著者
北川 誠一
出版者
学術雑誌目次速報データベース由来
雑誌
オリエント (ISSN:00305219)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.40, no.2, pp.69-84, 1998

In 1236, the <i>tamachi</i> army of Chormaghan Noyan began to conquer the Georgian Kingdom. Starting at their traditonal winter encampment in Arran, they proceeded to the North West. Their first victims were the cities and districts of the western branches of the Middle Kur. In the Kazakh canton of the present Republic of Azerbaijan, their course was divided into three directions. The Nothern course led them to the central and eastern provinces of Georgia. To the south they advanced and conquered the cities of Ani, Kars and Surb Mari, and third course overran the territories of South-West Georgia. In this way almost all the territories of the Georgian Kingdom were conquered.<br>In about 1240, the conquerd part of Georgia was divided among the six Georgian generals, called the generals of ten thousands ("<i>tmanis mtavari</i>" in Georgian) by the Mongols.<br>After the coronation of Emperor Monke, the conquered part of Georgia was put under the physical administration of Arghun-Aqa who made a census in 1254, and Georgia's population was counted and the area was divided into nine <i>tümens</i>. Each of these <i>tümens</i> could afford ten thousand soldiers. It was after this census that a new tax system was introduced by Arghun-Aqa.
著者
堀 晄
出版者
一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会
雑誌
オリエント (ISSN:00305219)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.50, no.1, pp.20-32, 2007-09-30 (Released:2010-03-12)
参考文献数
14

The auther investigated the ancient balance-weights from Central Asia and it was comfirmed that the Central Asian weight system was the oldest in the world. It is thought that the development of the system must be related to the trade of gold, silver amd lapis lazuli. The auther points out that Altyndepe in south Turkmenistan should be the ancient kingdom of Aratta described in the Sumerian legend.
著者
前田 徹
出版者
一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会
雑誌
オリエント (ISSN:00305219)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.43, no.1, pp.119-126, 2000-09-30 (Released:2010-03-12)
被引用文献数
1

In this brief paper, I will examine the lines 100-115 of “Gilgamesh and Agga.” I agree that, in this part of the text, the speaker was Gilgamesh and he was addressing Agga. However, I do not agree with the interpretation that Gilgamesh was expressing his gratitude for the mercy Agga had shown him, since we have no evidence to prove this situation. I offer an alternative interpretation for this part of the text; Gilgamesh allowed Agga to be an official in the army under his command, since Agga had no status and no privileges after he had been defeated in battle and had been abandoned by his own army. Gilgamesh released Agga. Agga served as his general and representative of Gilgamesh's rule over Kish.
著者
今澤 浩二
出版者
一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会
雑誌
オリエント (ISSN:00305219)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.56, no.2, pp.65-82, 2014

This paper attempts to examine the development of the vizierate in the Early Ottoman Empire, through analyzing the origins, careers and activities of the viziers of the period.<br> Initially, the Ottoman vizierate comprised a single individual, but the number seems to have increased during the reigns of Murad I and Yildirim Bayazid. During the earlier period, the vizier had power over both administrative and military affairs. However, it is likely that after the number of viziers increased, the second and third viziers of the military class took charge of military affairs, the military authority held by the Grand Vizier of the <i>ulema</i> class gradually becoming diminished until the title was merely nominal. Although the Grand Viziership was thought to have been held exclusively by the <i>ulema</i> class, this paper makes it clear that individuals from the Turkish military class held the office for an extended period during the reigns of Mehmed I and Murad II.<br> During the reign of Murad II, palace slaves (<i>kuls</i>) assumed the offices of second or third vizier, a few of them concurrently holding the post of <i>Rumeli Beylerbeyi</i>. Owing to the severe and continuous struggle between viziers of <i>kul</i> and <i>ulema</i> backgrounds during this period, viziers other than Grand Viziers changed frequently. Although the limitation of this era is reflected in the fact that the <i>kul</i> viziers could not advance to the Grand Viziership, Fatih Mehmed, who had succeeded to the throne for a time during this period, must have realized the effectiveness of having <i>kul</i> viziers. Thus, after the conquest of Constantinople, he strengthened his position as absolute monarch by appointing <i>kul</i> viziers, such as Zaganos and Mahmud Pashas, to the Grand Viziership. From this standpoint, the reign of Murad II was a quite important era, paving the way for the coming age.
著者
北川 誠一
出版者
一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会
雑誌
オリエント (ISSN:00305219)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.30, no.1, pp.41-53, 1987-09-30 (Released:2010-03-12)

