest of Egypt, the title “Caliph” from the Caliph al-Mutawwakil, who was a descendent of the Abbasids and eked out a bare existence under the protection of the Mamluk Sultan Tuman Bey in Cairo. That is the origin generally accepted of the Sultan-Caliph System. But we have no evidence to support such a story in the contemporary sources. Accordingly scholars tend at the present to attribute this legend, at least for its first mention, to a work of M. d'Ohsson (Tableau Général de l'Empire Ottoman, pp. 269-70, t. l, 1788) written two centuries and half later than the reign of Selim I. Moreover, d'Ohsson himself states that the abdication in question is not as a historical fact, but as a leagal theory.That is why we may doubt a fictious character of the above-mentioned story. On the other hand, we should not overlook the fact that the Ottoman Sultan was recognized in general as Caliph in the Muslim world as well as in Europe from the 18th untill the 20th century. Why could the fiction be accepted as a reality?At first, it is necessary to examine the problem from Islamic point of view. In this case, the conquest of Egypt under the Mamlukids and the following occupation of Mecca and Medina, the two holy cities of Islam, by Selim are very important.Secondly, we must consider the idea of sovereignity among the Turks together with the particularities of their faith. Up to the present, the study of the Sultan-Caliph System has been limited into the scope of Islamic history. Now, isn't it required for us to take a step into the new scope, that is the history of Turks as a whole? The comparative study on their traditions, institutions or ideas in the pre-Islamic periods will be much effective for the solution of our problem.

著者

齋藤 久美子

出版者

The Society for Near Eastern Studies in Japan

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.48, no.2, pp.47-65, 2005

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This paper analyzes the establishment by the Ottoman Empire of the <i>Yurtluk ve Ocaklik</i> and the <i>hükûmet</i> in eastern Anatolia and their historical development.<br>After the Ottoman Empire took the eastern Anatolia under its control in the 16th century, it examined the situation of the land tenure and the distribution among the power of Kurdish <i>amirs</i> (chieftain) who had governed the area. This was aimed at merging eastern Anatolia into its local administration system. Thereafter <i>amirs</i> received <i>sancaks</i> (subdivision of a province) as a <i>yurtluk ve ocaklik</i> (hereditary holding) which authorized them to keep inherited privileges. The Ottoman Empire called the <i>sancaks</i> of powerful <i>amirs eyalets</i> (semi-autonomous sancak), but the distinction remained vague. At the end of 16th century when the word <i>hükûmet</i> started to be commonly used instead of <i>eyalet</i>, the <i>sancaks</i> of powerful <i>amirs</i> were designated <i>hükûmets</i> accordingly. The establishment of the <i>hükûmet</i> played a decisive role in differentiating the more and less powerful <i>amirs</i> by naming them separately.<br><i>Hükûmet</i> means the exemption from the land survey and the <i>timar</i> (fief) system, and where all the tax income belonged to the <i>amir</i>. The definition of <i>hükûmet</i> changed over time. In some <i>hükûmets</i> the privileges of <i>amirs</i> were gradually undermined. On the other hand, the <i>amirs</i> who ruled <i>hükûmets</i> remained powerful, obtaining the title of <i>han</i> (<i>khan</i>) instead of <i>bey</i> at the end of 17th century.<br>The establishment of <i>hükûmet</i> exemplified the real nature of the Ottoman governing system. The Ottoman Empire introduced the Ottoman governing system, which embraced traditional political and social order into eastern Anatolia. In other words, the establishment of the <i>yurtluk ve ocaklzk</i> and the <i>hükûmet</i> represents one aspect of the reconstitution of traditional order by the Ottoman Empire.

著者

井本 英一

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.31, no.2, pp.1-17, 1988 (Released:2010-03-12)

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The dying person is wrapped up in the animal skin as the dead person is in Iran. The animal skin is of goat or sheep. It would seem that they get spirited wearing the skin of a sacrificed animal.It was the custom of neolithic Egypt to be buried with the animal skin on the body. In the ancient world even the deity needed the animal skin when he was to be full of life. The animal skin revitalized the dead, the deity, and the living as well.The animal sacrifice was not to offer up an animal to the deity but to kill the deity itself. The skin of the animal was full of life. Therefore the dying deity clad in the skin of the sacrificed animal came to life again.

著者

小板橋 又久

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.55, no.2, pp.53-62, 2013-03-31 (Released:2016-04-26)

参考文献数

51

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The goddess Ashtart is mentioned several times in the Ugaritic texts, but appears relatively rarely in the mythological texts. A. Caquot and M. Sznycer say that at Ugarit, Asthtart was a “colourless deity”. On the other side, “the singer of Ashtart” (šr. ‘ṯtrt), whom We can find in the administrative text (KTU2 4.168: 4) , is very unique in the ancient Near East. Why does the “colorless deity” in the mythological texts need her professional singer?We can find the entry ritual of Ashtart in several ritual texts (KTU2 1.43: 1-2 ; 1.91: 10; 1.148: 18). The goddess’s entry into the royal palace suggests the royal attention paid to her. It appears likely, from a comparison of the Ugaritic texts with the Mari evidence, that the entry ritual of Ashtart is a kind of kispu-festival. We can see that Ashtart is invoked in some incantational texts related to vanquishing venomous serpents (KTU2 1.100; 19b—20a; 1.107; 39b—40a).The Keret epic (KTU2 1.14: III: 41-42 ; VI: 26-28) and a mythical text (KTU2 1.92) show that Ashtart is beautiful but powerful, and she is a good skilled huntress. The Baal myth (KTU2 1.2: IV: 28-30) and a song to Ashtart (RIH 98/02) indicate that Ashtart has the overwhelming power to subdue hostile forces. We can also see that Ashtart is called together with the god Horon in the king Keret’s curse (KTU2 1.16: VI: 54-57).Ashtart is the protective goddess to kings of Ugarit, because of her power of breaking enemies. Ashtart is important for the protection of Ugaritic kings against their hostile forces. Because of her physical and magical power, the singer of Ashtart might be necessary for the rituals related to the protection of Ugaritic kings against their enemies and fears.

