著者

屋形 禎亮

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.16, no.2, pp.57-78,184, 1973 (Released:2010-03-12)

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The Abusir Papyri are the oldest body of papyri at present known. it was discovered at the funerary temple of Neferirkara Kakai at Abusir. Though fragmentary, their importance to Egyptology lies in furnishing the earliest examples of the hieratic script and giving informations for the administration of a Pyramid temple. But they had fallen into the hands of many museums and only a few fragments had been published till 1968. In this year all these important documents were fully published by P. Posener-Kriéger and J. L. de Cenival, Hieratic Papyri in the British Musenm, 5th series: The Abu Sir Papyri, London 1968. So now we can study these documents for the first time. In this article I treated of the date of these papyri, their contents and their significance to Egyptological studies.As for the date of the papyri, comparing the clear dates (those of Isesi and Teti), other dates without the name of the reigning pharaoh (ranging from the 2nd “numbering of the cattle” to the 21st), and the cartouches of pharaohs without dates, we can deduce that the highest date of the papyri is the year 3 or 5 under Isesi and the lowest is the year 2 or 12 under Teti. But because of the close similarities in the script and the small number of the cartouches of Unas and Teti, I suppose that the most of the papyri should be ascribed to a relatively short period, that is, to the reign of Isesi.As for the contents of the papyri, they consist of four types of documents, 1) duty-tables (the compilation of the every day allotment of the tasks of each member of the temple staff on duty), 2) inventories (charaterized by the records of inspections on the change of phylae), 3) accounts (of most varied classes registering income and expenses of the temple), and 4) the other documents) including a copy of a letter, a permit, rituals, and many unclassified fragments).I think duty-tables are the most interesting of these four types of documents because of its uniqueness, and examined from four points of view what kind of informations we could expect to derive from them. Firstly we have the oldest record of the practise of “Stundenpriesterschaft” (rotation-system in religious services of the temple staff divided into phylae) in these duty-tables. I suppose that this system had been introduced from royal labour-system into funerary temples for management of its economy and spread over other temples. Secondly we can reconstruct the organization of the temple staff from their titles, and thirdly gather informations on their duties, especially the priests called hm-ntr and hntj-š. Lastly, concerning the reform of the organization of funerary temples under Nyuserra, I think there is some possibility that hntjw-š were introduced by this reform.In short, by studying personal names, their titles and their duties recorded in duty-tables, we can make out the kind of their services and the forms of its performance. This will be a important step to reconstruct the actual operation of the administrative system of funerary temples and to approach many unsolved problems concerning the state-structure under the Old Kingdom.

著者

清水 宏祐

出版者

The Society for Near Eastern Studies in Japan

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.27, no.1, pp.20-38, 1984

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Irshad al-Zira'a "The Guide of Agriculture" was written by Qasim b. Yusuf Abu Nasri Harawi in 921/1515. It is supposed to have been prepared during the era of the Timurids. It is a mine of agricultural information. Its contents are as follows;<br>Selection of soil<br>Selection of time for cultivating<br>Cereals and manure<br>Grapes and vines<br>Vegetables<br>Trees and flowers<br>Care for trees and estimation of crops<br>Gardening<br>The sources of its information are considered as follows;<br>The knowledge of well experienced farmers<br>Greco-Islamic Science; Theory of Garenos and Plato<br>Books of Agriculture in Arabic and other languages<br>The opinion of 'ulama' and court officials<br>The most important is one from farmers. Judging from the names of varieties of grapes, wheats, barleys, and other crops, the geographical background of Irshad al-Zira'a is confirmed to be the world around Herat, namely the eastern part of Iran and the western part of Central Asia.