Al-Husein b. Muhammad b. 'Ali al Ja'fari ar-Rughdi or simply known as Ibn Bibi after his mother, many times uses the term of “ilkhan” in his Anatolian history of Al-avamir al-'ala'iyye fi al-Umur al-'ala'iyye.Carefully examining the uses of this title in the faximile of the unique Istanbul manuscript, the author of this paper concludes that Ibn Bibi called by this title Törege Khatun, Ögedei's wife and regent after his death. So, the meaning of this term would not be “the subjugated khan”, but “khan of the people”, because the other title of this regent was “Ulus Beg”, which means “the lord of the state”.Accordingly, Hülegü's title of “il-khan”, when he assumed this title about after twelve years, would mean also “the khan of the people”. This regental title should not be maintained after the conversion of Ghazan-khan so this word was omitted from the legend of his coins as well as his soccessors, just like another inscription of “khaghanu nereber (by the order of the khaghan)”, which was turned into “Möngke tengrin küchündür (in the strength of the eternal Heaven)”.
著者
北川 誠一
出版者
学術雑誌目次速報データベース由来
雑誌
オリエント (ISSN:00305219)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.30, no.1, pp.41-53, 1987

Al-Husein b. Muhammad b. 'Ali al Ja'fari ar-Rughdi or simply known as Ibn Bibi after his mother, many times uses the term of "ilkhan" in his Anatolian history of <i>Al-avamir al-'ala'iyye fi al-Umur al-'ala'iyye</i>.<br>Carefully examining the uses of this title in the faximile of the unique Istanbul manuscript, the author of this paper concludes that Ibn Bibi called by this title Törege Khatun, Ögedei's wife and regent after his death. So, the meaning of this term would not be "the subjugated khan", but "khan of the people", because the other title of this regent was "Ulus Beg", which means "the lord of the state".<br>Accordingly, Hülegü's title of "il-khan", when he assumed this title about after twelve years, would mean also "the khan of the people". This regental title should not be maintained after the conversion of Ghazan-khan so this word was omitted from the legend of his coins as well as his soccessors, just like another inscription of "khaghanu nereber (by the order of the khaghan)", which was turned into "Möngke tengrin küchündür (in the strength of the eternal Heaven)".
著者
黒柳 恒男
出版者
The Society for Near Eastern Studies in Japan
雑誌
オリエント (ISSN:00305219)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.12, no.1, pp.1-16,168, 1969

Pancatantra, famous collection of animal fables of Indian origin, was translated into Middle Persian by Burzoe in the sixth century, but this version was lost. In the eighth century, Ibn al-Muqaffa' translated the Middle Persian version into Arabic prose and named it "Kalila wa Dimna" after the names of two jackals in the text. This Arabic translation became the basis for subsequent Persian versions.<br>First of all, in the tenth century the famous poet of the Samanid court, Rudaki put the Arabic version into Persian verse form at Amir Nasr's request, but no more than several verses of this epic have survived.<br>Abu al-Ma'ali Nasr Allah, probably a native of Shiraz, translated the Arabic version into Persian prose about 1144, which was dedicated to Bahram-Shah of Ghazna. This version was made in such an elegant style that it had effect on many later Persian works, such as "Akhlaq-i-Nasiri" and "Marzban-nameh".<br>About the end of the fifteenth century Husain Wa'iz Kashifi made by far the best known Persian version, entitled "Anwar-i-Suhaili", which was aimed at simplifying and popularising Nasr Allah's version. But his style was much more bombastic and florid, with many exaggerated expressions and considerably expanded parts.<br>This bombastic version became simplified in India and Abu al-Fadl, a famous historian and minister under Akbar, compiled a book, entitled "'Iyar-i-Danish", which was derived from Kashifi's version.
著者
北原 圭一
出版者
一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会
雑誌
オリエント (ISSN:00305219)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.42, no.2, pp.159-172, 1999 (Released:2010-03-12)

The Qur'an's story of Yusuf (=Joseph; Surah 12), parallel to the Joseph story in the Bible (Genesis 37-50), is said to be the best (or the most beautiful) of all stories (Ahsan al-qasas), It was elaborated in the post-Qura'nic legend, that is, Hadith, “tafsir (exegesis)”, Qisas al-Anbiya' (tales of the Prophets), etc., and became one of the favorite subject matters particularly in Persian poetry. There are many works entitled Yusuf u Zulaykha (=Potiphar's wife) in it, of which the most estimated is a fifteenth century prominent mystical poet, 'Abd al-Rahman Jami (d. 1492)'s.In addition to these independent works of Yusuf u Zulaykha, many Persian poets made the most of this story as edifying anecdote in their poetical works, for instance, Farid al-Din 'Attar (d. ca. 1221)'s Mantiq al-Tayr, Sa'di Shirazi (d. 1292)'s Bustan (Sa'di-nameh), and so forth.From the folkloristic point of view, as Shalom Goldman states in The Wiles of Women/The Wiles of Men (1995), the Yusuf story consists of three motifs: “Potiphar's Wife motif”, “the motif of the Wise Man as Saviour”, and “the motif of the Young Man Triumphant”. When we examine the development of the Yusuf story in Persian literature, “Potiphar's Wife motif” is the most important of the three. Because a lot of Persian poets such as 'Attar, Jami, took up this motif in their works by preference as stated above.In this paper is examined the development of the “Potiphar's Wife motif” as a significant part of the Yusuf story and her image in Persian literature. As to the image of Potiphar's Wife, she is usually described as a wicked woman in many narratives that deal with this motif. But for most of the Persian poets she isn't the like of it. Her passionate love for Yusuf is rewarded on account of its strength, and through the power of repentance she becomes “a blessed woman” in the end.
著者
嶋田 襄平
出版者
一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会
雑誌
オリエント (ISSN:00305219)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.13, no.3-4, pp.143-151,A200, 1970 (Released:2010-03-12)

