著者

小山 彰

出版者

日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント = Bulletin of the Society for Near Eastern Studies in Japan (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.59, no.2, pp.148-161, 2016

著者

三沢 伸生

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.51, no.1, pp.198-200, 2008

被引用文献数

1

著者

三沢 伸生

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.37, no.2, pp.127-141, 1994 (Released:2010-03-12)

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There are two main themes about land problems of the Ottoman Empire. From the 19th century to 1940's timar system was most popular subject of study in the frame of Islamic feudalism. But now many scholars are interested in iltizam system and çiftlik.For all that, there are still unsolved problems about timar system in the scope of the political formation of the Ottoman Empire. This system was not fixed but flexible with regional and periodical variations owing to the political needs.In the 16th century, the Ottoman Empire grew up an Islamic Empire with its vast territory. In the newly conquered lands, a special land system was putted in force. For example, the mâlikâne-dîvânî system, which is a special timar system, was carried out in Eastern Anatolia. By the analysis of two cadastres about Malatya region, BA 387 (1519/20) and TK 142 (1560), the number of villages where the mâlikâne-dîvânî system in charge (table 1) and the proportion of mâlikâne revenue to the total tax revenue (table 2) suggest that mâlikâne-dîvânî system was step by step changed to the normal timar system during 40 years of the reign of Süleyman I.

著者

渡井 葉子

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.55, no.2, pp.1-16, 2013-03-31 (Released:2016-04-26)

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The Egibi family is the most eminent “private entrepreneur” of the Neo-Babylonian period. Despite the fact that many studies have been published on this family, nobody has ever studied their urban real-estate properties systematically. In this paper I study a deed (Dar. 379) which divides the properties among the members of the Egibi family and then locate and determine the use of each property that appears in the document as much as possible, by examining the pertinent contracts of land sale involving Egibi family members.The Egibi family owned many houses in Babylon and in other nearby cities. These houses in each city adjoined one another. It is likely that heads of the family acquired neighboring plots and added them to their own property. Their houses functioned as residences of family members, business offices, workshops, loan collateral, etc. However, they do not seem to have made profit by selling these houses.According to one document, the “main house (bītu rabû) of the Egibi was situated in TE.EKI area in the city of Babylon, at least in nabû-aḫḫē-iddin times. In another document, we find that the residence or office of the crown prince (bīt-mār-šarri) was located in the neighborhood of the Egibi’s main house. It is therefore probable that the bīt-mār-šarri was located in the TE.EKI area. In fact, heads of the Egibi family appear in some documents as agents of the crown princes Neriglissar, Belshazzar and Cambyses. The location of the Egibi’s houses close to the bīt-mdr-Eam' was undoubtedly convenient for their partnership relation.Through this study there emerges an interesting picture of the process by which a newcomer to the urban elite through acquiring pieces of urban property was able to develop large residences in the neighborhoods of the administrative centers of big cities during the “long sixth century” of prosperity in Babylonia.

著者

小板橋 又久

出版者

The Society for Near Eastern Studies in Japan

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.26, no.2, pp.45-60, 1983

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The verb <i>šr</i> (*šyr) is the major term which denotes "to sing" in Ugaritic. This term occurs several times in the alphabetic texts of Ugarit. To describe the singing as reflected in those Ugaritic texts is my purpose. This paper deals with <i>KTU</i> 1.23, 1.16, and 1.112.<br>Here are the problems. In which scenes do these singings appear? Is there any similarity among those singings? What can we conclude about musical life from examining those Ugaritic texts?<br>Our conclusions are as follows. <i>KTU</i> 1.23: 12 seems to be a rubric in a ritual drama which states that something is to be recited 7 times and the '<i>rbm</i>, who is a kind of personnel in cultic ritual, is to respond. In <i>KTU</i> 1.106: 15-17, after the sacrifices are dedicated to the various gods, the singer (<i>šr</i>) sings 10 times in front of the king and then the king opens his hand. In <i>KTU</i> 1.112: 17-21, on the 14th day of a fixed month, when the <i>gtrm</i> gods go down to the sacrifices, the <i>gtrm</i> respond to somebody and then the <i>qdš</i> priest sings a song. The singing of <i>KTU</i> 1.23 occurs in one of the scenes of a ritual drama, and that of <i>KTU</i> 1.106 occurs together with the performance of a prayer which is given in the ritual of a fixed month. The singing of <i>KTU</i> 1.112 may occur in the oracle We can find a few similarities among those singings. Firstly, those singings occur in a cultic ritual. Secondly, those singings are connected with the gods. Thirdly, we may discover here that the meaning of the singing is man's asking favor of the gods. Thus we might conclude that cultic personnel sang a song in the various scenes of the rituals performed in the Ugaritic kingdom for the purpose of asking favor of the gods.