著者

橋爪 烈

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.49, no.1, pp.60-87, 2006-09-30 (Released:2010-03-12)

参考文献数

10

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Mir'at al-zaman is one of the most enormous chronicles among Arabic historical works; it was written by Sibt ibn al-Jawzi in the 13th century. This work has been regarded as one of the most important sources of history contemporary with the author and has the further value of containing other historical works which have already been lost. Nevertheless, Mir'at remains unedited except for some small parts and has scarcely been examined philologically yet.Therefore, in this paper I examine Mir'at philologically and start on the classification of its manuscripts into groups.The first fruit of this paper, is a table of the 111 known manuscripts of Mir'at, together with their bibliographical information, I was able to classify many of the manuscripts as belonging to one of two groups, though many I have been unable to classify yet.I investigated the features of these two groups of manuscripts. As a result, it develops that one belongs to an abridged edition of Mir'at which was compiled by al-Yunini, the other belongs to an abstracted version which was compiled by an anonymous editor. Although the latter has been regarded as a copy of an original text of Mir'at in former research, I point out the error of this conclusion. I have been unable to discover any copy of the original text among the 111 manuscripts.Thus, as I point out, the manuscripts of Mir'at which have been used for historical research on medieval western Asia are not those of Mir'at itself, but are historical works abridged from original in a later period. In other words, medieval western Asian history has never been examined using Mir'at itself.

著者

北川 誠一

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.22, no.2, pp.39-55, 1979 (Released:2010-03-12)

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Nikudaris was a band of people who lived in the district of Ghazna and used to make invasions into the provinces of Sistan, Kerman and Fars to the west and Multan, Lahore and Dehli to the east in the 13th and the 14th centuries. Originally they were belonging to the Ulus of Juchi, but later they were commanded by the princes descending from Chaghatai.I have come to the conclusion that they were belonging not to the three princes Balaghay, Tutar and Quli, who had been dispatched by Batu from the Ulus of Juchi to join Hülegü's campaigns in Iran and died successively in the II-khan's court, but to the army who had settled in the Indo-Iranian frontier by the order of the Great Khan Ögedei.For one reason, I find in eastern Iran no trace of the army of abovementioned princes after the conquest of the Assassins and the Abbassids.Then, Marco Polo, who traveled through the districts of Kerman, , Rudbar and Hormuz in about 1272, reported that their soldiers were of mixed bood, which was impossible to happen to those of the three-princes who arrived in Iran with Hülegü.Thirdly, they were called as Nikudaris or as Qarauna (s) s replaceable with each other. The latter was a name given to the descendents of the army settled in the Indo-Iranian frontier by the order of Ögedei.In 1261/2 they fled from Hülegü's search and went to the city of Mastung led by Nikudar (or Negüder) Noyan. Later they came in submission to the Chaghataid princes. In 1262/3 it was reported to the court of prince Töbshin that Shams al-Din Kurt of Herat was willing to join the Chaghataids and Nikudar. At that time Algu Khan of the Ulus of Chaghatai invited the commanders of the Indo-Iranian frontier army, but no one from the Nikudaris was cited. Then we find Junjudar Noyan, one of the chiefs of the Niktidaris was appeared in the vicinity of Zaranj, the capital city of Sistan. Before 1271 some of the Chaghataids were settled in Sistan and before 1272 the Nikudaris began to attack Rudbar. Their commanders were Chaghatai's great grandson Mubarak-Shah, his son Öljei-Buqa, Chaghatai's grandson Mochi and his son Qutlug-Khoja.

著者

戸田 聡

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.53, no.2, pp.142-148, 2011-03-31 (Released:2014-04-02)

著者

守屋 彰夫

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.38, no.1, pp.130-142, 1995-09-30 (Released:2010-03-12)

著者

佐藤 進

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.38, no.2, pp.16-37, 1995 (Released:2010-03-12)

参考文献数

81

被引用文献数

1

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A view has been widely accepted that state-formation was based upon a nation in Media and Persia. But, the existence of a nation before state-formation is questionable in the Iranian areas in the first half of the first millennium B. C. The Neo-Assyrian cuneiform documents show the lack of ethnic identy among the Medes. “Media” is apparently not self-named, since the attempts have not succeeded to interprete it by any Indo-European languages. An explanation is most convincing that the name is derived from the Akkadian appellation KUR (Mad/t)-a-a “men of the mountains, frontier” to the Medes. The Medes was really men of the frontier, a people of aboriginal and Iranian origins in the central Zagros. They were incorporated to a nation in the process of forging political unity (cf. T. C. Young, CAH IV2, 21f.). A similar phase is described by de Miroschedji (ZA 75, 265-306) in pre-Empire Persia. He considers the ethnogeny of the Persians in accordance of the rise of Persian monarchy in the last seventh century. He asserts persuasively that the Achaemenian rule is started by Darius the Great. In this paper, it is emphasized that the real formation of the Persians was promoted by the founder of Achaemenian rule.

