著者
吉村 澄代
出版者
日本教育行政学会
雑誌
日本教育行政学会年報 (ISSN:09198393)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.24, pp.156-169, 1998-10-17 (Released:2018-01-09)

Recently university reforms in China have been promoted under the guidance of economical reform. It is especially important that the administration and the management of universities has shifted from the national government to local governments and the autonomy of administration magnified. As a result, the establishment and the management forms were diversified. Universities were thus established and managed not only by the national government (=national sector) but by local governments, enterprises owned by groups, social organizations and individuals (=non-national sector). Thus, the contemporary trend in China indicates a drastic changeover in the relationship between the nation and universities. In our country, recently, because of financial difficulties, various arguments about privatization or incorporation (=giving government agencies a greater degree of autonomy) of national universities are offered. The promotion and expansion of university education is a very important theme of policy in any nation because it links to the national development and prosperity. China is not the exception. Therefore, we can gain many suggestions from researching them. Researching the transition of the establishment and the management forms of about 1060 universities in all China, this paper aims to explain the characteristics and the problems of the shift to local governments and the appearance of various kinds of establishments. First, it becomes clear that the establishment and the management of universities has shifted to local governments and is managed in concert with several agencies. Second, it becomes clear that the shift to local governments are related to the economical development in its area. Third, newly emerged universities established in economically developing provinces are examined. With these backgrounds in mind we can point out the fact that according to local economical development the labor market was enlarged and labor contents technically intensified. As a result, learning mediums or high techniques come to be in demand. From this study, the following findings were obtained : As the characteristics of the shift to non-national sectionalization, 1) Universities are changing from training schools for the elite into schools opened to the public. 2) University services to society come to the front, and, taking this opportunity, the university becomes lively. This is a distinctive feature of the university in China. 3) The policy making system in the university turns from the directive system by The Communist Party to a council system by many constituents. This shows that the administration and the management of the university has separated from the guidance of The Communist Party. Besides, there are such problems as economical development among the areas in China that will bring an imbalance in the contents of higher education. Moreover, there is a risk of debasement in the quality of education because the enrollment of students has increased in number and too many private universities have been established. After national control was relaxed in China, it is inescapable that various problems have to be solved which appear while the university is popularized, privatized and put on the market.
著者
日永 龍彦
出版者
日本教育行政学会
雑誌
日本教育行政学会年報 (ISSN:09198393)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.40, pp.17-35, 2014 (Released:2019-03-20)
参考文献数
8

The purpose of this study is to trace the process of “the university evaluation” changing from the self-improvement oriented to the guided or forced reform oriented in these 40 years. The study shows that university evaluation for self-improvement remains only in name and that the evaluation is used for standardizing universities without considering university autonomy. In order to prove this, the author divided these years into three periods as follows: ⒜ the 1970s and 1980s, in which “the convoy system” for colleges and universities was in place. However some people in the university bodies and in government realized that the system could not continue just before the rapid decrease in the population of 18 year olds. ⒝ the 1990s, in which the university evaluation system was set up by the ministerial ordinance of the Ministry of Education. Not colleges and universities themselves but the Ministry of Education took the lead in establishing this system. ⒞ the 2000s and later, in which the Prime Minister led the deregulation and used university evaluation as a basis for allocating financial resources.In the first period ⒜, some university bodies tried to develop a self improvement-oriented evaluation system. Although they seemed to find it very difficult for university evaluation to seek improvement and accountability at the same time, “Rinji kyoiku shingikai”, an advisory panel to the Prime Minister established in 1984, did not take this issue seriously. Its Final report simply listed both improvement and accountability as functions of university evaluation. this appeared to be a factor in the failure of university evaluation in Japan. University evaluation has not worked well either for improving universities or for providing useful information to the public since then.In the second period ⒝, the age of rapid decrease in the population of 18 year olds caused almost all the universities had to face a struggle in enrolling students. the Ministry of Education deregulated the university establishment and reorganization in order to cope with the situation. Universities were obliged by the ordinance, university establishment standard, to work on self-education at the same time. Evaluation for selfimprovement ought to be voluntary, but universities were reluctantly engaged in the self-education in order to obtain authorization for the reorganization, a kind of self-improvement, from the Ministry of Education.In the final period ⒞, the “Amendment of School Education” law set up a third party evaluation system for universities, “Ninsho-hyoka”. In addition, national universities were incorporated and the evaluation system for national university incorporation was introduced. The original plans of these evaluation systems were based on the mission and objectives of universities, that is the evaluation to respect the individuality of each university. But those plans were changed 6 or 7 years after being introduced. Some measures were carried out to standardize the mission and objectives of each university. Moreover, the government has often used this evaluation for financial resource allocation in recent years. The indices used in the evaluation force universities to improve or reform universities in the same direction.
