著者
宮地 英敏
出版者
社会経済史学会
雑誌
社会経済史学 (ISSN:00380113)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.69, no.1, pp.25-45, 2003-05-25 (Released:2017-06-16)

The Meiji (1868〜1912) and Taisho (1912〜1923) eras saw rapid growth in porcelain production in Japan. This was achieved in two ways: through an increase in factory size, and through an increase in the number of small-scale business concerns. It is on the second pattern that this paper will focus. In addition to inheritance, the increase in small-scale concerns was mainly caused by skilled workers' becoming independent. These skilled workers tended to come from areas around porcelain-producing districts, and to have started work at a relatively young age. However, there is no clear link with the type of factory where they had been employed. Conditions in the porcelain industry in the Tono area helped such workers. First, it was possible to obtain an advance of money from wholesale merchants. This has been seen as a form of extortion in previous research, but in this paper a more positive assessment will be made. Second, it was possible to postpone complete independence, and start with involvement in subcontracting or peripheral industries. Third, a worker of superior skills might be able to marry the daughter of his employer and set up a branch business, as a sub-type of the succession system.
著者
山形 万里子
出版者
社会経済史学会
雑誌
社会経済史学 (ISSN:00380113)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.69, no.3, pp.297-321, 2003-09-25 (Released:2017-06-16)

It has been assumed that the military buildup of Saga domain was made possible by income from foreign trade at Nagasaki. However, details of the huge payments for warships show that the main source came from the feudal lord's kakesuzurikata (special account) at Kamigata (Osaka) market. After the Tempo Reform of the 1830s, Saga reduced its vast debt to ryogae-sho (moneylenders) in Osaka that had been accumulating since the previous century through annual installments over many years and through debt repudiation. In 1856 the domain issued hansatsu (its own notes) based on Saga assets and funds raised from rich merchants within the domain, in other words, without depending on Osaka moneylenders. In a sense it had achieved economic autonomy from Osaka and Hyogo moneylenders. After 1849, Saga worked for the reconstruction of its finances through strengthening the kakesuzurikata and encouraging domain production through the establishment of monopolies in porcelain and wax. From 1859, the domain involved Osaka and Hyogo moneylenders in the sale of monopoly products and the management of the proceeds. This enabled Saga to reinforce its relationship with the moneylenders so that it could raise vast funds on the Kamigata market. These were the funds which they used in the modernization of their armaments.

1 0 0 0 OA 壹岐産牛史

著者
山口 麻太郎
出版者
社会経済史学会
雑誌
社会経済史学 (ISSN:00380113)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.7, no.11, pp.1255-1291, 1938-02-15 (Released:2017-09-25)
著者
矢島 桂
出版者
社会経済史学会
雑誌
社会経済史学 (ISSN:00380113)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.78, no.1, pp.25-47, 2012-05-25 (Released:2017-06-10)

日本の社債市場が大きく発展した1920年代には,朝鮮の植民地企業も鉄道業を中心に相次いで社債を発行する。こうした社債発行は鉄道金融の展開と新たな植民地投資を示していると言えよう。そこで本稿は,朝鮮鉄道会社を対象に,戦間期朝鮮における鉄道金融の展開過程とその意義を考察するとともに,この植民地投資の実態の一端を解明していく。朝鮮鉄道会社債(朝鉄債)の発行は,その引受機関である植民地銀行からの借入金を返済するものであった。これは,朝鮮銀行にとっては債権整理の一環であり,朝鮮殖産銀行にとっては「産米増殖計画」関連融資の強化を結果する。1920年代後半には本国証券業者が朝鉄債の引受に進出するが,これは植民地銀行の鉄道金融からの後退と表裏をなすものであったと言える。このうち山一証券は発行企業との人的・資本的関係をもとに進出していく。また山一証券による第5回・第6回朝鉄債(28,29年発行)の売捌き先から,その投資実態は,財閥系金融機関及び広範な地域の地方金融機関と特徴付けられ,生損保と大都市の個人投資家がこれに加えられる。

1 0 0 0 OA 書評

出版者
社会経済史学会
雑誌
社会経済史学 (ISSN:00380113)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.85, no.2, pp.225-238, 2019 (Released:2021-02-19)
著者
石川 研
出版者
社会経済史学会
雑誌
社会経済史学 (ISSN:00380113)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.71, no.4, pp.417-438, 2005
参考文献数
81

The purpose of this paper is to examine the significance of imported television programs and how the creation of the domestic industry for program contents production involved domestic movie companies (DMC) and sponsors. One of the initial problems faced by the television business was the paucity of the domestic industry for producing programs. DMC held important resources, such as stocks of old movies and capabilities of producing contents, which could complement the television industry. But DMC did not cooperate with the television business, which thus had to depend on importing contents, mostly from the United States. Foreign exchange allocation for television enabled the television business to import programs. It meant that imported programs made up for the inadequacy of domestic capabilities to produce programs and contributed to the enrichment of television contents. Content improvement in turn contributed to the increase in the utility value of television sets themselves. Thus television broadcasting established itself as a new mass media at an early stage through the active use of imported programs. The substantial liberalization of the televisions contents trade in 1963 provided an opportunity for the television business to meet the conditions for the realization of a domestic industry to produce programs. In the meantime, the position of DMC as well as sponsors changed. In the middle of the 1960s, the domestic industry was finally established. DMC were then to become active participants in the television business, and sponsors came to appreciate the quality of domestic programs.
著者
武谷 嘉之
出版者
社会経済史学会
雑誌
社会経済史学 (ISSN:00380113)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.65, no.1, pp.45-65, 1999-05-25 (Released:2017-06-23)
被引用文献数
1

Tetsudai performed a variety of odd jobs on construction sites, from simple tasks such as cleaning up or carrying things to fairly skilled ones such as putting on p;aster. Their wages and standard of living were lower than those of other construction workers. This study examines the way in which tetsudai organized themselves. The fact that a relatively low-level group of urban workers like this actually formed an association during the Tokugawa period is not well known. The association was strengthened by confrontations with other groups, such as stonemasons and well-diggers, and by disputes with fellow tetsudai in rural areas. As a result of the activities of the association, tetsudai were able tu raise their social status and increase their independence.
著者
森 宜人
出版者
社会経済史学会
雑誌
社会経済史学 (ISSN:00380113)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.71, no.2, pp.175-196, 2005-07-25 (Released:2017-06-09)
参考文献数
79

This article shows the socio-economic dynamism of urban electrification--the diffusion of electricity as necessary energy in urban life--with a case study of Frankfurt during the Weimar period. Before World War I, electric lights were a luxury so that less than 10% of households used them. But the situation changed in the 1920s. In the period of relative stability, electricity for lighting shifted from being a luxury to becoming necessary energy. This was due to a new rate system intended to benefit small-scale consumers. Besides the adoption of a new rate system, advertisement also played an important role. A case in point was the 'Lichtfest' (Light Festival) held in 1927 to boost the illumination of show windows. It contributed not only to spreading the use of electric lights but to innovating illumination techniques in general. With the spread of electric lights in urban life, a completely electrified life came to be considered as an ideal. However, such a lifestyle was just a utopia, adopted only experimentally in newly developed suburban residential areas. The gap between ideal and reality was not owing to the negative attitude of consumers toward the new lifestyle, but to the electricity rates, which were still too high for daily use of electrical appliances.