Circumstantial evidence is, as Dr. Soheil M. Afnan points out, in favour of Ibn al-Nadim's statement that Khalid b. Yazid b. Mu'awiya was the first to order the translation of Greek and Coptic books on medicine, astronomy and alchemy into Arabic; yet these precursory translators could not find their immediate successors. The intellectual awakening, which began with the establishment of the Abbasid dynasty and resulted in the brilliant age of translation, was a natural outcome of secretarial translations from Pahlevi under the late Umayyads. The present writer attempts to collect sporadic informations on earlier Arabic translators and on Pahlevi translation of Aristotelian logics by way of Syriac in the Sasanid period.
著者
永田 雄三
出版者
The Society for Near Eastern Studies in Japan
雑誌
オリエント (ISSN:00305219)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.12, no.3, pp.149-168,228, 1969

Among the principal subjects of interest in 18th-19th century Ottoman history is the political influence exerted on the reform policies of the central government by the local notables known as A'yân and Derebeyi.<br>While Mahmud II came to the throne, they, the local notables, at that time had divided and ruled even Anatolia and the Balkan area, vital parts of the empire.<br>So this time I have studied their political activities after the Russo-Turkish war of 1768-1774, with stress on the "Nizâm-i Cedîd" of Selim III and on the "Sened-i Ittifak" of 1808, and then referred to the policy of Mahmud II for subjugation of the local notables.
著者
法貴 遊
出版者
一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会
雑誌
オリエント (ISSN:00305219)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.57, no.1, pp.33-48, 2014

In Medieval Arabic medical texts, a specific property (<i>khāṣṣa</i>) is thought to be one of the effects of a medicine, and effective in a specific humor or organ. This property is mainly mentioned to explain two phenomena, purgative medicines' attraction of a certain humor and theriacas strengthening of human innate heat. Galen had advocated the theory that the faculty of attracting a specific material inheres in a medical substance as its nature (referred to as the theory of inherence). The same view can be seen in the texts of Islamic philosopher-physicians such as Ibn Sīnā (d. 1037). On the other hand, Ibn Rushd (d. 1198) perceived the defects of this theory and criticised it. This article examines his criticism of the theory of inherence in his discussions about purgative medicines and theriacas.<br> Ibn Rushd says that using the theory of inheritance, we cannot explain the phenomenon that when someone takes more than one dose of purgative medicine, it attracts not only the specific humor, but all of the humors. He then proposes the alternative theory that the specific property originates in the proportions of the qualities in the attracting and the attracted materials. From this perspective, he insists that the object of attraction varies according to the amount of the heat in the medicine.<br> As for theriaca, Ibn Rushd criticises the theory of inherence as seen in the writings of Ibn Sīnā Ibn Sīnā claims that theriaca's specific property is generated from its substance, i.e. the combination of form with matter, not the mixture of the four qualities. But according to Ibn Rushd, with this explanation, it is impossible to explain the body's various responses to theriaca. Therefore he maintains that one must explain its specific property in terms of the four qualities.<br> To conclude, Ibn Rushd considers his theory to be more capable of explaining various phenomena than the theory of inherence is.
著者
阿久津 正幸
出版者
一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会
雑誌
オリエント (ISSN:00305219)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.45, no.2, pp.165-183, 2002 (Released:2010-03-12)