著者
大島 隆太郎
出版者
日本教育行政学会
雑誌
日本教育行政学会年報 (ISSN:09198393)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.44, pp.88-104, 2018 (Released:2019-09-20)
参考文献数
11

In Japan, the textbooks used in compulsory education are selected regionally, which means that the same textbooks are used in all the compulsory education schools in the same area. This rule was established in the Act on Free Distribution of Textbooks for Compulsory Education Schools (Act No. 182 of 1963) in order to reduce the price of the textbooks and to reduce the strain on public finance, but when this Act was enacted, the regional selection had been a fait accompli. Before then, it is clear that the regional selection in compulsory education became a policy of the Ministry of Education by a report from the Central Council for Education (the CCE) on December 5, 1955,“Kyokasho-seido-no-kaizen-ni-kansuru-tosin (Report on reforming the textbook system)”. However, the report does not clarify why the regional selection became a policy or a means to reduce the strain on public finance at a later time. Based on the above, we need to assess the policy-making process of the regional selection in 1955, taking into account the relationship between textbook selection and public finance, especially the free distribution of textbooks. Therefore, this paper clarifies the decision-making process of trying to enact the regional selection in compulsory education, through analyzing the background of submitting questions to the CCE, deliberations at the CCE in 1955, and the adoption or rejection of the bills at the 24th session of the National Diet in 1956, in terms of the relationships between the regional selection and a financial problem.The conclusion of this paper is as follows. There were some reasons for adopting the regional selection in 1955, and two of them were important. From the educational point of view, in addition to the pretext to promote studying textbooks jointly, it was a fact that schools in the countryside did not have enough teachers to select textbooks separately. On the other hand, from the economic and financial point of view, there was an intention to reduce the educational expense of parents through lowering the cost of textbooks by means of selecting them regionally. Especially in this regard, the Ministry of Education had to take action on higher textbook price by some means. However, the Ministry of Finance opposed completely free distribution of textbooks for compulsory education, but approved free distribution to those in financial difficulties. Then, at the CCE, the administrators of the local board of education also required the free distribution to those in financial difficulties, and this suggestion appeared to be critical for the decision making. Consequently, the Ministry of Education had no choice but to adopt the limited free distribution and the regional selection in order to cope with the problem of textbook prices. In this way, following the report, the bill on textbooks, which included the regional selection, and the bill on the free distribution of textbooks for needy students in elementary school, which became the current act on the financial assistance for the encouragement of the attendance at school of the needy students in compulsory education (Act No.40 of 1956), were made and presented to the 24th session of the National Diet. Paying attention to this fact, adopting the regional selection system in compulsory education in the policy package at this point was more significant for reducing parents’ burdens than controlling educational contents. In that sense, the CCE’s decision in 1955 was a critical juncture in defining the free distribution policy of textbooks as the policy of making parents’ burden less. Namely, it could be regarded as not only the beginning of the free distribution of textbooks up to the present but also the point of fixing the course of the policy on the encouragement of attendance at school.