著者

永井 正勝

出版者

The Society for Near Eastern Studies in Japan

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.53, no.2, pp.34-54, 2011

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The sentence apearing in lines 74-75 of <i>P. Hermitage No. 1115</i> has been understood as a negative construction of a progressive sentence, <i>nn sw ḥr sḏm</i>, in many studies. This understanding is based on an assumption that the sign A1 tn the original text is so wrongly written that we should omit it or should emend it to A2. In this way, the transcription <i>nn wi ḥr sḏm st</i> is derived.<br> However, in my opinion, the sign A1 in the original papyrus is the 1st person suffix pronoun<i>=i</i> and the text should be understood as a sentence with an adverbial predicate, <i>nn wi ḥr sḏm=i st,</i> "I am not in the situation that I hear it." In this sentence <i>sḏm=i st</i> is thought of as an unmarked complement clause.<br> As not even one correct example of the <i>nn sw ḥr sḏm</i> has been attested, I would like to propose that this constriction is a ghost form invented by modern scholars. As a result, the paradigm of the imperfective aspect, including the progressive form, would look like this:<br><br>        imperfective aspect (intransitive)<br>        habitual     progressive<br> affirmative   <i>iw(=f) sḏm=f   </i><i>iw(=f) ḥr sḏm</i><br> negative         <i>n sḏm.n=f</i>

著者

稲葉 穣

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.34, no.1, pp.118-124, 1991-09-30 (Released:2010-03-12)

著者

坂本 勉

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.21, no.2, pp.113-125, 1978 (Released:2010-03-12)

著者

医王 秀行

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.43, no.2, pp.30-52, 2000 (Released:2010-03-12)

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In the Jahiliya period, sanctuaries that enshrined various idols existed all over the Arabian Peninsula, and the Arab tribes who guarded the sanctuaries organized and ran various festivals and annual markets. A sacred month was fixed as the pilgrimage period (it was also the time for trade) in the peninsula to ensure the safety of pilgrims coming from a great distance. Since it was necessary to maintain this system and furthermore to trade with merchants outside the peninsula, the pilgrimage event was held in a particular season every year. Since the lunar calendar of 12 months results in a discrepancy with the solar calendar every year, a leap month was inserted into a year approximately every 3 years to adjust this discrepancy. This makes 13 months a year.The sixth to seventh century, when the Prophet Muhammad was active, was an era when Meccan people were under the influence of Judaism and Christianity. We cannot examine the calendar of that time without taking into account the leap system in the Jewish calendar or the movable feasts of Christianity. At the time when the Prophet Muhammad started propagating Islam in Mecca, a leap month was inserted into a year in the same period as in the Jewish calendar. Therefore, I consider that it is possible to determine the cycle of the leap year in this era from this.Starting in the first year of the Islamic calendar, there were three leap years until the 10th year of the Hijra when the prophet abolished the leap month. The Islamic calendar's New Year's Day was April 18, 612 AD. I conjecture that it was June 28th, the day of the summer solstice when Muhammad arrived at Medina.Knowing the fact that the pilgrimage was carried out during Pesach and Easter in the spring and that they introduced the Judaic and Christian systems into the calendar, combined with the worship of Abraham in the surrounding area of Mecca in the Jahiliya period, the author conjectures that these facts laid the groundwork for the birth of a new religion, i. e. Islam, in this region. The Prophet Muhammad destroyed the idols and the function of the pilgrimage spread in various places of the peninsula and introduced the pure lunar calendar. In addition, he nullified the conventional pilgrimage cycle of the peninsula and the Arabic order associated with the conventional pilgrimage cycle, and simultaneously eliminated the influence of Judaism and Christianity. He brought forth a new Islamic order in which Mecca was worshipped as the sole pilgrimage ground.