In fear of the extinction of the knowledge and the death of scholars, Umayyad Caliph Umar II is reported in hadith to have said, “Pick up the traditions of the Messenger of God and write them down” (Sahin al-Bukhari, Chap. of 'Ilm, §34). This report makes clear the fact that manuscripts of Islamic religious sciences are media for preserving records and also means for transmitting knowledge to the next generation. Many studies are now beginning to stress the peculiar nature of the person-to-person style in Muslim traditional education and regard Muslim education as a cultural practice. As a result, written material (i. e. the manuscript) has not attracted broader interest among modern historians of Muslim education except for the revision and compilation of certain texts. Although, when we focus on how learners receive educational contents of the religious sciences, we can say, even in the above-mentioned hadith, that written material does not necessarily lose its importance. Rather, we should be aware that it is indispensable material in Muslim education.First of all in this brief article, I will introduce information about the Catalogue of Arabic Manuscripts that was accumulated in Aleppo up until the mid-20th century. The Manuscripts were kept in the library called Dar al-Maktabat al-Waqfiyya al-Islamiyya, which was located in al-Madrasa al-Sharafiyya next to al-Jami'al-Kabtr. Its catalogue consists of 8 collections; each had been historically collected in religious waqf institutions (jami', masjid, madrasa etc.). The catalogue was arranged finally by the hand of a religious scholar of Aleppo, Ahmad b. Muhammad b. Saradar, and the collections were administered under him until they were transferred to the Asad Library in Damascus by governmental decree in 1986.In addition to providing a short history of the manuscripts and libraries, I will try to indicate a few possibilities about the “archaeology of the manuscript.” Through a short survey of Islamic writing and book history, while considering the study of historical sources, I would like to emphasize as a hypothesis that the manuscript could be regarded as being document-like evidence reflecting the actual learning activities of scholars and students. This research would open a way, beyond our lack of historical sources, to understand the curriculum in pratique at the place of education in Islamic history.
著者
小田 淑子
出版者
一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会
雑誌
オリエント (ISSN:00305219)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.18, no.1, pp.27-41,159, 1975-08-31 (Released:2010-03-12)

Rumi's religious thought is based on the sufism developed by Ibn 'Arabi. The pivot of his thought is the idea of the union with God. According to his view, it is not the abstract thought separated from reality but the subjective and existential one. It is concerned with what the true and fundamental self of man should be. The idea originates from the Unity of God (tawhid), the basic doctrine of Islam. I think his idea occured when “tawhid” was earnestly and thoroughly sought.God is the only true Being. Beings other than God are nothing but Divine Manifestation (tajalli). The true Unity of God is found, I think, in Divine Act in the eternal Now which Rumi calls the “new creation” (khalq-i jadid). This Unity cannot be known by means of ordinary knowledge. Man can know it when he dies to his self. Dying to his self is “fana'”.Why must he die to self in order to know God? God gives man both body and soul (ruh, jan), the latter of which is one with God. Man is the only creature that is created to know God. Though everyone is created and given life at every moment by God, he separates from God before reaching fana'. It is the separation from God to live without knowing that fundamental fact. This is no other than the sin of man. Forgetting that God is his fundamental (asl), he regards his self as his own. Rumi names this self “nafs”. To regard his self as what is in and by himself is at the same time to set it up against God. That means to rebel against the Unity of God.The awakening of sin makes him a seeker (talib). The seeker must be guided by the master (shaykh, pir) who is one with God, for “nafs” remains in the seeker. The only purpose of this search is to die to his self. So he must make himself lower and lower. God pours his Love on the one who makes himself lower.Dying to self takes place in the very self, but it is not due to man's own act. Only Divine Love can do it. This is fana'. Man can reach the union with God at the moment of fana'. Therefore, the union never means that two kinds of being, God and man, become one by such means as fusion. We must regard Rumi's idea of union as the realization of the Unity of God, where man is dead and only God exists. At the moment of fana' he can know God and find his fundamental self which participates in Divine Act. He can find God nowhere but in his own fundamental (asl), his soul.But fana' is not the final stage. He must pass away from fana'. Passing away from fana' (fana' al-fana') is baqa'. In this stage he can realize the true unitive state. At baqa' he can live the life of his fundamental self and his life is one with Divine's. Rumi expresses this situation as “ham-dami”, which literally means “to participate in breath”. Man's every act participates in Divine Act.
著者
杉村 貞臣
出版者
一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会
雑誌
オリエント (ISSN:00305219)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.12, no.3-4, pp.87-120,224, 1969 (Released:2010-03-12)

Since 614, when the Holy Cross in Jerusalem fell into the Persian hand, the time was getting ripe for taking back it, and was strengthening the spiritual unity of the Roman Empire with the doctrine which was proposed by Sergios.The Roman Emperor Heracleios (610-641) went on an expedition into the Persian territory from 622 to 629, and took back the Holy Cross. In the Christian world, before the expedition, the Monophysist in Syria and Egypt opposed the proporsal of Sergios, but during the expedition they changed to agreed to it, and the Pope Honorius I (625-638) recognized the Monotheletism.We can point out that the Persian Expedition of Heracleios went a long way toward strengthenning the unity of the Empire in the early part of the seventh century.