著者

春田 晴郎

出版者

学術雑誌目次速報データベース由来

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.31, no.2, pp.92-106, 1988

被引用文献数

1

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A Pahlavi text entitled <i>Ayadgar i Zareran</i> (<i>AZ</i>) relates the legendary battle between Vištasp, Kayanian king, and Arjasp, king of Xyons. § § 17-21 of <i>AZ</i> describe the answer made by Zarer, Vištasp's brother, to Arjasp's demand that Vištasp should abandon Zoroastrianism. A new translation of <i>AZ</i> § § 17-21 is given here to elucidate the latent eschatology of Zoroastrianism in the answer full of metaphor. The latter half of the answer should be interpreted as follows: … Next month we, except you, shall (live in the peaceful world just as all the people) drink "immortality" (on the Last Day and live for ever); there, at Hutos-wood and the meadow (morv: Pth marγ) of Zardušt, not a high mountain nor a deep lake, on that level plain (just as gods are separated from demons on the Last Day, our) horses and brave footmen should be separated (from you for ever). Come from there so that we shall come from here. And you will see us and we shall see you. And we shall show you how (you will be struck by us just as) demons are struck at the hands of the gods (in the Last Day Battle).

著者

東長 靖

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.33, no.1, pp.64-79, 1990-09-30 (Released:2010-03-12)

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In my last paper [in The World of Islam, Nos. 33/34, 1990] on the controversies over the orthodoxy of Wahdah al-wujud in the late Mamluk period, I pointed out that most of the sufis were within the ‘orthodox’ and that in this period we find no ‘ulama’ vs sufi schema.In this article I take up Ibn Taymiyah's comprehension of tasawwuf for enlargement of my last study. It is fact that Ibn Taymiyah, who belongs to the early Mamluk period, severely criticized Wahdah al-wujud and some popular sufi practices, but he was not against tasawwuf itself.He divides sufis into three groups as follows; (1) ‘true’ sufis who worship only Allah, (2) sufis who observe legal (shar'i) manners in their practices, and (3) superficial sufis who follow some customs without understanding of their true meaning. He puts his own position in the first group, and from this inner standpoint he criticizes other sufis such as those of Ahmadiyah-Rifa'iyah Tariqah, who belong to the third group, for their innovation and deviation from shari'ah, and demands their repentance. According to his view, Wahdah al-wujud goes outside of this framework of sufis. So his criticism on Wahdah al-wujud was not against tasawwuf, rather his aim was to defend ‘true’ tasawwuf as he thinks it.From this and the last study, we can conclude that nobody was against tasawwuf itself in the Mamluk period with the only exception of Wahdah al-wujud, which was criticized as philosophy by some, not all, thinkers.

著者

黒柳 恒男

出版者

The Society for Near Eastern Studies in Japan

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.17, no.2, pp.87-100,184, 1974

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Jam-e Jam which means Jamshid's Cup, is one of the most traditional and favourite themes among the classical Persian poets. This Cup has been expressed in various names, such as Jam-e Kai Khosrou, Jam-e Jahan-numa, Jam-e Giti-numa, Jam-e Jahan-bin, Jam-e Alam-bin, Jam-e Jahan-ara, Jam-e Iskandar and Aine-ye Soleiman. Ferdousi, the greatest Persian epic poet, was the first one who used this Cup in his Shahname. He called it Jam-e Gitinumayi, which means the Cup representing the whole world, by which King Kai Khosrou found out the missing hero Bizhan. After this, this Cup was called Kai Khosrou's Cup until the twelfth century and many famous poets, such as Unsuri, Masud-e Sad-e Salman, Muizzi and Khaqani used this Cup in their poems in the traditional and mythical way.<br>But after the twelfth century, this Cup began to be called Jam-e Jam and was employed as a mode of Sufi expression. The famous Sufi poet Sanai interpreted this Cup for the first time as Sufi's pure heart in his Tariq al-Tahqiq. After him many Sufi poets, such as Attar and Sadi adopted his interpretation. This Cup found its highest expression in Hafiz's ghazals, in which he expressed this Cup in different ways and meanings. The true understanding of this term is regarded as an important key to appreciate his implicative poems.<br>In short, we may conclude from the use of Jam-e Jam in Persian literature that Persian poets who flourished in the Islamic periods were greatly influenced by their pre- Islamic traditions, wherein we make out the Persian cultural continuity and consistency.