著者

渡部 良子

出版者

The Society for Near Eastern Studies in Japan

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.46, no.2, pp.197-224, 2003

被引用文献数

2

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In the history of the Persian art of <i>insha</i>' (the epistolary art for the official and private correspondence), the Mongol period (from the 13th century to the later 14th century) has been regarded as an age of stylistic regression between the Saljugid and the Timurid periods. This report, through the analysis of some Persian <i>insha</i>' manuals written in the Mongol period, throws light on the continuity and development of the Persian <i>insha</i>' tradition under the Mongol rule, and how it coexisted with the Mongol chancellery system.<br>In the <i>insha</i>' manuals of the Mongol period, it is observed that the way of Persian letter-writing had become more complicated since the Saljugid period. The structure of ideal letters explained in some manuals in the 14th century was more fractionalized than that in those of the 13th century and very similar to the style in the Timurid period. Even some forms that had been considered incorrect became predominant during the period in order to show extreme respect to distinguished addressees.<br>Even under the rule of the Mongol chancellery, the writers of <i>insha</i>' manuals kept the traditional forms of drafting official documents, concentrating on genres of documents which needed the literary skill of <i>insha</i>', like deeds of appointment to religious ranks. At the same time, for many literates, writing of <i>insha</i>' manuals was regarded as a suitable way to display their literary skill and to win their patrons' favor.<br>On the other hand, the <i>insha</i>' writers understood some concepts of the Mongol chancellery in the context of their own <i>insha</i>' tradition and accepted a portion of them positively. For example, the practice of Mongol edicts of writing words with holy or royal referents jutting into the upper margin was very agreeable for them because of its similarity to the convention of Persian letter writing that the name of honorable persons must be written in the upper part of letters. They adapted it by writing honarable words jutting into the right margin.<br>We can conclude that under the Mongol rule the Persian <i>insha</i>' tradition continued developing and prepared for the flowering of the art in the Timurid period.

著者

吉田 豊 W. Sundermann

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.35, no.2, pp.119-134, 1992 (Released:2010-03-12)

被引用文献数

1 1

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When he visited Turfan in October 1990, Y. Yoshida, one of the authors of the present article, examined the Iranian manuscripts unearthed at Bäzäklik during the excavation undertaken in 1980-81. Among them he found and transliterated a fragment (80. T. B. I. 644) of a Parthian hymn written in Sogdian script. He showed his transliteration to the other author, W. Sundermann, in April 1991 when the latter was invited to Ryukoku University. On the spot Sundermann noticed that the same hymn is found in two manuscripts, one in Sogdian script (X) and the other Manichaean (M 779), of the German Turfan collection deposited at Turfan Forschung in Berlin. The two then decided to publish this hymn dedicated to the Manichaean Third Messenger as a joint contribution to the project organized by Professor K. Kudara of Ryukoku University and supported by the grant of the Monbusho International Scientific Research Program.In the meantime Yoshida discovered two small fragments containing the same hymn among the Otani collection (Otani 6229 and 7375) now housed at the Ryukoku University library. They are also edited in the present article.Perhaps the most interesting feature of this hymn is the occurrence of 'yl (M 'yl), the Aramaic word for god so far unknown in the Manichaean literature. This word appears in combination with 'st'y (M 'st 'yy) “(you) are” and employed in an ecstatic exclamation: 'yl 'yl 'yl 'yl 'st'y 'st'y 'st'y “El, el, el, el. You are, you are, you are!”. It is also to be noticed that 'st'y (M 'st 'yy) is the combination of the inflected forms of a verb 'h- “to be”, i. e. 'st “is” and 'yy “you are”.

著者

土谷 遥子

出版者

The Society for Near Eastern Studies in Japan

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.53, no.1, pp.120-143, 2010

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Evidence points to Pouguch in the Darel Valley as the most likely site of T'o Leih(陀歴) where Fa Hsien paid a tribute to the gigantic wooden Maitreya Buddha image, 24 meters tall. Fa Hsein described, "The Maitreya image was emitting an effulgent light on fast days and the kings of the surrounding countries vie with one another in presenting offerings to it."<br> Pouguch can be characterized as a temple site lacking defensive measures. The walls are of red mud. A mound probably remnants of the main temple, is centrally located. The site is near the mouth of the Darel Valley, far from the valley entrance which is at its opposite end.<br> Interviews with Pouguch villagers were conducted since their folklore is considered to have remained unadulterated due to the long isolation of the valley, a result of geography as well as xenophobic and violent uprising. Men varying in age from 20s to 70s and from various walks of life: farmers, engineer, scholar and official, were asked what they heard of the Pouguch site. Their stories are strikingly akin to what Fa Hsien observed in T" Leih in 401 A. D.; 1) a major Buddhist temple of worship and learning, attracting pilgrims from Central Asia, China and Tibet, 2) contained an image of Buddha, 3) the image was made of wood, while solid gold, was also mentioned, probably mistaking the gold hue emitting effulgent light, 4) the image was colossal ; one person correctly stated 24 meters in height.<br> The verbal tradition in Pouguch which has been passed down largely intact over 1600 years suggests the idea that Pouguch Site be the T'o Leih that Fa Hsein visited.

