著者

松隈 徳仁

出版者

JAPAN ASSOCIATION OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

雑誌

国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1959, no.10, pp.27-36, 1959-10-15 (Released:2010-09-01)

参考文献数

35

著者

畑田 重夫

出版者

JAPAN ASSOCIATION OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

雑誌

国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1959, no.9, pp.90-102, 1959-06-25 (Released:2010-09-01)

参考文献数

10

著者

中村 貞子

出版者

JAPAN ASSOCIATION OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

雑誌

国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1959, no.9, pp.103-105, 1959-06-25 (Released:2010-09-01)

著者

蝋山 道雄

出版者

JAPAN ASSOCIATION OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

雑誌

国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1959, no.9, pp.105-108, 1959-06-25 (Released:2010-09-01)

著者

明石 陽至

出版者

JAPAN ASSOCIATION OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

雑誌

国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1959, no.9, pp.108-110, 1959-06-25 (Released:2010-09-01)

著者

松野尾 勝

出版者

JAPAN ASSOCIATION OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

雑誌

国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1959, no.9, pp.110-112, 1959-06-25 (Released:2010-09-01)

著者

東条 君枝

出版者

JAPAN ASSOCIATION OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

雑誌

国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1959, no.9, pp.112-115, 1959-06-25 (Released:2010-09-01)

著者

筒井 洋一

出版者

一般財団法人 日本国際政治学会

雑誌

国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1988, no.89, pp.42-56,L8, 1988

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The purpose of this paper is to analyze the characteristics of the &ldquo;Antifa&rdquo;, a unique type of labor movement in Germany at the end of the World War II. The KGF in Bremen was one of the most influential Antifas. In contrast to other European countries at that time and to Germany at the end of the World War I, Germay after World War II was not liberated by the people themselves, but by the Allied Powers: most of the Germans were very passive and in the state of political apathy. In such circumstances, the KGF members were rare exceptions, and devoted themselves to the denazification of all the social sectors, the material reconstructions of daily life and the unification of the labor parties.<br>It is true that the KGF arose from the labor movement and spread through it, but finally it went beyond the traditional labor movement: it came to have its own decision and action apart from the labor parties in organizing the members, and it also made much of the so-called &ldquo;basic democracy&rdquo;, which means the decentralized and direct democracy in the lower branch of the organizations.<br>Consequently, it had to face the Military Governments (MG), the German civil administrations and the labor parties. MG and the administrations shared an interest to oppress the KGF, to delay the denazification and to reconstruct the traditional conservative administrations in the pre-Nazis era. At the beginning, the labor parties in Bremen kept step with each other to strengthen the KGF. Unlike most of the rank and file, however, many local leaders were obviously persuaded to pledge loyalty to the national leaders: to K. Schumacher in SPD, to W. Ulbricht in KPD. Their strategies tried to damage the unification policy by the KGF. Members of the split socialist groups criticized furiously this tendency and stood by the KGF. Those who would not agree with SPD nor KPD were too small in number to become the third group.<br>Besides those obstacles inside and outside of the labor movement, the KGF essentially had inner organizational weaknesses. In regard to its member structure, most were recruited from labor movement veterans, not so many from nonpartisans. More importantly, they had no more intentions to make long-range strategy, after having failed to gain unification. Finally they dissolved the KGF by themselves in early 1946. In mid-1940s and 1950s, the labor movement was almost involved in Cold War, neglecting the original ideas of the Antifa. However, we find its analogous type of movement in mid-1960s, when the &ldquo;new social movement&rdquo; appeared.

著者

臼杵 陽

出版者

一般財団法人 日本国際政治学会

雑誌

国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1994, no.105, pp.30-44,L7, 1994