著者

秋山 慎一

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.28, no.1, pp.131-144, 1985-09-30 (Released:2010-03-12)

被引用文献数

1

著者

森 茂男

出版者

The Society for Near Eastern Studies in Japan

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.20, no.1, pp.63-78,266, 1977

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The Avesta Yašts, which constitute the earlist part of the Younger Avesta, comprises numerous uninteligible passages. Yašt 5, 11:13 are typical hymns having such passages.<br>Parallel passages are observed between Yt. 5, 11:13 and Yt. 10, 125 (a hymn to Mithra), that is to say, <i>ahmya vaše vaz_??_mna</i> (Yt. 5, 11) with <i>ahmya vaše vazante</i> (Yt. 10, 125), and <i>caθwaro vaštara spaeta vispa hama. gaona_??_ho</i> (Yt. 5, 13) with <i>caθwaro aurvanto spaeitita hama</i>. <i>gaona_??_ho</i> (Yt. 10, 125), although they have been rejected or ignored by many Iranists. The dual form, <i>hama</i>. <i>nafaeni berezanta taurvayanta</i>, (Yt. 5, 13), which shows the very contradictory grammatical feature in context, seems to be a formula in the non-Zoroastrian original Yašts. Therefore, the agents of the verb, <i>taurvayanta</i>, are not <i>caθwaro vaštara</i> "four drawing-animals, " but two gods suggested by the dual form. The above two evidences, I think, reveal the close relation between Anahita and Mithra. On the other hand, Anahita was also worshiped as the bestower and the guardian of kingship as well as Mithra in ancient Iran, and such function of Anahita is known by several passages in Yast 5, the inscriptions of Artaxerxes II and other evidences in West Iran. Moreover, considering the dual form of Yt. 5, 13 and Herodotus' famous misunderstanding about Iranian Aphrodite, Anahita (I, 131), we could not deny the possibility that both of them were united into a pair.<br>I suppose St. 11 sings a pair of gods, Mithra and Anahita, driving the chariot, and St. 13 comprises the fragments of two different hymns, one depicts Anahita's four drawing-animals, the other the combat against <i>daevas</i> by them. Yt. 5, 11: 13 would be the remnant of the lost hymns dedicated to Mithra-Anahita. If we accept Christensen's theory that, imitating the Avestan language, Median magi converted to Zoroastrianism composed Yašt 5, we may say that the original text of Yt. 5, 11:13 was the part of θεογουιη, so-called Median version of Yašts.<br>My translation of Yt. 5, 11:13 is as follows;<br>St. 11: Who (the male god, i. e., Mithra), the first, drives the chariot, gripes the bridles for (driving) the chariot; (Anahita) driving his chariot, …<br>St. 13: Whose four drawing-animals (are), white ones, all of one colour. (Two gods, Mithra and Anahita) of the same family, high ones, overwhlmed…

著者

アクロイド P. R. 小野寺 幸也

出版者

The Society for Near Eastern Studies in Japan

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.27, no.1, pp.76-91, 1984

著者

榮谷 温子

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.42, no.2, pp.40-60, 1999 (Released:2010-03-12)

参考文献数

9

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In this study definiteness is considered in view of information structures, especially giving weight to the notion of “familiarity.” We compare it with three other information structures: old- and new-information, theme and rheme, and reference. Through this comparison we find that the category of definiteness is independent from the other structures, although it correlates with them.a) Old- and new-information is “already activated” and “unactivated” information in certain discourse but definiteness depends on a writer/speaker's assumptions.b) Theme-rheme structure is strategy on the sentence level though definiteness is on the noun phrase level.c) Referentiality means how a noun phrase refers (or does not refer) to an entity, though definiteness is the relation between a noun phrase and what it refers to.Then, this paper analyses the Egyptian short play 'Arafa Kayfa Yamutu by T. al-Hakim to show how definite noun phrases are used in discourse, and we found that the following features decide the usage of definite noun phrases:1) how much the speaker feels convinced of an issue, and2) how much the speaker puts importance on the object.The result tells us that the structure of definiteness and indefiniteness is not only defined through hearers' or readers' state, but also that definiteness can be employed actively or subjectively by the speaker/writer. Definiteness is one independent information structure and a device which can be used actively by writers/speakers to send their message to others.