著者

柴山 栄

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.18, no.2, pp.49-63,167, 1975 (Released:2010-03-12)

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C. H. Gordon holds that the early Hebrews and the early Greeks share a common East Mediterranean heritage. We can find the parallels that form the core of his “Before the Bible” fit into a historical frame work in the wake of the Amarna Age during the closing centuries of the second millennium.However, it is quite true that prior to the Amarna Age (i. e. before 1400 B. C.) a kind of international order of commerce was formed to let Canaanite, Syrian, Mesopotamian, Anatolian, Aegean and the other cultures meet around the East Mediterranean. That is what we can make sure of according to Mari texts in the eighteenth century B. C.Mari texts tell us that such international order of commerce had been formed during the beginning centuries of the second millennium before the Amarna Age synthesis which Gordon called appeared.Some aspects of the common culture we notice in the areas mentioned above. Musical instrument “kinnaru” is one of them.

著者

小山 彰

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.51, no.1, pp.22-45, 2008-09-30 (Released:2014-03-30)

参考文献数

25

被引用文献数

2

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In Middle Egyptian grammar, the sḏm pw ir.n=f-construction (its passive form is sḏm pw iry) is a well-known narrative construction. Until now this construction has been regarded as a bipartite A pw or a tripartite A pw B nominal sentence. The purpose of this paper is to try a new approach to the sḏm pw ir.n=f-construction; it investigates the possibility of grouping this construction with the Spw-constructions, which were previously discussed in this Bulletin (Vol.49 No.1). The following is a summary of the main conclusions in this paper.(1) The sḏm pw ir.n=f-construction is an Spw-construction into which a (monopartite nominal) sentence sḏm ir.n=f/iry is embedded.(2) The semantic functions of the sḏm pw ir.n=f-construction correspond to two of the subdivisions which the semantic functions of the Spw-constructions show.i) The speaker/writer (S/W) presents to the hearer/reader (H/R) a state of affairs described by the embedded sentence (Q); Q is related to the preceding context (P).ex. ḫr m-ḫt spr=f r ẖnw `ḳ pw ir.n s3-nswt Ḥr-dd=f r smit (Westc. 8 6-7)Now when he arrived at the royal Residence (P), the king's son Hordedef entered to report (Q).ii) S/W presents Q to H/R; Q is not related to a previous P.ex. The beginning of a new episode:`ḥ` p[w] ir.n s3-nswt Ḥr-dd=f r mdt (Westc. 6 22-23)(Now) the king's son Hordedef stood up to speak (Q).(3) The sḏm pw ir.n=f-construction is in complementar ydistribution with the “perfect” Spw-constructions (ink pw sḏm.n=i/h3.kwi, NP pw sḏm.n=f, sḏm.n=f pw, etc.) with respect to the combination patterns of the kinds of verbs (transitive verbs, verbs of motion, or other intransitive verbs) and the kinds of agents (1st personal pronoun, 3rd personal/indefinite pro-nouns, or noun phrases) that it can take.