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The aim of this article is to explain the time-lag between two Jewish mass emigrations from Iraq and Egypt in the domestic and regional contexts of the Arab-Israeli Conflict in the 1950s.<br>The Jewish mass emigration from Iraq, on the one hand, suddenly began in consequence of the enactment in 1950 of the law depriving any Iraqi Jew who, of his own freen will and choice, desires to leave Iraq for good of his nationality. On the other hand, the majority of Jews of Egypt, who remained after the Palestine War of 1948, emigrated from Egypt after the Suez War of 1956.<br>Both Iraq and Egypt dispatched their armies to Palestine after British retreat from the mandate, while Israel declared the new Jewish state of Palestine in May, 1948.<br>Iraq and Egypt reacted differently to the repercussion of the 1948 War. Iraq suffered from serious economic difficulties after World War Two, which led to domestic political unrest. The Palestine War provided the Iraqi government with good opportunities to turn the general public's eyes to the Palestine question. After the War, N&ucirc;r&icirc; al-Sa'&icirc;d, the most influential politician in Iraq and advocator of the federation of the &lsquo;Fertile Crescent&rsquo;, utilized the Palestine cause in order to maintain his legitimacy in unstable domestic politics. N&ucirc;r&icirc;'s parochial policy toward Palestine made it more difficult for Iraqi Jews to live in peace. Finally, about twelve hundred thousand Iraqi Jews were forced to emigrate from Iraq to Israel in 1950 and 1951. The oldest Jewish community in the world disappeared.<br>In contrast to Iraq, Egypt did not implement any special policy against Jews of Egypt after the 1948 War. Two-thirds of Jewish population in Egypt did not hold Egyptian nationality. They immigrated to Egypt after the British occupation in 1882. They continued to be foreigners until the nationalization of foreign companies in Egypt after the Suez War. No Egyptian government followed discriminatory policies to the Jews even after the Free Officers' Revolution in 1952. On the contrary, the Officers pursued peace with Israel through secret negotiations after the Armistice Agreements according to recently published researches, which are based upon newly available British, American and Israeli official documents, on Egyptian-Israeli relations.<br>The American policy of the Eisenhower administration influenced both Arab regional politics and secret peace negotiations between Arab states and Israel. The U. S. administration tried to attain a resolution between Egypt and Israel so as to secure a regional cooperation of the Arab states in the south of the &lsquo;Northern Tier&rsquo; upon a concept of the containment of Communism.<br>N&ucirc;r&icirc;, the Iraqi premier, pursued his old concept of the federation of the&lsquo; Fertile Crescent&rsquo; in the framework of the Baghdad Pact under British patronage. British also intended to maintain Imperial hegemony over Middle East through the Baghdad Pact, while Americans considered the Pact as a grand strategy against Communism. This contradiction produced American-British inconsistency in terms of their interests in the area. This situation reflected upon Egyptian-Iraqi confrontatins concerning participation in the Pact and also upon peace negotiations between Egypt and Israel.<br>Israel felt isolated in the above-mentioned regional circumstances. Israel expected the U. S. administration would agree with the supply of armaments. But U.S. were reluctant to supply their arms against Arab interests in their area strategy. Israel, therefore, sought other sources and turned her endeavors to reach an agreement with France.<br>Egypt also sought her arms from the Eastern Bloc, which led U. S. change their Arab policy of supporting Egypt, and finally to the outbreak of the Suez War. After the war, &lsquo;Abd al-N&acirc;sir declared that enemies&rsquo; companies would be nationalized. He also deported British and French nationals includin

著者

佐藤 栄一

出版者

JAPAN ASSOCIATION OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

雑誌

国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1971, no.44, pp.111-155, 1971-05-06 (Released:2010-09-01)

参考文献数

169

著者

土屋 大洋

出版者

一般財団法人 日本国際政治学会

雑誌

国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2009, no.155, pp.155_109-125, 2009

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This paper analyzes political connections using a method based on network theory. Recent developments in network theory, which have been accelerated by advances in computers and data collection, can be applied to various research areas including physics, information society studies, sociology and other social sciences.<br>This paper uses network theory to analyze networks among U.S. senators who submitted bills related to Japan in the 109th Congress, focusing on cosponsorship of bills. Senators sometimes submit bills with other senators to make them more prospective, to gain more attentions, or just to deal with political bargains. This paper assumes that senators who co-submit bills more often have tighter connections and organize wider networks. Although it is difficult for an outsider to know who has what kinds of connections with whom in politics, it is easier to track who acted with whom in co-sponsoring bills in Congress.<br>The results of the analysis show that Japan-related bills were led by influential leaders in the senate such as Barack Obama, Joe Biden, Hillary Clinton and Joseph Lieberman, who played important roles in the 2008 Presidential election. They were active in submitting and co-sponsoring bills and had higher scores in network indexes such as degree, between centrality, and closeness centrality. This implies two possible hypotheses. First, those influential leaders themselves were interested in Japan-related issues. Second, no specific senators were interested in the issues and that is why the influential senators seemed to be leading. These hypotheses should be tested in combination with other analytical methods.<br>Network analysis has three advantages. First, it focuses more on relationships among actors instead of looking at the characters of individual actors. Most of conventional analysis methods look at who actors are and what they do. In contrast, network analysis focuses on who is connected to whom and how. Second, the development of network analysis and data collection could give us alternative perspectives and new results based on large amounts of data. Third, network analysis could be used not only for proving hypotheses, but also for finding new ones.<br>Network analysis can be applied both to case studies in international relations and to enriching the theories of international relations. Actors in international relations vary from nation states (or governments), multi-national or global corporations, non-profit or non-state organizations, and even to individuals. Network analysis tells how they are connected and how they are interacting. It should reveal more dynamic relations rather than stable structures.

