著者

水鳥川 和夫

出版者

社会経済史学会

雑誌

社會經濟史學 (ISSN:00380113)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.78, no.1, pp.99-118, 2012-05-25

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本稿は前稿で明らかにした畿内・西日本に引き続き,中世東日本で標準的に使われた升の成立と変遷及び使用升の容積を明らかにしようとするものである。15世紀に西日本で標準升であった讃岐斗は,さらに東北日本でも標準升として見出され,畿内でもこれとほとんど同じ畿内本斗が標準升であったから,日本列島の過半をカバーする広域的な標準升が存在したと考えられる。一方,15〜16世紀に畿内から山陽道にかけて売升が市場升として普及していたが,東日本では15世紀に南関東,東海,伊勢にかけて市場京升と等量の下方升を使用する市場圏が存在した。この下方升市場圏は16世紀初頭には近江国を,天文年間には京都を組み込み,京都において市場京升を成立させたと考えられる。この京升は,後に公定升となり,全国に普及した。しかし,民間市場取引では,天下統一が進むにつれて讃岐斗またはこれとほぼ等量の畿内本斗が標準升となり,近世初頭には全国をカバーする標準升となった。讃岐斗と畿内本斗は1%程度の違いがあったが,寛文頃に畿内本斗へと統一されていったと考えられる。

著者

永沼 博道

出版者

社会経済史学会

雑誌

社會經濟史學 (ISSN:00380113)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.79, no.2, pp.287-289, 2013-08-25

著者

石坂 昭雄

出版者

社会経済史学会

雑誌

社會經濟史學 (ISSN:00380113)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.72, no.1, pp.108-110, 2006-05-25

著者

中島 俊克

出版者

社会経済史学会

雑誌

社会経済史学 (ISSN:00380113)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.73, no.4, pp.435-442, 2007

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近年フランスでも,環境史への関心が高まってきているが,ここにきて成果の刊行が相次いだ。その一端を以下に紹介することとしたい。自然環境の歴史というのは元来,きわめて長期にわたる微細な変化を対象とする分野で,地質学者・考古学者が活躍する舞台となっていたが,環境考古学がここ数十年の間に長足の進歩を遂げたことから,まず古代史家・中世史家が,ついで近現代を専門とする歴史家までもが多数参入するに至った。このあたりの事情はフランスでもあまり他国と変わらないが,そうした流れが地理学研究の伝統と結びついているのが,あえて言えばフランスの特色であろう。よく知られているように,フランスの歴史研究とくに社会経済史研究は元来,歴史地理学と密接な関係を有しており,筆者を含む経済史家の多くは自然地理学者と手を携えながら仕事をしてきた。現代の環境問題を反映させた研究を経済史家が行おうとするとき,この関係は大いに役立つこととなったのである。こうした伝統を受け,フランスの環境史研究はわずかな間に,ここで紹介するのが不可能なほど大量の地域モノグラフィを生み出してきた。そうしたモノグラフィの蓄積をふまえ,それらを一望の下に見渡そうとする総合の試みも出現し始めている。論文集や研究集会記録の刊行,包括的な性格の著作の出現,史料案内の編纂などである。それらのうちから,筆者がとくに重要と考えるものを以下にとりあげる。

著者

原 剛

出版者

社会経済史学会

雑誌

社會經濟史學 (ISSN:00380113)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.43, no.3, pp.273-294, 329-328, 1977-09-30

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By the turn of this century the idea of family wage-the assumption that a man's wage should provide for all the family-had been established in England. This article attempts to trace its formation in England during the nineteenth century primarily in the light of changing attitudes toward women's, especially married women's, labour. For various reasons and at different periods after the Industrial Revolution many of the English wives ceased to engage themselves in productive activities at home. Earlier it was taken for granted that the wives of the working people should earn something to contribute to their family budgets, which meant that a man's wage did not need to be so much as to keep their wives. When working-class wives lost the opportunities to earn their living at home some of them went to work in factories, and there was much talk about and against mothers working in factories. What with the Victorian notion of perfect women, what with the upper and middle classes' apprehension about the working-class moral and physical deterioration as a result of working wives, and what with male workers' intention to secure their labour market, it was generally agreed that it was desirable for wives to stay at home to do their household duties and to take care of children.Not only was it based on the middle-class view of family, but it came to be the desire of working-class men and women. Also it was commended as a social policy when Alfred Marshall wrote, ` The necessaries for the efficiency of an ordinary agricultural or of an unskilled town labourer and his family, in England in this generation, may be said to Consist of a well-drained dwelling with several rooms, warm clothing; with some changes of under-clothing, pure water, a plentiful supply of cereal food, with a moderate allowance of meat and milk, and a little tea, c., some education and some recreation, and lastly sufficient freedom for his wife from other work to enable her to perform properly her maternal and her household duties.' (my italics) Such freedom Of a wife presupposes that her husband's wage can provide for her and their little children. Thus toward the end of the nineteenth century family wage came to be an ideal in terms of social policy, common practice among the middle class, and wish and desire of working-class men and women.