著者
小野田 正利
出版者
日本教育行政学会
雑誌
日本教育行政学会年報 (ISSN:09198393)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.35, pp.77-93, 2009-10-16 (Released:2018-01-09)
被引用文献数
2

Nowadays in Japanese schools, including nursery schools, kindergartens, elementary schools, lower secondary schools and upper secondary schools, keeping a good relationship between teachers and parents has become more difficult. The advance of the information society and changes in social structures have been causes of stress for many people. At the same time, from the latter half of the 1990s the Neoliberal political movement has been promoted in the society and educational system. The result of the latter movement has been "structural reform," usually as seen as the weak becoming the victim of the strong. As the society has experienced greater and greater economic inequality, the tendency to turn one's own irritations and frustrations upon the other has become worse. In many industrial fields the demand for an improvement in the quality and content of services has been increasing, and such demands can now be seen for schools and teachers as well. In this context, on the one hand we have the schools, which now have little surplus energy, not to mention a lack of financial support, to deal with these high-level requests from parents, so they are at times caught in a dilemma. Given these changes, we have seen an increase in teacher suicides and cases of teachers suffering from mental illness, notably depression, lately attracting considerable attention as social problems. On the other hand, there is also a problem with traditional ways of thinking. Schools and those who work in them continue to have an authoritarian consciousness, thinking that parents should follow the logic and convenience of schools. Schools thus turn down reasonable requests from parents without good reason. Schools need to respond to these changes of the times and society, accept parents' request, and try to improve school management. In this paper, given the present situation where parents and teachers each actively assert themselves, how can better relationships be created between these two groups? We will examine some of the political prospects and problems by examining: 1 .The causes of difficulties in parents and teachers getting along with each other 2. The suicide of a new female teacher 3. The structure of parents' distrust of the school and bringing a suit against the school 4. The cause of an explosion of troubles between parents and teachers 5. The implementation of a policy for an improvement of the relationships between parents and schools
著者
青井 拓司
出版者
日本教育行政学会
雑誌
日本教育行政学会年報 (ISSN:09198393)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.42, pp.96-112, 2016 (Released:2019-03-20)

This article investigates the organization of the leading division of the board of education and the personnel and the duties of educational administrative staff members of the bureau of the board of education. This paper focuses on the case of Kyoto city which arranges experts on educational administration. My intention was to acquire new knowledge about the administrative staff members who have expertise in educational administration. The findings of this paper are follows. First, I confirmed the number of the general administrative staff members and educational administrative staff members, post arrangement, field of the duties from a point of view of making the arrangement of administrative staff members in the leading division of educational administration clear. I compared Kyoto city with an ordinance-designated city of the same scale as Kyoto city and three prefectures. Educational administrative staff members are appointed to the leading division in the cities other than Kyoto city and general administrative staff members are appointed to a limited division as general affairs manager. However, in Kyoto city personnel arrangement keeps trade with educational administrative members and general administrative staff members. This investigation revealed that general administrative staff members are in charge of various kinds of duties such as projects and administration of educational reform.Second, I carried out an investigation by interviewing general administrative staff members of the board of education in Kyoto city who are appointed to the leading division. I found that establishing a relationship between general administrative staff members and educational administrative staff members is the key to confirming how the duties are actually accomplished. I proposed “expert on educational administration” as a new concept of the field of the duties. The advantage of having experts on educational administration is that they are enrolled in the bureau of the board of education for a long time and acquire expertise in educational administration whereas educational supervisors return to school. The difference between these positions has an enormous influence on the way of accomplishing the duties. I pointed out that experts on educational administration in Kyoto city coordinate the conflict between the sort of jobs of experts on educational administration and educational administrative staff members and come up with an idea of politics and a role of expert on educational administration to show that the innovative leadership is the driving force of educational reform in Kyoto city.Last, I focus on general administrative staff members who are assigned to the board of education from the department of the head of the local government and the post and the field of the duties of experts on educational administration. An aim for further research is to acquire knowledge of the future personnel policy of educational administrative staff members.