著者

有松 唯

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.50, no.2, pp.28-54, 2007 (Released:2010-03-12)

参考文献数

24

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Materials excavated from the deep layer of Noruz Mahale are from the Bronze Age. Arimatsu No other Bronze Age materials have been excavated on the Southwest Caspian coast. Moreover, it is important that among them is pottery similar to the LBGW (Late Bronze Age Gray Ware) from Gorgan on the southeast Caspian coast. This is farther west they have been excavated. It means the LBGW culture flowed into this region as early as the Bronze Age and that LBGW or LBGW-like pottery extended to a far wider area than was thought before.Generally, it is said that LBGW is the ancestor of the Early Iron Age pottery in the northern part of Iran. However, there is no direct relationship between the characteristics of pottery from Noruz Mahale and those of pottery of the Early Iron Age in this region. On the other hand the funerary practices and bronze materials of the Early Iron Age in this region use many elements which owe their origin to the Caucasus. So, it is probably best if we accept that in the change from the Bronze Age to the Iron Age in Iran there were influences from various areas and assume that there were diverse aspects of this change in each region.

著者

遠藤 春香

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.55, no.2, pp.17-32, 2013-03-31 (Released:2016-04-26)

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This paper discusses ‘Abd al-Wahhāb al-Sha‘rānī’s theory of the Perfect Man (insān kāmil), and examines his contribution to the history of Islamic thoughts. Sha‘rānī (d. 1565) was a Sufi thinker in Ottoman Egypt who belonged to the school of Ibn ‘Arabī (d. 1240). The focus of this paper is to analyze how Sha‘rānī inherited and developed Ibn ‘Arabī’s theory. The Perfect Man, as it is argued by Ibn ‘Arabī, refers to one who has attained unity with God and thereby attained the supreme state in Sufism. According to Ibn ‘Arabī, man was made in the image of God before the beginning of God’s creation of other creatures and therefore is capable of manifesting each of the names and attributes of God. The Perfect Man as a locus of God’s manifestation can synthesize two truths about God: God’s transcendence (tanzīh) and immanence (tashbīh), and God as the One and the many. The presence of the Perfect Man is important because he unifies the cosmos and keeps it one. This metaphysical theory of the Perfect Man taught by Ibn ‘Arabī was inherited by his followers. Many of them discussed the concept from the ontological point of view. However, Sha‘rānī, besides explicating the Perfect Man from the ontological aspect, developed it further by translating it into the social context. He developed the idea of the Perfect One (al-kāmil), who, according to Sha‘rānī, witnessed the source of the law (‘ayn al-sharī‘a) through a mystic experience. The various opinions of various people were originally derived from this source of the law. Thus, according to Sha‘rānī, the Perfect One can solve tensions that exist in society, since the Perfect One realizes the source of the law, into which opposing opinions can be ultimately resolved. Sha‘rānī thought that the splits of society into various parties can be unified through such a person. As this paper shows through its analysis, the Perfect Man and the Perfect One are the same concepts. Both hold within them the plane of God’s names and attributes and unify various dichotomies in the world. However, while the Perfect Man unifies the cosmos, the Perfect One unifies the society. attempted to contextualize the metaphysical-ontological concept of the Perfect Man in order to meet the needs of the society of his time. This paper concludes that, by applying Ibn ‘Arabī’s theory to this world, Sha‘rānī played an important role in further spreading Ibn ‘Arabī’s thoughts among the people of the Arab world.

著者

中西 悠喜

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.52, no.2, pp.76-92, 2010-03-31 (Released:2014-03-31)

被引用文献数

1

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In classical discussions on the waḥdat al-wujūd (“Unity of Existence”), absolute existence (al-wujūd al-muṭlaq), that is “existence” itself, is recognized as the one and only reality. Existence is, in this system, identified with God, i.e. the “Necessarily Existent” (wājib al-wujūd), the entire universe being conceived to be self-manifestations of it. However, in the second half of the fourteenth century, this conception of existence was subjected to strong criticism by Sa‘d al-Dīn al-Taftāzānī (d. 1389/90). According to this Timurid philosopher-theologian, identifying existence with the Necessarily Existent is impossible, because “existence” itself is merely a secondary intelligible (al-ma‘qūl al-thānī) to which nothing in the external world corresponds. Shams al-Dīn Muḥammad ibn Ḥamzah al-Fanārī (d. 1431), with whom we shall deal in this paper, refuted this attack, thereby laying the ontological foundation of waḥdat al-wujūd. The aim of the present study is firstly to cast some light on this “Taftāzānī-Fanārī controversy” from the viewpoint of “Necessity of Existence,” which plays a decisive role in Fanārī’s whole refutation, and then to elucidate the Ottoman scholar’s strategy in demonstrating the identification of existence with the Necessarily Existent. Taftāzānī’s criticism revolves around the three themes: 1. classification of existence; 2. existence of the Necessarily Existent and His distance from impurities (qādhūrāt); 3. the Necessarily Existent and unity. In refuting all this criticism, Fanārī posits a concept of “relation” (nisbah). According to Taftāzānī, “existence” is a concept of “being” (mafhūn al-kawn). According to Fanārī, existence thus understood is nothing other than the relation of “existene” itself to the “beings” (kā’ināt), i.e. the created things. Fanārī salvages the identification of “existence” itself with the Necessarily Existent through this equation of what Taftāzānī calls “existence” with the relation of existence.