著者

菅井 益郎

出版者

社会経済史学会

雑誌

社會經濟史學 (ISSN:00380113)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.65, no.4, pp.456-457, 1999-11-25

著者

渡辺 尚

出版者

社会経済史学会

雑誌

社會經濟史學 (ISSN:00380113)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.50, no.3, pp.241-274,390-389, 1984-10-30

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Im Jahre 1821 nahm die Rheinisch-Westindische Kompagnie (RWK) die erste Versuchsexpedition nach Port-au-Prince in Angriff, dann fuhrte deutsche Waren nach Mexiko (Veracruz, Hauptstadt und vorubergehend auch Alvarado), Buenos Aires (Montevideo), Valparaiso, Lima, La Guaira, Pernambuco, Bahia, New Orleans u. a. aus. Die Bestimmungsorte der RWK reichten sogar bis an Singapore, Kalkutta und Bombay. Bis dem letzten Schiff von Hamburg nach Veracruz 1831 expedierte die RWK insgesamt 43 Schiffe mit ganzen Ladungen von verschiedenen Hafen, besonders aber von Hamburg. In diesem Aufsatz berucksichtigt der Verfasser vor allem die Entwicklungihrer Geschafte in Haiti und Mexiko. Obwohl der Absatz in den beiden Landern von politischer Situation nicht unbedeutend abhangig war, wollte die preuBische Regierung der RWK nicht zur Seite stehen, da jene in ihrer AuBenpolitik damals der Grundlinie der Heiligen Allianz ganz treu blieb. Schon 1826 war die RWK gezwungen, ihre Niederlassung von Port-au-Prince zu raumen. Auf dem allerwichtigsten Markt, in Mexiko, litt die RWK unstabile politische Situation seit dem Ausbruch des Revolutionskriegs gegen Spanien. Jedoch war die Aussicht des Wachstums des mexikanischen Marktes auf lange Sicht keineswegs schlecht, da die deutschen Waren, vor allem die schlesischen Leinenwaren, ausreichende Konkurrenzfahigkeit gegen die englischen Baum wollwaren schon zeigen konnten. Trotzdem beschloB die RWK schon 1832, sich aufzulosen. Warum? Wohl eben deswegen-das ist einstweilige Ansicht des Verfassers. Nach ihrem Statut sollte die RWK Geschafte nach Westindien, Nord- und Sudamerika oder nach den anderen Weltgegenden, entweder fur eigene Rechnung oder konsignationsweise, mit oder ohne VorschuB betreiben. Eigenhandel und Konsignation konnten um Verteilung der begrenzten Mittel unter Umstanden ins antagonistische Verhaltnis geraten. Es war daher von entscheidender Bedeutung, wieweit die RWK den Konsignanten Vorschusse zur Verfugung stellen konnte. Dabei kam es auf die Praferenz zwischen den zweier Postulaten der RWK an, i.e., demjenigen der Verstarkung eigener finanzieller Basis durch die Ausfuhr moglichst rentabler Waren auf eigene Rechnung und demjenigen der Pioneerleistung fur die eigentlich heimische Industrie, deren Produkte aber nicht immer einen gunstigen Absatz auf dem lateinamerikanischen Markt finden konnten. In dieser Hinsicht wandelte sich die Sowohl-als-auch-Politik der RWK angesichts der hektischen Nachwirkungen der Krise in Europa 1825 auf dem mexikanischen Markt unverkennbar in die Entweder-oder-Politik. Der Anteil der Beladung auf eigene Rechnung ubertraf denjenigen der Konsignation immer weiter. Pararell dazu wurde der Anteil der Leinenwaren an der gesamten Ausfuhr wieder immer groBer. Diese auffallige Korrelation weist wohl darauf hin, daB die Produkte der bergisch-markischen Industrie, besonders aber sog. Seiden- und Halbseidenwaren, eventuell hauptsachlich konsignationsweise ausgefuhrt wurden. Daraus laBt sich folgern, daB die RWK sich de facto immer mehr zu einer Elbisch-Westindischen Kompagnie umgestaltete. Als die Kundenaktionare im rheinischen Gebiet sich dieser Realitat voll-bewuBt wurden, verlor die RWK schon ihre raison d'etre ihnen gegenuber. Daraus konnte sich das Paradoxon wohl erklaren, warum die RWK so fruhzeitig wie nur nach elfjahrigen Aktivitaten liquidieren sollte, obwohl ihre Direktion an sich uber die Aussicht des mexikanischen Marktes immer noch ihr optimistisches Urteil beibehielt.