著者
藤田 祐介
出版者
日本教育行政学会
雑誌
日本教育行政学会年報 (ISSN:09198393)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.27, pp.126-138, 2001-11-02 (Released:2018-01-09)

The purpose of this paper is to examine the process leading to the revival of calligraphy education in elementary schools during the Occupation period by focusing on activities of an interest group that obviously played an important role in the revival. Through this analysis, I hope to find clues to reveal the ways in which educational policy-making proceeded under the Occupation. Calligraphy education in elementary schools was discontinued through the establishment of the new Course of Studies in 1947, but in 1951 it made a revival through a revision of the Course of Studies. In the particular situation of the Occupation, what made this policy change possible? What political dynamics existed in the background for this policy change? My research shows that a series of interest group activities by the calligraphers' association, led by Shunkai Bundo, exerted a great impact on the revival of calligraphy education. This interest group tried to accomplish the revival of calligraphy education by taking energetic actions such as making petitions to the Diet and the Ministry of Education, and getting in touch with the Civil Information and Education (CIE) of GHQ/SCAP. Initially, the Ministry of Education was not favorable to the movement, but its negative attitude gradually turned into an affirmative one as the revival movement increased its momentum. Under the pressure of the revival movement, the Ministry of Education undertook a nationwide survey investigating public opinion about calligraphy education. The fact that Shinzan Kamijyo, one of the leaders of the calligraphers' association, was also a member of the Council of the Course of Studies (Kyoiku Katei Shingikai), helped the calligraphers' association make an effective appeal to the Council. His activities influenced the Council, which fundamentally opposed the revival, to become favorable to the revival of calligraphy education. It is certain that mainly owing to Bundo's own initiative to promote the movement, the group mentioned above played a significant role in bringing about a policy change, from elimination to "revival". Takeshi Ishida, a political scientist, has maintained that any interest group could have only limited impact on the policy-making process under the Occupation because the Occupation Forces had a dominant and overwhelming authority. However, historical facts make clear this policy impact by the calligraphers' association, which demonstrates that interest groups, even under the Occupation, could manage to affect policy. It may be because of CIE's low commitment to this issue of the revival of calligraphy education that the calligraphers' association attained their goal. Some CIE officials were reluctant to authorize the revival, but CIE, as a result, allowed the Ministry of Education to take its own initiative in a decision on the issue.
著者
丸山 和昭
出版者
日本教育行政学会
雑誌
日本教育行政学会年報 (ISSN:09198393)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.43, pp.44-62, 2017 (Released:2019-03-20)
参考文献数
25
被引用文献数
1

This paper considered the reform trends of current teacher education in Japan from the perspective of the sociology of professions.First, this paper summarized the trends in the sociological studies of the professions. In recent years, sociological studies of professions tend to define the professions broadly as intellectual occupational groups. One of the main themes of these studies is to investigate how the professions change their knowledge level, task area, influence, and how they interact with states, universities, and other occupations. In addition to this, recent studies of the sociology of professions tend to argue that the model image of professions is diversifying in some new professions like management consultancy as well as in traditional professions like doctors. This paper defined this situation as “re-professionalization”.Secondly, this paper focused on the problem of the core curriculum of teacher education that is the one of the main issues of the recent reform of teacher education in Japan. The recent reform should not be denied entirely, because it has features of the policy for the re-professionalization of teacher education. However, the recent reform also includes some problems. The policy making process of the recent reform is mainly promoted by the Ministry of Education, and the reform plan heavily reflects the interest of administrators. As a consequence of this, the recent reform plan of teacher education lacks consideration for diversification of teachers, and participation of professional groups.Thirdly, this paper examined the possibility of the plural accreditation in teacher education as a solution for the problem of the diversity and participation of professional groups of teachers. In comparison with doctors which is a precedent example of core curriculum, the teachers are characterized by a massive working population and internal diversity. This feature of teachers makes it difficult to build a unified core curriculum with the participation of professional groups of teachers. As one solution to this problem, we can learn many from the plural accreditation system of the U.S. teacher education or the U.S. psychologist education.In conclusion, this paper argued that we should build multiple associations for accreditation and devote more time to making a core curriculum. We should not use a rough-and-ready method to make a rigid unified core curriculum without the participation of professional groups of teachers. We may have another way to make a more flexible core curriculum through competition or cooperation of plural accreditation groups. Each of them holds a different professional image of teachers.The concepts of professions are diversifying in many other occupations as well as in the teaching profession. Faced with this situation, we need to consider the diversity of the professional image of teachers, and to discuss the plural accreditation system for participation of professional groups of teachers.