著者

佐藤 進

出版者

The Society for Near Eastern Studies in Japan

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.33, no.1, pp.148-157, 1990

著者

秋葉 淳

出版者

日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント = Bulletin of the Society for Near Eastern Studies in Japan (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.56, no.1, pp.84-97, 2013

著者

秋葉 淳

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.56, no.1, pp.84-97, 2013

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It has been generally accepted that in Ottoman society Muslim girls were not excluded from elementary education in the traditional schools (<i>mekteb</i>). However, there is no study that addresses the issue of to what extent girls' education was widespread before the Tanzimat reforms. Although some studies have mentioned the existence of female teachers for girls, they only gave a general description without references or drew on a limited number of examples, and no further investigation has been conducted.<br> This article presents some findings on girls' schools and female teachers in Ottoman society based on two documents, dating from the 1780s and 1811, which provide lists of <i>mektebs</i> located in Istanbul. These documents show that there were a fairly large number of girls' schools: about one-sixth of the schools listed in the first document and about one-third of those in the second document were for girls. Noticeably, most of them were taught by female teachers.<br> Many of the girls' schools with female teachers were probably schools of modest size without an independent school building where the students gathered in the teachers' houses for instruction. However, since mixed schools for boys and girls are known to have been common, one can safely assume that the opportunity for elementary education for girls was significantly richer than is generally supposed for a "traditional" Muslim society. The existence of a large number of female teachers suggests that some women could acquire an education sufficient for teaching children. Their appearance in the official documents also shows that their occupation was socially recognized.

著者

渡辺 金一

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.20, no.1, pp.213-228, 1977-09-30 (Released:2010-03-12)

著者

勝又 俊雄

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.31, no.2, pp.34-54, 1988 (Released:2010-03-12)

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In 1979 at Anemospilia in Archanes, north of Knossos, Y. Sakellarakis unearthed ruins of a rectangular temple which had been destroyed by earthquake in the Middle Minoan IIIA period (c. 1700 B. C.). The temple consists of three rooms and a corridor, where a pair of clay foot models in life size was found. The excavator indicated that the clay feet could have belonged to an anthropomorphic wooden cult image, xoanon. The hypothesis has supported strongly those views which insist on its existence in the period. The aim of this article is to proceed with a negative argument to the views, and to clarify the meaning of the clay foot models in the find-contexts.To begin with, attentions should be paid to the following four facts. 1) Fourteen models so far discovered from seven sites in Crete and one in Kea are rarely found in pairs. 2) Usually they are found in non-shrine contexts and not in shrines of a palace or a country house. 3) They do not represent bare feet, but most likely some sort of footgears are painted on them. 4) Statues and figures in large scale existed certainly in the palatial periods in Minoan Crete. However, they should not be interpreted automatically as a xoanon. In fact, the fragments are always found in the context as a votive.The above analysis leads to a conclusion that no archaeological evidence supports the view which maintains the existence of xoanon in the palatial periods. If it were so, what is the role of the fourteen clay foot models in the find-contexts?It is evident that our models are not votives, since feet models dedicated to deities should be barefooted as we see in numerous examples from the Asklepieion in the classical Corinth. It is also agreed that ‘epiphany’ of deity was a central element in Minoan rituals in the palatial periods, since there existed no cult images. Pictorial representations of epiphanies include scenes where a small deity hovers in the air or descends before the worshippers. Such representations as these could imply a deity perceived by the worshippers, but invisible. Therefore, the clay foot models must symbolize the presence of such invisible deity in ritual, which could have taken place outdoors as shown on a gold ring from Isopata. Consequently The clay feet should not necessarily be found in shrines.