著者

斎藤 仁

出版者

社会経済史学会

雑誌

社會經濟史學 (ISSN:00380113)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.52, no.3, pp.440-443, 1986-08-25

著者

高橋 周

出版者

社会経済史学会

雑誌

社會經濟史學 (ISSN:00380113)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.72, no.1, pp.27-46, 2006-05-25

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The purpose of this paper is to clarify the causes of increase in Japan's import of fertilizers from 1904 to 1913, mainly considering its relationship to the global market. This paper focuses on three types of fertilizers: bean oil cake, fish oil cake, and ammonium sulfate. While bean oil cake was the most popular nitrogenous fertilizer that farmers bought during this period, fish oil cake had been used during the 19th century, and ammonium sulfate became popular after World War I. The import of the three fertilizers suddenly began increasing during (or after) the Russo-Japanese War (1904-1905), a trend that continued until 1907. From 1908, when the Japanese economy was in depression, there was competition among the three fertilizers, and the use of bean oil cake and ammonium sulfate increased, while that of fish oil cake decreased. The prices, which were determined by the global trade, influenced this competition. Japanese agriculture acquired a stable supply of various fertilizers by purchasing widely from throughout world. Bean oil cake shared half of the fertilizer import during this period, which was the result of the rational choices taken with the global market in mind.

著者

川勝 平太

出版者

社会経済史学会

雑誌

社会経済史学 (ISSN:00380113)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.47, no.2, pp.123-154, 1981-08-30 (Released:2017-07-15)

被引用文献数

1

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One of the pivots of the world payments mechanism for the forty years before the First World War was Britain's ability to maintain a deficit on her visible trade with Europe and the United States, a deficit which she balanced by means of a surplus with Asia. This Asian surplus, on visible trade, came largely from exports of Lancashire's cotton textiles to the Asian markets. In India, as early as 1834-35, the Governor General of India reported (quoted in Das Kapital with the source unrecorded):-'The misery hardly finds a parallel in the history of commerce. The bones of the cotton-weavers are bleaching the plains of India.' Marx, perhaps with a similar thought in mind, stated in the Communist Manifesto, 'The cheap prices of its (the bourgeoisie's) commodities are the heavy artillery, with which it batters down all Chinese walls.' Under the influence of this sort of view, it has been argued for many years that the importation of British cotton textiles destroyed the handicraft industry in the Far East, or pushed it to the brink of collapse. The present article is an attempt to reassess this traditional view. Some statistical evidence which we present indicates the survival or even the growth of the handicraft weaving industry in the Far East, despite the increase in imports of British textiles. Recent empirical studies on the handicraft industry in each country in the Far East also corroborate this statistical fact. The basic issue then is how the handicraft industry of 'backward' Asia survived the impact of the 'advanced' West. To be more precise, what were the competitive advantages of Far Eastern textiles over British textiles? The traditional view has placed much weight upon relative factor prices, assuming, in its simplest form, a state of perfect competition between two types of textiles. It has not been proved yet, however, if these two cloths were directly competitive in price. Now that the author has collected a series of price data for the major varieties of respective textiles sold upon the Tokyo market, it is possible to re-examine the established view. The result of my price comparison contradicts the prevailing assumption mentioned above. The outcome has also an important implication regarding the position of British textiles in the Far Eastern markets at large, which was indeed similar to that in Japan, i.e., they did not sell well despite their cheaper prices. This was in marked contrast to the Indian textile markets. The population of India was about 260 m. and she consumed about 40 per cent. of the total British exports of cotton textiles. The Far East, on the other hand, where the population was twice as great as that of India, never took more than 15 per cent, of the British exports of textiles. It is clear at least that an explanation in terms of price alone fails to explain why the Far Eastern weavers held their own against British competition. A new explanation is to be explored. Based upon some descriptive evidence, the author tries to establish differences in qualities between British and Far Eastern cotton goods, in particular, cotton yarns. For cotton yarn is a feature by which the quality of cotton textiles are distinguished, and moreover it is subject to an accurate classification by the 'counts' which indicate the fineness of yarn. The counts of yarns typically used in Britain are examined in order to contrast them with those of the Far Eastern yarns. The estimation of the qualities of yarns will be a crucial part of the paper. Our analysis will show that the quality of yarns utilised in the Far East in the late nineteenth century was clearly distinguishable from that of the bulk of cotton yarns manufactured in Britain. The basic distinction in the qualities among British and Far Eastern cotton goods is represented schematically below:- [table] It was the persistent preference of(View PDF for the rest of the abstract.)