著者
仲田 康一
出版者
日本教育行政学会
雑誌
日本教育行政学会年報 (ISSN:09198393)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.44, pp.9-26, 2018 (Released:2019-09-20)
参考文献数
29

The concept of ‘Standards’ has been featuring more and more in recent education policy in Japan. Many kinds of ‘standards’ are being set to control educational processes and reframe teachers’ professional expertise.‘Standards’ in Japan usually comprise lists, matrixes, and rubrics as official documents that are prescribed by governments and/or schools. They, for instance, tell teachers how to structure every lesson, dictate how to discipline students’ behaviour, or define the teachers’ standard competences required for each age group. As they tend to cover the relationships between teachers, students, and parents, it seems to be the case that they even regulate accordingly how students and families should be.This trend has to do with the growing effect of a PDCA cycle that has prevailed throughout the country. Under the New Public Management regime, the central government is supposed to be legitimated to set national objectives for education, to delegate their implementation to local governments, schools and teachers, and to hold them accountable for producing appropriate outcomes. The celebrated technology in this regime is the PDCA cycle. It requires each local government and school to create their ‘Plans’ reflecting on the higher-level government / institution, and to make their educational processes more effective. Because the ‘Plan’ is unquestionable in this regime, PDCA allows local governments and schools only to ask students and teachers to perform in a ‘Planned’ i.e. a predicted and predetermined way. We can understand the rapid rise of ‘standards’ as a representation of the desire for more predictability, shaped by the threat of PDCA.Meanwhile, standardisation has also had a considerable effect on the Anglo American education systems. This trend covers a range of education reforms such as the following -- i) more emphasis on the learning outcomes assessed by testing ; ii) endogenous privatisation that is forcing schools to act more like businesses with discrete dichotomy of failing or successful schools and/or teachers ; iii) exogenous privatisation from outsourcing teaching materials, selling/buying school improvement strategies, through to inviting private bodies to operate schools ; and iv) de-professionalisation that remakes the teaching expertise as a production process of appropriate data.As we can see, there are divergences and parallels between Japan and Anglo-American countries. I characterised the Japanese version of standardisation as ‘governing by templates’, compared with the Anglo-American version of standardisation as ‘governing by data’ with more emphasis on evidence and corporatisation. At the same time, mutual undermining of professionalism and democracy has been replicated, placing far more importance on external standards. I also added a caveat that ‘governing by templates’ and ‘governing by data’ are not mutually exclusive. With more emphasis being put upon ‘evidence-based policy making’ in Japan, I asserted that we need rather to focus on the complicated nature of the interactive effect of them.