著者

西岡 達裕

出版者

一般財団法人 日本国際政治学会

雑誌

国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2018, no.192, pp.192_113-192_128, 2018-03-30 (Released:2018-12-19)

参考文献数

28

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In November 2016, Republican Donald Trump was elected the 45th president of the United States in a major upset. He was a complete political amateur. Trump won the close election against Democrat Hillary Clinton largely because he carried Rust Belt swing states such as Ohio, Pennsylvania, Michigan and Wisconsin. It seemed that his populist, anti-foreign and protectionist rhetoric had attracted white working class voters in the Rust Belt, who had not felt the benefits of globalization.Still, the sudden rise of the amateur politician president is not easy to fully understand. Given that the labor market had recovered from the Great Recession and the U.S. Economy was on a path toward recovery, why and how did American voters give victory to a populist candidate like Trump? To answer that question, we need to understand the 2016 election in the broad context of American history.It is assumed that the rising tide of populism which brought this historic victory to Trump was not the result of a single factor, but rather a set of factors. This article focuses on five factors which have caused populist movements in U.S. history: change in the industrial structure, globalization, a deep recession, distrust of politics, and cultural backlash. This article discusses the 2016 election in association with each of these factors and offers specific examples of populist movements in the past in an effort to reinterpret the contemporary history of the United States.The background of the rise of populism in the 2016 election was public distrust of politics. Outsider Trump successfully convinced voters that he would be an anti-establishment president. If the two major political parties had substantially performed their function of interest aggregation, there would have been no chance for an outsider to win the presidential election. The Republican Party had inherited Reagan’s conservative coalition from the 1980s, while the Democratic Party had inherited Bill Clinton’s center-left coalition from the 1990s. However, the 2016 election marked the end of an era. Trump and his supporters were not so much interested in Reaganism, and Bernie Sanders and the liberal Democrats challenged Clintonism.Since the end of the Cold War, income inequality in the United States has increased markedly, and many people have come to believe that this was caused by liberalization and globalization. American workers have felt left behind by the political system and are demanding major change in that system. At the very least, Trump’s policies should shake up the old architecture of the two-party system.

著者

今井 庄次

出版者

JAPAN ASSOCIATION OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

雑誌

国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)

巻号頁・発行日

no.14, pp.30-43, 1960

著者

内山 正熊

出版者

JAPAN ASSOCIATION OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

雑誌

国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1965, no.28, pp.1-16, 1965-04-27 (Released:2010-09-01)

参考文献数

44

被引用文献数

1

著者

松浦 正孝

出版者

JAPAN ASSOCIATION OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

雑誌

国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1995, no.109, pp.200-205, 1995-05-20 (Released:2010-09-01)

著者

渡辺 紫乃

出版者

一般財団法人 日本国際政治学会

雑誌

国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2013, no.172, pp.172_100-172_113, 2013

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China's attitude toward the international order has received growing attention. In the field of foreign aid, the international development assistance regime is organized so that members of the Development Assistance Committee (DAC) in the Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD), international organizations such as the United Nations, and international financial institutions such as the World Bank share norms and rules of foreign aid. In general, donors are expected to follow these rules when they provide foreign assistance. This paper focuses on the interaction between China and the aid regime and examines the influence of the interaction on each other.<br>As a non-DAC member, China offers foreign aid without being constrained by the aid regime. Since it began in 1950, China's foreign aid has possessed distinctive characteristics and unique practices. Advocating the principle of non-intervention in domestic affairs, China has assisted authoritarian states or countries under sanctions. China opposes any conditionality but the "One China Policy" to recipient countries. Such an attitude has undermined international efforts to promote necessary reforms and enhance good governance in developing countries. In addition, China's emphasis on pursuing mutual benefits through foreign aid has caused self-interested behavior and has invited severe criticism from the aid regime as well as from recipient countries.<br>Despite concerns from international society, China's foreign aid is an integral part of today's aid landscape. As China's aid presence expands, the aid regime cannot help but engage with China. China's foreign aid and the aid regime are no longer discrete; they communicate bilaterally and multilaterally. The process of interaction has influenced the aid regime significantly. For instance, the World Bank's aid policy toward Africa has incorporated major causes of China's successful development over the last three decades such as infrastructure building and agricultural support. Moreover, China's presence and other emerging donors have led DAC donors to question the validity of official development assistance (ODA) as the mainstream foreign aid. This poses a major challenge to the aid regime.<br>Meanwhile, China has acknowledged growing international concerns over its foreign aid and has started to take concrete measures to circumvent criticism. China has also strengthened its control over Chinese firms engaging aid activities overseas and published the first white paper on foreign aid in April 2011. Despite such efforts, however, there is no full-fledged transformation of China's foreign aid. Instead, China is likely to maintain its foreign aid program without any significant reform in the foreseeable future.