著者

福田 義昭

出版者

学術雑誌目次速報データベース由来

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.40, no.1, pp.139-154, 1997

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Najib Mahfuz's <i>Tharthara fawq al-Nil</i>, published in 1966, has always been regarded as a "prophetic" novel of Egypt's defeat in the 1967 War. It is basically a satirical novel depicting Egyptian society and its intelligentsia under Nasser's regime in the 60's. It is, however, important to read <i>Tharthara</i> not as a mere political satire, but as a novel of universal nature which narrates artistically a story about the everlasting confrontation between "linear time" and "cyclical time" or between "sense" and "nonsense."<br>The whole structure of the novel can be reduced to the confrontation between (linear time-seriousness-sense-Samara) and (cyclical time-jest-nonsense-Anis). Although some critics say that Anis had changed his position and become serious at the end of the story, it is evident from a close reading of the text that he does not really want to do so. Rather, it is better to regard him as a fool or a trickster, and confine his role to that of giving a hint or an implication.<br>Another important aspect of this novel is its metafictional devices: Samara's scenario of a play and the characters' debate on the drama in Egypt. These devices violate the frame of the novel itself and deconstruct it to make every reading uncertain.<br>It should, then, be concluded that <i>Tharthara</i> is a novel which lays stress on uncertainty itself and that the "prophecy" of the novel, if there is any, originates from this very ambiguity.

著者

森 雅子

出版者

The Society for Near Eastern Studies in Japan

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.31, no.1, pp.148-160, 1988

著者

井谷 鋼造

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.30, no.1, pp.1-20, 1987-09-30 (Released:2010-03-12)

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After the death of Sultan ‘Ala’ al-Din Kayqubad I, his eldest son Ghiyath al-Din Kaykhusraw ascended the throne against his father's will and his supporters became powerful in Rum Saltanat of Saljuq dynasty. Among them Sa'd al-Din Köpek seized the greatest power and killed the late sultan's Ayyubid wife 'Adiliya, Kamal al-Din Kamyar, parwana and atabeg of Kaykhusraw, putting such persons in prison as the two sons of 'Adiliya, Qaymari the Kurdish chief, and Qayïr Khan the leader of Khwarazmian soldiers. These political events mean that the influence of the late sultan Kayqubad was to be removed during the first two years of Kaykhusraw's reign and as a result Kaykhusraw's Saltanat lost its military power.Then in autumn of 1240 the revolt of Baba happened in the basin of Euphrates and soon reached to the central parts of Anatolia. Rum Saltanat's troops were defeated four times and unable to suppress the revolt, while they were successful in capture of its charismatic leader Baba Ishaq Khariji and put him to death in Amasiya. The final battle was fought in the desert of Maliya near Qïrshahr and the followers of Baba, most of them Turkman nomads, were annihilated together with thier families and livestock. After the painful victory over the revolt of Baba, Kaykhusraw's Saltanat became more active than before in its military phase against the Khwarazmians and the Ayyubid maliks in Diyar Bakr.From the historical point of view the revolt of Baba was not the prelude to the approaching Mongol invasion, but its disastrous end led to the establishment of Kaykhusraw's power in Rum Saltanat.

著者

小澤 一郎

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.59, no.1, pp.40-56, 2016

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<p>The arms trade in the Persian Gulf experienced a drastic expansion in the mid-1890s, and emerged as an important issue for the polities around the Gulf. This study investigated the factors giving rise to and sustaining this trade. Analysis was conducted from the perspective of the attempts of the Qajar dynasty of Iran to suppress the trade on the Gulfs northern shore.</p><p> The Qajar government's initial suppressive attempts remained unsuccessful, revealing the two factors sustaining the trade: first, the complicated interests within the Qajar government concerning the profits from the trade, and second, the difficulty in regulation that arose from the trade's international nature, namely, the existence of Muscat as a "loophole." This situation led the Qajar government to cooperate with the British Empire. Besides strengthening the existing suppressive measures, the Qajar government permitted the British Navy's activities in its territorial waters. Furthermore, a joint Qajar-British request was communicated to the Muscat government in December 1897 asking for the introduction of more effective suppressive measures. However, the joint request did not bring about the expected result, although the various interests within the Qajar government had been reconfigured and ceased to promote the arms trade by that time. This was probably due to the trade's economic importance for the Muscat government, the Muscat government's treaty obligations to the other great powers, and the noncooperation of France. This failure guaranteed the continuation of the trade itself, which became less visible and accelerated the influx of modern arms into southern Iran.</p><p> In conclusion, the author asserts that the development and the failure of the measures taken to suppress the Persian Gulf arms trade reflected not only the characteristics of the arms trade, but also the nature of the regional order of the Persian Gulf at that time.</p>

著者

三代川 寛子

出版者

日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント = Bulletin of the Society for Near Eastern Studies in Japan (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.58, no.2, pp.184-195, 2015

著者

尾崎 貴久子

出版者

日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント = Bulletin of the Society for Near Eastern Studies in Japan (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.58, no.2, pp.170-183, 2015