著者
眞弓(田中) 真秀
出版者
日本教育行政学会
雑誌
日本教育行政学会年報 (ISSN:09198393)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.43, pp.81-97, 2017 (Released:2019-03-20)

In recent years, there have been various reforms of the working conditions and treatment of teachers. For example, a teacher evaluation system has been introduced in both urban and rural prefectures, and there has been a transfer of authority over matters related to teachers’ salaries in compulsory education to ordinance-designated cities.Regarding this matter, my first point is to consider the connection between the personal evaluation system and teachers’ salaries. My second point considers the issue of costs and authority related to the transfer of control of the salary when the financial burden and authority regarding a teacher’s salary are handed over to an ordinance-designated city in urban and rural prefectures due to decentralization. I also discuss whether urban and rural prefectures, which pay the teachers’ salaries guarantee equal working conditions. For my third point, I consider whether the aims of teachers’ unions are reflected in teacher salary systems.
著者
羽田 貴史 金井 徹
出版者
日本教育行政学会
雑誌
日本教育行政学会年報 (ISSN:09198393)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.36, pp.158-175, 2010-10-01 (Released:2018-01-09)

The purpose of this paper is to consider the big picture of the presidential appointment system of national universities after World War II and to explore what kinds of presidents were selected under the system. The system of president appointment prevailed in all imperial universities since the system was established in the wake of the Tomizu and Sawayanagi incidents, although legislation to this effect was not fulfilled. This system restricted the constituency of candidates to professors with methods of election : 1) Candidates narrowed down by preliminary committee in advance and 2) A president elected through several elections without a prior selection of candidates. The election system remained with an expansion in the constituency even after the postwar national university system was inaugurated in 1953 which included provision for electing a president independently. In the presidential selection at that time there were only four presidents who were elected at their old universities. The internal promotion system of a president was not a common pattern given the circumstances of antagonism among faculties and the shortage of candidates eligible for president. In addition, "the principal as the professional" that was the personnel transfer route of the Ministry of Education was dismantled because of the system entitling national universities to hold an independent election for presidents. Recommendations of the Central Council for Education (1963) and University Council (1995) pointed out that nearly all presidents actually had little in the way of management skills and that elections tended to become sensational and be favorable for large-scale faculties. The election system, however, has remained in national universities even after these recommendations. The presidents of national universities selected under the postwar election system have had the following characteristics : 1) Almost all national university presidents were selected in their early 60s as they came up to forced retirement as professors of a national university, 2) The number of presidents who graduated from imperial universities or former imperial universities has decreased, and the number of inbred candidates for national universities for presidents has increased, 3) Presidents being given internal promotion have become the majority, and 4) Almost all of these presidents in the postwar period were from the faculties of medicine, technology, science, education, agriculture, or economics. The presidents of national universities have been transformed from being seen as the "president as a symbol of the university" who was a graduate of other imperial universities, which was found at the beginning of the postwar period, to the "president as a symbol of collegiality" selected from his university and well-informed about that particular university. This tendency has remained after national universities were incorporated.
著者
村上 祐介
出版者
日本教育行政学会
雑誌
日本教育行政学会年報 (ISSN:09198393)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.41, pp.70-86, 2015 (Released:2019-03-20)
参考文献数
23

This article examines issues regarding the reform of Japan's board of education system, and the new system in terms of the expertise of the educational administration. This paper focuses on the expertise of the educational administration as it relates to general administrative jobs.The findings of this paper are as follows. First, the distrust surrounding the expertise of Japan's educational administration has caused the reform of the board of education system. The discussion regarding the reform included arguments about the reinforcement of political control for the educational administration; however, I did not discuss how we could improve the expertise of the educational administration and restore the trust of the educational administration. In the new board of education system, the problems faced by the bureau of the board of education and issues concerning the expertise of the educational administration still remain unresolved.Second, it is important to examine the expertise required for general administrative jobs. In the field of education reform, there are many professional members of staff in the office. When we discuss the expertise of educational administration, we often focus on the expertise of the professional personnel, for example, superintendents or school education supervisors, etc. There are a large number of general administrative staff members in the bureaus of the board of education; however, nobody has analyzed their expertise in educational administration.Political and market control are often used to govern educational administration and schools, as well as bureaucracy. These controls sometimes influence education policies and practices; however, they often create confusion for schools, teachers, parents, and pupils. Educational bureaus require self-directing governance, and the role of general administrative jobs in the board of education is important to prevent professional personnel from being self-serving and self-enclosed.Third, this study examines how local governments in Japan hire and transfer general administrative personnel in the bureaus of the board of education. The results revealed that about a sixth of the prefectures hire general administrative staff personnel in the bureaus of the board of education separately from the governor's offices. Many of the local governments hire general administrative staff personnel in the bureaus of the board of education and the governor's office together.In the latter case, a few prefectures or big cities make some general administrative staff members put the bureaus of the board of education for many years and make them experts on educational administration. However, almost all local governments keep transferring general administrative staff members in the short term.We have little knowledge about how general administrative staff members improve their expertise in a specific area. Especially in the field of policies, which includes several professions, the expertise of the general administrative staff members tends to be underestimated. We have to conduct research on the expertise of general administrative jobs.