著者

澤井 真

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.53, no.2, pp.115-132, 2011-03-31 (Released:2014-04-02)

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The aim of this paper is to consider Junayd’s theory concerning the “primordial covenant” (Q7: 172) through an analysis of the concepts of “fanā'” (annihilation) and “baqā'” (subsistence) in his writings. In early Sufism (Islamic Mysticism), Junayd and other ṣūfis referred to this verse in the Qur'ān, because it represents the ideal relationship between Allāh and human beings. Before human beings in their pre-existence made a contract known as the “primordial covenant,” they had been unified with Allāh. According to Junayd, this situation is “eternity without begining” (azal); the term “fanā'” is used to explain that human beings melt into Allāh, and is used to show that this condition continues. In order to achieve this ideal condition, there are three stages of “fanā'” and four stages of “tawḥīd.” On the one hand, the term “fanā'” means to annihilate the self, by removing its attributes and feelings. On the other hand, “tawḥīd” (unity), which only the “elite” can achieve, is regarded as the ultimate level. At this level, the human, who is “like a shadow,” is annihilated by the response made in the primordial contract. When ]unayd discusses this situation, he talks about the human unification with God in this world, and at the same time about the ideal condition in the pre-existence. In Junayd’s theory of Sufism, the primordial covenant is one of the hid den tools for understanding the ontologically ultimate condition of human beings. This means that “fanā'” (annihilation) and “baqā'” are concepts of multiple meanings which enable one to achieve this condition.

著者

大塚 修

出版者

日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント = Bulletin of the Society for Near Eastern Studies in Japan (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.58, no.1, pp.40-56, 2015

著者

大塚 修

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.58, no.1, pp.40-56, 2015

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<p>This article discusses the flowering of Persian literature under the patronage of the local Iranian ruler of Luristan, Hazaraspid Nuṣrat al-Dīn (r. 1296-1331/2), in the late Ilkhanid period. It is generally accepted that Persian literature evolved dramatically under the patronage of Ilkhanid rulers and senior officials. However, there is almost no research that deals with the contribution of local rulers to this evolution during the period. In this article, I introduce the case of Hazaraspid Nuṣrat al-Dīn and explain his significant role in this evolution.</p><p>   Although the Hazaraspid dynasty lasted more than two centuries (1155/6-1424), because of the scarcity of historical chronicles, the details of the history of this dynasty remain unclear. However, through an investigation of literary works compiled in this dynasty, it is shown for the first time that Īdhaj, where the Hazaraspid court was located, was one of the cultural centers of the Ilkhanid domain, and attracted various scholars. They celebrated Nuṣrat al-Dīn in both prose and poetry, and the following five Persian literary works were compiled under his patronage: 1. Sharaf-i Qazwīnī's <i>al-Muʻjam fī Āthār Mulūk al-ʻAjam</i>, 2. Sharaf-i Qazwīnī's <i>al-Tarassul al-Nuṣratīya</i>, 3. Shams-i Fakhrī's <i>Miʻyār-i Nuṣratī</i>, 4. Hindū-shāh's <i>Tajārib al-Salaf</i>, and 5. the anonymous <i>Tajārib al-Umam fī Akhbār Mulūk al-ʻAjam wa al-ʻArab</i>. Most of them relate to the history of the ancient Persian dynasties or to the rhetoric of Persian prose and poetry.</p><p>   In these works, Nuṣrat al-Dīn, who identified himself as a descendant of the legendary Persian Kayanid kings, was celebrated as an ideal ruler who combined the characteristics of an Iranian ruler and an Islamic ruler. While Nuṣrat al-Dīn accepted the suzerainty of the Mongol Ilkhanid dynasty, he justified his local power by emphasizing his character as an Iranian ruler, and patronized cultural activities for this purpose. Thus, the local rulers' growing awareness of themselves as legitimate Iranian rulers under the Mongol domination contributed to the evolution of Persian literature.</p>