著者

岡田 明憲

出版者

学術雑誌目次速報データベース由来

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.39, no.1, pp.85-99, 1996

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A variety of goddesses appear in the Zoroastrian pantheon. Among them, three goddesses are especially significant -Armaiti, Aši, and Anahita.<br>Armaiti is a member of the Ameša Spentas and is ranked among the highest order of goddesses. Aši is closely connected with the concept of Aša, the core of the thought of Zoroaster himself. In Yašt it is recorded that Aši was the love of Zoroaster. Anahita, apparently influenced by the cult of Mesopotamian Mother Goddess, became the most popular object of Iranian faith.<br>The three goddesses have separate origins and are theologicaly distinct. Nonetheless, under the influence of Indo-Iranian folk beliefs, all these goddesses have been viewed as the Earth Mother and as the complements to deities of the sky. Ahura Mazda and Armaiti were regarded as the parents of Gaya Maretan, or the primeval man. Mi∂ra and Anahita formed a pair. Aši was closely associated with Sraoša. These models parallel the dual divinities-Dyavaprthivi-of Rg Veda.

著者

栗山 保之

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.37, no.2, pp.53-74, 1994 (Released:2010-03-12)

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Yemen is the southern region in the Arabian Peninsula. The Rasulids [626-858/1229-1454] was one of the flourished dynasties in Medieval Yemen. They succeeded in gaining control of most Yemen, from Hadramawt to Makka. In their realm Zabid was the central city which situated on the Tihama facing the Red Sea. A number of Madrasas were constructed by them in Zabid as well as in many other towns and villages. These Madrasas were built and maintained through waqf allocation. The ‘ulama’ in Yemen gathered on Zabid to study Islamic sciences. Their construction of Madrasas has two purposes. First, they wanted to show their legitimacy to subject Yemen to their rule. Secondly, they aimed to expand their own Sunni authority against the Zaydi shi'is, who were throughout the northern Yemen.

著者

東長 靖

出版者

学術雑誌目次速報データベース由来

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.29, no.1, pp.48-64, 1986

被引用文献数

1

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Yasushi TONAGA, <i>The Position of Allah in the Divine Self-Manifestation in the Thought of Oneness of Being</i> (<i>Wahdah al-Wujud</i>)—<i>with Special Reference to Kashani and Jili</i>—: Ibn 'Arabkl first formulated the theory of Oneness of Being (<i>Wahdah al-Wujud</i>). His theory was later developed into several versions by his direct and indirect disciples, who are called "the School of Oneness of Being". Kashani (d. ca. 735/1334-35) and Jili (d. ca. 832/1428) are two of them.<br>Kashani divided the process of the divine self-manifestation into five stages as follows: (1) <i>ahadiyah</i> (realm of absolute oneness), (2) <i>wahidiyah</i> (realm of relative oneness), (3) <i>'alam al-jabarut</i> (world of spirits), (4) '<i>alam al-malakut</i> (intermediate world), and (5) <i>'alam al-mulk</i> (phenomenal world). <i>Ahadiyah</i> is the realm of the exclusive essence of the One, while <i>wahidiyah</i> is that of integration of all the names and attributes of God. Regarding Allah as the mediator between the essence of the One and the created world of the many, Kashani located the position of <i>Allah</i> in the level of <i>wahidiyah</i>.<br>Almost a century later, Jill divided the same process into six stages as follows: (1) <i>uluhiyah</i> (divinity), (2) <i>ahadiyah</i>, (3) <i>wahidiyah</i>, (4) <i>rahmaniyah</i> (Compassionateness), (5) <i>rububiyah</i> (Lordship), and (6) maliklyah (Kingship). Emphasizing the supremacy of <i>Allah</i>, Jill located the position of <i>Allah</i> not in <i>wahidiyah</i>, but in <i>uluhiyah</i> which stands above <i>ahadiyah</i>.<br>In order to understand the historical change of the position of <i>Allah</i> between Kashani and Jili, one should take into account 'Ala' al-Dawlah Simnani (d. 736/1336) who, belonging to "the School of Oneness of Witness (<i>Wahdah al-Shuhud</i>)", criticized Kashani based on his conviction that <i>Allah</i> is the highest. I point out that Jill's thought would result from the reaction against Simnani from within the School of Oneness of Being.

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.44, no.2, pp.225-248, 2001 (Released:2010-03-12)