著者
村上 祐介
出版者
日本教育行政学会
雑誌
日本教育行政学会年報 (ISSN:09198393)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.29, pp.142-153, 2003-10-17 (Released:2018-01-09)

Personnel transfer from the central government to the local government considered to be a case of the central government controlling the local government. On the contrary, there is also the view that the local government has the initiative. However, there has been little research on this theme concerning the superintendent. This research thus aims to understand personnel transfer from the central government to the level of superintendents in all prefectures with a particular focus on showing clearly how it has changed during the period between 1956-2000. The results of the research are as follows. (1) The 1950s had many bureaucrats in the Department of the Interior. The bureaucrats of the Department of the Interior decreased in number to the 1960s, however, while the bureaucrat of the Ministry of Education increased. (2) The 1970s saw the bureaucrats of the Ministry of Home Affairs increase in number, while the bureaucrats of the Ministry of Education decreased in number. (3) The central government's bureaucrats decreased in number and the local government's bureaucrats increased in number from the end of the 1970s. This tendency continues until the present. We note the following from these results: (1) When talented people in local government increase in number, especially during the after the end of the 1970s, we often see local government's bureaucrats inaugurated as superintendents. The view that the central government controls local government cannot explain this phenomenon. Concerning the superintendent of education, in the case of personnel transfer from the central government to the local government we can see that local government has an initiative rather than it simply being a matter of the control to the central government over local government. (2) Unlike other management of local governments, in the case of the superintendent of education, the Ministry of Education needs to approve position decisions. However, the influence of this recognition system was not seen from this research. Generally, it has been thought that the influence of educational administration of the central government is very strong, compared with other levels of administration. We can now see that more research is required concerning this question. This research has been from a macro view, though, and has some limits. More results may, however, be obtained by using micro approaches.