著者

菊地 咲

出版者

日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント = Bulletin of the Society for Near Eastern Studies in Japan (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.58, no.1, pp.15-29, 2015

著者

関廣 尚世

出版者

日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント = Bulletin of the Society for Near Eastern Studies in Japan (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.57, no.2, pp.63-76, 2014

著者

塩野﨑 信也

出版者

日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント = Bulletin of the Society for Near Eastern Studies in Japan (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.57, no.2, pp.41-62, 2014

著者

塩野崎 信也

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.57, no.2, pp.41-62, 2015

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It is common knowledge that Muslims living in the south-eastern part of Caucasus, now the Republic of Azerbaijan, were referred to as 'Tatars' without a clear distinction from other Turkic groups under the rule of the Russian Empire. These Muslims were also called 'Turkish people' (Turks) or Caucasian Muslims. In the latter part of the 19th century and during the early 20th century, a feeling of nationalism emerged among them and they began calling themselves 'Azerbaijanis'. However, no study clearly explains the reason they claim to be Azerbaijanis.<br> The author scrutinised manuscripts, printed books, journals and newspapers written in several languages and discovered that 'Azerbaijan', the name of the nation, is not directly derived from the name of a geographical location, but from the name of a language. Around 1840, Kazem-bek, a professor at Kazan University, named the language spoken by Muslims in the South Caucasus as 'Azerbaijani Turkish'. Muslim intellectuals who lived in Tiflis, the centre of the South Caucasus in the 19th century, adopted the language name in the 1880s, following which they considered 'people who speak Azerbaijani Turkish' as a single nation called 'Azerbaijani'. The name of this nation initially appeared in the 115th issue of the literary journal <i>Keshkul</i> (<i>Dervish Bowl</i>), published in Tiflis on 16 November, 1890.<br> Two major reasons for why Muslim intellectuals in Tiflis called themselves Azerbaijanis instead of Tatars, Turkish people and Caucasian Muslims are as follows : First, they wanted to avoid a name based on a religious belief, such as 'Muslim', because they thought that a nation must not be defined by its religion, but by its culture, customs and language. Second, they considered their culture, customs and language to be different from those of the Tatars in the Volga region and Crimean Peninsula, or Turkish people in the Ottoman Empire.

著者

平野 智洋

出版者

日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント = Bulletin of the Society for Near Eastern Studies in Japan (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.57, no.2, pp.29-40, 2014

著者

蔀 造勇

出版者

The Society for Near Eastern Studies in Japan

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.49, no.2, pp.133-146, 2006

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The route from Adulis to Aksum must have been the most important in East Africa in ancient times. Adulis was the most important town on the coast and Aksum was the center of a rather important empire, starting about the time of Christ and lasting until the eighth or ninth century.<br>What was the course of the route from Adulis up into the mountaneous country of what is now Ethiopia and Eritrea? The <i>Periplus of the Erythraean Sea</i> refers to a location named Koloe, a city 'that is the first trading post for ivory' and says 'from Adulis it is a journey of three days to Koloe.' This article seeks to identify the location of Adulis and its harbor Gabaza, and to locate the route from Adulis to Koloe. The author analyzes historical sources and archaeological data. The information obtained from his field survey is also used to explain some topographic problems.<br>The conclusions of this paper are as follows:<br>1. The equation of Adulis of the <i>Periplus</i> with a site situated some 1km to the northnorthwest of the modern village of Zula is acceptable.<br>2. Didoros Island of the <i>Periplus</i> of the first century was situated on the same spot as Gabaza mentioned in the 6th century sources.<br>3. Some 5km to the southeast of Adulis site are some hills named Gamez 100 years ago, but now known as Gala/Galata. Didoros Island is identified with one of these hills and Gabaza harbor must have been situated at the foot of it.<br>4. There has been major coastal change in the area. For this reason the island of Didoros approached by a causeway in the first century was situated on the shore in the sixth century and it lies now as a hill some 1km away from the shore.<br>5. The course of the route from Adulis to Koloe identified with modern Qohaito must has been through the Wadi Komaile rather than the Wadi Haddas.