著者

岡崎 哲二 澤田 充

出版者

社会経済史学会

雑誌

社会経済史学 (ISSN:00380113)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.69, no.3, pp.275-296, 2003-09-25 (Released:2017-06-16)

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In this paper we examine the effects of bank consolidations on the financial system in prewar Japan, when the first large-scale bank merger movement took place. Our analysis focusses on governance structure and performance. With respect to the former, we found that in cases of absorption, where one participant was dominant, consolidations had the effect of removing unfavorable director interlocking between banks and their related firms. This finding is particularly significant, because it sheds light on the process by which the pervasive tendency towards 'insider lending' found in countries in the early stages of economic development disappears. With respect to the latter, we confirmed that consolidations had a positive impact on deposit growth, but not on profitability. The positive impact on deposit growth was significant for the stability of the financial system in prewar Japan, because the lack of a deposit insurance system meant that the financial system was continuously exposed to the risk of bank runs.

著者

木下 太志

出版者

社会経済史学会

雑誌

社会経済史学 (ISSN:00380113)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.66, no.4, pp.369-388,483, 2000-11-25 (Released:2017-08-14)

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Although recent studies by Japanese historical demographers have enormously enriched our knowledge of the fertility and mortality of Tokugawa peasants, their migration patterns still remain poorly understood. Using the shumon aratarne-cho (religious registration records) of Yambe, a village in northeastern Japan, this article clarifies several critical aspects of migration in the Tokugawa period. The main findings can be summarized as follows : (1) The gross migration rate of Yambe was relatively high, 46 per thousand per year. But in-migration and out-migration offset each other, and thus net migration made very little impact on the village population. (2) Marriage and employment as servants (hoko) were the dominant reasons for migration. Both reveal distinct patterns as do the movements of males and females. (3) The number of migrants declined precipitously after about 1840, because servants (hoko-nin) were replaced by day laborers (hiyatoi). (4) The age profile of migration showed a sharp peak from the upper teens to the lower twenties, because marriage and hoko were concentrated in these age groups. The male profile peaked at a higher age than the female profile. (5) The average distance of migration was 4 km, and almost all migration took place within a radius of 10 km from Yambe. Villagers tended to migrate farther away for marriage than for hoko.

著者

荒井 悦郎

出版者

社会経済史学会

雑誌

社会経済史学 (ISSN:00380113)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.43, no.3, pp.295-313,328-32, 1977-09-30 (Released:2017-07-22)