著者

小玉 新次郎

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.8, no.1, pp.33-43,102, 1965-09-20 (Released:2010-03-12)

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In order to get goods from the East, the Roman Empire came into close political relationships with Palmyra, while the Parthian Empire had common economic interests with Palmyra also. But the transportation of goods through the desert deoended not upon Roman or Parthian merchants but entirely upon Palmyrene caravaneers. This is the reason why Palmyra became prosperous rapidly in the second and third centuries. This permitted the Palmyrene commercial settlement in Vologesia to become important and to sway the fate of Palmyra. Vologesia's importance arose from the fact that it was the place where two great parallel trade routes converged towards the West, one coming from the Iranian plateau, the other coming from the Persian Gulf.

著者

前嶋 信次

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.5, no.1, pp.67-80, 1962-03-31 (Released:2010-03-12)

著者

柳橋 博之

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.36, no.2, pp.34-48, 1993 (Released:2010-03-12)

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La tendence extrêmement formaliste du droit hanafite rend le plus souvent difficile d'interpréter ses solutions positives. Cette difficulté est aggravée par le fait que les premiers juristesn'en expliquent pas les motivations.Voici deux exemples qui en fournissent une bonne illustration.(1) En matière de responsabilité délictuelle, certains des hanafis, ne reconnaissant que difficilement comme étant établi le lien de causalité entre le fait dommageable et la conséquence mauvaise, ne font encourir aucune responsabilité à celui qui a ouvert le cage, au cas où l'oiseau qui s'y trouve s'enfuirait.(2) En ce qui concerne la vente portant sur un corps certain, les hanafis ne permettent pas à l'acheteur de disposer de la chose vendue avant qu'il n'en ait pris la livraison, car le vendeur ne détient pas la chose en tant que mandataire de l'acheteur, ce qui rend impossible, sur le plan juridique, la livraison immédiate de la chose au second acquéreur.

著者

池田 修

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.11, no.3-4, pp.121-160,198, 1968 (Released:2010-03-12)

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It is well known that the study of Arabic was carried on concurrently in Basra and Kufa, towns founded immediately after the Islamic conquest of Iraq.The development of these two cities was quite different. Basra, situated on the right bank of the Satt Al-crab, became one of the centers of world trade and has maintained its important position to the present. Kufa, on the other hand, played a major role in state adminstration at first, but lost its importance after the foundantion of Baghdad.The study of the Arabic flourished first in Basra, then in Kufa. Because of the controversy between the two towns the rules of the language were made from different viewpoints.The auther's intention is to examine the literary works of some of the famous scholars, thereby elucidating the differences between the Basra and Kufa schools. He concludes that the Basrans thought more logically and critically than the Kufans, establishing rigid rules which did not make exceptions for individual peculiarities. They used the so-called “qiyas” (analogy) system more strictly than did the Kufans.Although the Kufans began their studies with the “shuyukh” (masters) of Basra, they were soon expounding veiws which, more archaic and more natural, approved the individual exceptional styls (“shudhudh”) as a basis (“usul”) for further analogies. They were, so to speak, anomalists, while the Basrans were analogists.When Baghdad become the new intellectual center the controversy between the Basra and Kufa schools become more and more attenuated, finally disappearing in the 10th century. The residents of Baghdad chose between the rival doctrines by using both of them indiscriminately, thus representing electicism in the history of Arabic studies.

著者

三橋 冨治男

出版者

The Society for Near Eastern Studies in Japan

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.13, no.3, pp.171-184,A203, 1970

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To secure the dominations over the Mediterranean including Aegean or Adriatic shores, Red Sea and Indian Ocean, Ottoman Turks had to hold naval power, since the end of 15th century, well-known admirals came into existence one after another. Pirî Réis was one of those famous Turkish seamen and admirals like Barbaros Hayrettin or Seyd Ali Réis.<br>The writer has already examined biography of Pirî Réis, and his life work, "Kitabi Bahriye". This paper deals with only the part of Çin Deniz (the China Sea) written in Nazim. This part contains an account of the China Sea and considering that part of the world as the extremity of the East. It gives several interesting informations on the life of Chinese people, their customs, traditions, and their technical skill on ceramics. It also relates the Portuguese sailor's stories based on fantastic rumours. These rumours beara close resemblances to some paragraphs of old Chinese Classics, "Shan hai ching".<br>In summary, this paper intends to translate the Turkish Nazim concerned into Japanese and to research for relations with Portuguese monopolistic and exclusive policy to Eastern products.