著者
水本 徳明
出版者
日本教育行政学会
雑誌
日本教育行政学会年報 (ISSN:09198393)
巻号頁・発行日
no.35, pp.60-76, 2009-10-16

The micro-political perspective of schools differentiates itself from non-political perspectives in that it focuses on a diversity of purposes in school organizations whereas social systems theory focuses on a consensus among members of school organizations. It also differentiates itself from macro-political perspectives in that it recognizes conflict in schools not as a reproduction of ideological and/or interest conflict in society but as an original process in each school. There are two factors in the development of the micro-politics perspective around 1990, the theoretical and the empirical. The former is a radical change of the view on power by Foucault, and on school organization by loose coupling theory and new institutional theory. The latter is education reform based on neo-liberalism that emphasizes the neutrality of markets and management techniques in business. From the micro-political perspective a pattern of power relations has emerged as a result of the interaction of the members of an organization. As places of micro-politics in schools I examined classrooms, staffrooms, and infirmaries in Japanese schools. In classrooms students anticipate teachers' educational intentions. Some students try to meet the anticipated intentions and others refuse or ignore it, while teachers at the same time try to control students' reactions to these educational intentions. There are also identity politics related to ethnicity, sex, handicap, and so on. Students struggle to adapt to the class, enhancing their own self-esteem. Teachers try to treat students equally and yet treat some students differently according to their specific characteristics at the same time. Staffrooms are places where teachers do their jobs, take a rest, see visitors, hold meetings and so on. They are political places because their functions are not restricted and various activities meet and mix there. There are both connecting and dividing forces in staffrooms. Teachers are connected in one respect, acting in likely ways in the face of others. They are divided in another respect according to their subject or grade. Infirmaries are place where priority is given not to performance but to health, and some deviations from rules in classrooms are permitted there. Conflicts may thus occur between classroom teachers and school nurses. Not suprisingly, school nurses recently have identity problems because their roles have been broadened. School organizationa are thus a crossroads of places of micro-politics, and school management is a self-referential activity of micro-politics to control the micro-politics that occur in schools. Although conflicts in school organizations cannot always be resolved, organizational order is formed through an emergence of consensus from interaction and formal decision-making. Moreover, recently the environment of school management is so complex that micro-politics can neither be oppressed nor concealed. It is important to empower teachers and motivate them to collaborate. From such a point of view, the recent reform of school management through school evaluation and teacher appraisal may have negative effects on teacher empowerment and organizational capacity building in schools. Finally, the connection of politics inside and outside of schools is discussed. Until recently it was recognized as the interaction of macro-politics and micro-politics. But it can also be recognized as the interaction of micro-politics inside and outside of schools. An analysis of this interaction may elucidate the new realities of educational administration.
著者
堀 和郎
出版者
日本教育行政学会
雑誌
日本教育行政学会年報 (ISSN:09198393)
巻号頁・発行日
no.19, pp.250-266, 1993-10-09

Educational administration as a field of study in the U.S.A. was reorganized as an empirical social science by the so-called theory movement after World War II. Since then, many conceptual frameworks that this theory movement created provided scholars with theoretical and methodological base for studying educational administration. However, after 1975 circa, many kinds of critiques against the theory movement and its paradigm appeared and educational administration as a discipline is now in the period of academic restructuring. New trends are being formed. It should be said that the study of educational administration is now in the stage of a post-'theory movement'. New trends include newly developed frameworks, such as contingency theory, organized anarchy-garbage can model, institutional 'myth and symbol' approach and educational policy analysis. Qualitative and fieldwork methods are adopted by many researchers. There are seen new academic interests into, the consequences of educational administration on educational practice, value problems, and epistemological issues. In this paper, author tries to make sense of these intellectual trends in the theory and research on educational administration in the U.S.A. Especially, the focus is on their backgrounds and origins, that is, what has been promoted, and who initiated the restructuring of the field and how? As for their backgrounds, it was pointed out that critical consciousness and revisionist thinking were caused among scholars by their recognition of a theory-practice gap in the study of educational administration, which was promoted by challenging developments and turbulent environments surrounding public schools after 1970, such as increasing numbers of underachievers, school vandalism, increasing educational costs, taxpayers' revolt, call for equity school finance policy, public demand for access to school policy making, and demand for school accountability. And under the influence of new study in history of science and philosophy of science that criticized positivism, radical social sciences appeared which began to attack theory and research based on a positivistic concept of science. This trend led to severe critiques against, and critical reassessment of the theory movement paradigm that is basically founded on positivism. Who initiated the restructuring of the field? Was it the Canadian scholar T. Greenfield? Surely, we must not underestimate the importance of his challenge, but, it was self-critical reassessment of its paradigm by leaders of the theory movement themselves that played a leading role in the making of new trends. First of all, critical reassessment had begun before Greenfield's challenge to the theory movement paradigm, though it was sporadic. Secondly, at almost the same time, seminars were held, by scholars who led theory movement, that took a serious look into problems inherent in the theory movement paradigm.