著者

山内 昌之

出版者

JAPAN ASSOCIATION OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

雑誌

国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1981, no.69, pp.108-128,L6, 1981-10-28 (Released:2010-09-01)

参考文献数

83

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In the Soviet Union today, Islam has two aspects: an official, public one and a nonofficial, underground one. Until recent time only the former was visible to the observers from without. Now, however, we have evidence that the sufi brotherhoods have revived and that their influence among Soviet Muslims is rapidly growing, especially in the North Caucasus.In the present article the author tries to examine briefly the relationship of the Sufi brotherhoods to the Soviet authority, their history and current condition.Then he concludes the strength of the tariqa suggests that Soviet Muslims are strongly influenced by the traditionalist ideas of the tariqas, and the tariqa has the mass and social base necessary for success of its aggrandizement.

著者

前田 幸男

出版者

JAPAN ASSOCIATION OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

雑誌

国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2010, no.160, pp.160_180-183, 2012-03-25 (Released:2012-06-15)

著者

湯澤(下谷内) 奈緒

出版者

一般財団法人 日本国際政治学会

雑誌

国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2013, no.171, pp.171_58-171_71, 2013

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Building on a growing body of literature in international and comparative politics on transitional justice, this article examines the debate as to whether international criminal justice contributes to peace. The establishment of the International Criminal Court (ICC) has often been hailed as the culmination of international human rights standards that have been developed and advanced as norms following World War II. Yet the ICC's prosecution activities have been criticized by those who argue that the threat of punishment causes dictators to cling to power, resulting in delaying the end of conflicts or a smooth transition to democracy.<br>This article demonstrates how the "peace vs. justice" debate is rooted in opposing ideas for fostering international peace, both premised on the decentralized nature of international society, and how the tenets for their arguments are being shaken when faced with the reality of international human rights protection. Advocates for international criminal prosecution believe that strengthening centralized law enforcement authority beyond sovereign states will deter future atrocities. Given that a victor's justice is no longer tolerated on one hand and that there is no world government in sight on the other, however, efforts to make credible the threat of prosecution would remain incomplete. Meanwhile those who criticize the ICC as an idealistic endeavor find the basis of international order in bargaining that occurs within sovereign states, but their logic is difficult to sustain because the ICC is making the promise of amnesty, considered crucial to strike a compromise, less credible.<br>The article argues that international criminal prosecution should be understood as part of the international community's efforts to intervene in and improve internal governance of weak, failing or collapsed states. The limits of the ICC lie not just in weak enforcement but in the very act of questioning the legitimacy of leaders who are caught in conflict. International human rights norms encourage democratized states to address past human rights violations committed under previous regimes; however, they do not solve the problem of how to deal with perpetrators who are currently engaged in violence during times of democratization and peace negotiations. To make international criminal prosecution a viable force for the prevention of future atrocities, it must be coupled with assistance to domestic civil society, which has to bear the consequences of these ultimate decisions.

著者

横田 洋三

出版者

JAPAN ASSOCIATION OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

雑誌

国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1984, no.76, pp.138-157,L10, 1984-05-25 (Released:2010-09-01)

参考文献数

60

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Law plays an essential role in the establishment and operation of various international organizations because they are legal entities created by law (treaties concluded among States). In the past, the legal analyses of the structure and activities of international organizations have concentrated on studies of the provisions of the constitutive documents and of the resolutions, rules, decisions, etc., adopted by international organizations.Today, the relationship between law and international organizations is more complex and a mere analysis of the provisions of documents establishing the organizations and of documents created by the organizations is neither sufficient nor comlegal plete.First of all, international law is not the only legal system which has a direct relevance to the structure and operation of international organizations. The municipal law of states and the proper law of international organizations are also important systems affecting international organizations.Secondly, the relationship between international organizations and a legal system is not one-way but two-way. One is the relationship where a legal system affects international organizations and the other is that where international organizations affect the legal system.