著者

田中 穂積

出版者

The Society for Near Eastern Studies in Japan

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.12, no.3, pp.43-56,222, 1969

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We cannot discuss the meaning of Hellenism in the eastern Hellenistic world without considering the activity of the Greek city. In pursuing this subject, we must consider how the Greek colonies built by the early kings of the Seleucids changed into real cities; but we cannot say which of the colonies were originally military and which were civil settlements. Many of them, of course, developed under the impetus of the expansion of the Hellenistic economic sphere. And we understand also that they were recognized as Greek cities by Antiochus III in connection with the general political situation both within and without the Seleucid realm. But material for the study of the Greek city in the east is imperfect. Therefore I re-examine the letter sent to Magnesia on the Maeander from Antioch in Persis (OGIS 233), the import of which is related to the festival of Artemis Leucophryene at Magnesia; the letter includes many problems: the relations of the Greek city in the east to the kings of the Seleucids and the Greek city on the western coast of Asia Minor, and the mutual connections between the Greek cities in the east. In this article I try to examine especially the extent and nature of Hellenism in the east.

著者

山田 重郎

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.42, no.1, pp.1-18, 1999-09-30 (Released:2010-03-12)

被引用文献数

1

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The setting-up of royal monuments in the course of royal expeditions is a phenomenon familiar in the history of ancient Mesopotamia. Among the royal records of various Mesopotamian rulers, the inscriptions of Shalmaneser III, king of Assyria (859-824 B. C.), are especially informative on this subject. Over fifty references of this kind in his inscriptions represent twenty historical cases of the erection of one or more monuments. In this paper I shall examine these references and discuss some aspects of the phenomenon.The monument is referred to as the “image (salmu)” of the king in all cases but one, where it is described as a “stela (asumettu).” The term salmu itself can denote three types of object: (1) a three-dimensional royal statue, (2) a free-standing stela bearing a relief of the royal figure, or (3) a relief engraved on a rock face (i. e. a rock relief). Nevertheless, on the basis of archaeological and iconographic evidence, it may be supposed that the monuments, especially those set up in the open, were usually stelae and rock reliefs rather than statues in the round. Some evidence indicates that the text accompanying the royal image was usually a short commemorative inscription, not a long text of the king's standard annals as found on various objects unearthed in Assyrian capitals.The monuments were placed at the most distant points in the course of the campaign, and were designed to perpetuate the king's arrival at the most remote places. The places chosen can be classified into two categories: (1) at conspicuous geographical features with no associated settlements (mountains, sea coast, river source, etc.); (2) in cities, especially in their sacred places (i. e. temples, etc.). Monuments, especially royal images, erected in the second type of place must have represented the Assyrian king as a worshipper in the local sanctuary. He was thus associated by his image with every act of worship performed there, both as the earthly representative of the gods and as a participant in every favour they might grant. Simultaneously, the image must have reminded the local elite of their relationship with the Assyrian overlord when they came to the place in order to take an oath before the gods or for other purposes.

著者

永井 正勝

出版者

The Society for Near Eastern Studies in Japan

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.53, no.1, pp.161-166, 2010

被引用文献数

1

著者

近藤 二郎

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.30, no.1, pp.140-151, 1987-09-30 (Released:2010-03-12)

著者

中田 考

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.32, no.2, pp.76-89, 1989 (Released:2010-03-12)

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Ibn Taimiya condemns the metaphor theory in some of his works like “al-Haqiqa wa al-majaz” and the Kitab al-iman, and he defends the ahl al-hadith's position that they should refrain from metaphorical interpretation of the Qur'an and the Sunna.First he shows that the metaphor theory which devides the meaning into the literal (haqiqa) and the metaphorical (majaz) is not found in the sayings of the salaf and appears only after the 3rd Islamic century. Then he theoretically refutes the metaphor theory adopted by the theologians, who define the literal meaning as follows: (1) The word has a literal meaning when it is used in the meaning in which it was originally coined; and (2) the literal meaning is what the word means without context.The linguistic notion that a word makes sense without its context originates from the same mentality as that of the philosophical notion that the universal without concrete dimensions has a substantial existence. The latter notion forms a metaphysics Ibn Taimiya severely criticizes.Ibn Taimiya criticizes the metaphor theory on the level of its philosophical foundation, through which he discloses the fictitiousness of the metaphor theory. Thus he gives a theoretical ground to the hermeneutical position of the ahl al-hadith.