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In 1880s, most of the Japanese exports and imports had been handled by foreign trading companies with offices in Yokohama. The Yokohama Union Silk Depository Incident (Yokohama Rengo Kiito Niazukarijo Jiken) between Japanese and foreign silk merchants took place under such circumstances. This article aims at giving an outline of the affair, with special references to direct export movements (jika-yushutsu undo) by the Japanese merchants and the activities of the Japanese silk-trading companies. Established in 1879 by Kenso Hayami, Dohshin-kaisha was a typical Japanese direct export company which had branches both in New York and Lyon. Hayami, as an ex-government official in charge of industrial policy, promoted direct export movements and organized silk producers and local merchants to set up the company. The Meiji Government offered some financial assistance in such a way as giving the loan in the form of documentary bills (nigawase) to promote the expansion of the Japanese direct export. Such facilities induced silk producers and local merchants to subscribe to the company.As a result Japan's direct export of raw silk grew rapidly between 1881 and 1883. In 1882, the Japanese trading companies jointly accounted for 27.6% of the Japanese raw silk export in volume. But despite the fact that the total volume of the Japanese raw silk export expanded substatially, the share of direct exports did not increase satisfactorily in the latter part of 1880s. This was partly caused by the inability of the Japanese trading interests to cope with the fluctuating world markets and their lack of funds to give sufficient loans to producers. Furthermore, the government closed financial aids to the direct export companies in 1889. The Japanese silk producers and local merchants eventually gave up their direct export efforts. The Japanese merchants thus failed to rectify the trading inequality vis'-a-vis the foreign companies. In 1880s the Japanese direct export companies were hardly a worthy opponent for the foreign traders.

著者

有賀 喜左衞門

出版者

社会経済史学会

雑誌

社会経済史学 (ISSN:00380113)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.5, no.2, pp.179-200, 1935-05-15 (Released:2017-09-25)

著者

堀 經夫

出版者

社会経済史学会

雑誌

社会経済史学 (ISSN:00380113)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.3, no.8, pp.999-1019, 1933-11-30 (Released:2017-09-25)

著者

森下 徹

出版者

社会経済史学会

雑誌

社会経済史学 (ISSN:00380113)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.65, no.6, pp.623-643,727, 2000-03-25 (Released:2017-06-23)

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In the Inland Sea area in the early-modern period there were many craftsmen who spent their time traveling wherever there was a demand for their expertise. This paper examines the role of traveling stone-masons in the overall framework of the stonedealing business of the period. In the latter half of the early-modern period, a rapid expansion in the land under rice cultivation in the area created a commercial demand for stone. On the supply side, newstyle businesses which combined the processes of excavation and transport took over from traditional traders. On the demand side, newly emerging networks of local stonedealing bosses, smaller local businessmen, and traveling stone-masons were endangering the traditional stone-masons. In other words, the traveling stone-masons did not travel because they enjoyed freedom on the labor market, but because they played a particular role in the social structure of the stone-dealing business. This social structure developed because of the rich stone resources of the area and its geographical role as a major naval transportation route. It therefore represents a division of labor particular to this area in the early-modern period.

著者

北岡 伸一

出版者

社会経済史学会

雑誌

社会経済史学 (ISSN:00380113)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.80, no.1, pp.5-13, 2014-05-25 (Released:2017-06-03)

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歴史の大きな流れは経済で決まるが,その政策決定の中心にいるのは人間であり,彼らはそれぞれの利害や思想を持っている。経済的に好条件がそろっていても,誤った決定の結果,戦争になることもある。経済と政治は,それぞれ独自のダイナミクスで動き,相互に影響し合う。経済史と政治史もそういう関係にある。たとえば日露戦争後の満州経営においては,軍事的利害を主眼におくべきか否かという対立があったが,後藤新平は文装的武備という概念により,この対立を克服した。より長期的には,石橋湛山や清沢洌が,満州経営に関して根源的に鋭い指摘をしていた。なお満鉄は,アメリカにとってのパナマ運河と似た面があり,比較研究の発展を期待したい。対外政策は,強硬派と柔軟派とを区別するよりも,貿易を主眼とするか,そうでないかという違いが大きい。福沢諭吉や吉田茂は,強硬外交を唱えた人物と捉えられるが,むしろ貿易を主眼としており,その強硬論を領土拡大論者と同一に捉えるべきでない。近年,経済史と政治史の協力はいささか低調であり,今後の発展を期待したい。

著者

齋藤 純一

出版者

社会経済史学会

雑誌

社会経済史学 (ISSN:00380113)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.89, no.2, pp.145-158, 2023 (Released:2023-09-23)

著者

小島 庸平

出版者

社会経済史学会

雑誌

社会経済史学 (ISSN:00380113)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.84, no.3, pp.327-348, 2018 (Released:2020-11-25)

著者

三橋 時雄

出版者

社会経済史学会

雑誌

社会経済史学 (ISSN:00380113)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.16, no.1, pp.141-142, 1950-04-15 (Released:2017-11-30)