著者

伊藤 正子

出版者

京都大学東南アジア地域研究研究所

雑誌

東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.48, no.3, pp.294-313, 2010-12-31 (Released:2017-10-31)

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This paper aims to examine how reconciliation is developed through apologies towards damages by war, comparing the actions of nation-state, damaged areas and NGOs concerning the Vietnam War. The second aim is to consider official and non-official memories about Vietnam War both in the damaged country and the country that caused damages, further investigating the relationship between a variety of memories and political systems. During the Vietnam War, South Korea sent the second largest group of armed forces, but recently the Korean’s memories as heroic stories have been confused since Han-kyoreh magazine reported that Korean troops conducted mass killings. After 30 years, an ex-service Korean’s group visited the Ha My hamlet, Quang Nam Province, where slaughters occurred in 1968. They built a monument for the victims. But when it was completed, the group felt shocked about a poem on the massacre on the monument. After going back to Korea, they demanded revisions. The Vietnamese government, which was asked for revisions by the Korean Embassy, put pressure on the villagers, who finally covered the inscription. Vietnamese policy is to seal the past and look to the future as at present, the most important issue for the government is to procure development funds from other countries, and to maintain the legitimacy of the Communist Party through economic development. Therefore, the memories of the Ha My, whose villagers did not necessarily contribute to the Revolution, could not become an official memory. Further, those memories are not connected with nationalism. This point is the most different when comparing with the case between Korea or China and Japan. After the report by the Han-kyoreh, one Korean NGO started volunteer activities for Vietnamese survivors. Through those activities, some survivors have been healed, and for the sake of the Korean NGO, the memory of Ha My, which can never become official memory, is preserved in Vietnam.

著者

伊藤 正子

出版者

一般財団法人 アジア政経学会

雑誌

アジア研究 (ISSN:00449237)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.63, no.3, pp.12-29, 2017-07-31 (Released:2017-09-05)

参考文献数

10

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During the Vietnam War from 1965 to 1973, more than 310,000 Korean soldiers were dispatched to Vietnam. The killings of many Vietnamese civilians that occurred during this period are often mentioned in the recent ‘anti-Korean sentiment’ boom in Japan. This article discusses narratives of the memory of killings in both Korea and Vietnam. At the end of the 20th century in South Korea, what was once a ‘bravery story’ that killed ‘Aka (Communist)’ began to be viewed as an event that ‘killed civilians’. This difficulty in facing the reality of the home country’s negative history resulted in divided public opinion. A Korean NGO, NAWAURI, has attempted to contribute to future peace by apologizing to the Vietnamese people, listening to the people who survived from the killings, and understanding victims’ feelings.
On the other hand, in Vietnam, based on the slogan ‘Close the past and head towards the future’, Vietnamese survivors can only mention the historical recognition of the war in a way that does not affect international relations. This slogan has not only been simply championed by the state but also become a national consciousness, so there is little movement to record war memories of the general people so as to convey them to posterity. The slogan suppresses the honest feelings of survivors of mass killings, who have been forced to live difficult lives.
The national history of the Vietnam War, therefore, is a story of the brilliant triumph of the North Vietnamese army, or the National Liberation Front, who fought risking their lives. As a result, memories of mass killings that are unrelated to the victory would inevitably be unrecognized in Vietnamese national history. This means that when the state regulates memories and constitutes it as ‘the history of so-and-so country’, only favourable events are recorded, and some memories that do not promote nationalism are truncated. Memories of mass killings by the Korean army usually disappear with the death of the survivors, but ironically, the activities of the Korean NGO, which is revealing war memories of survivors in an attempt to ensure future peace, are contributing to the healing of the survivors and also to maintaining diverse war memories that are not subsumed by the state.

著者

伊藤 正子

出版者

一般財団法人 アジア政経学会

雑誌

アジア研究 (ISSN:00449237)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.63, no.3, pp.12-29, 2017

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&lt;p&gt;During the Vietnam War from 1965 to 1973, more than 310,000 Korean soldiers were dispatched to Vietnam. The killings of many Vietnamese civilians that occurred during this period are often mentioned in the recent 'anti-Korean sentiment' boom in Japan. This article discusses narratives of the memory of killings in both Korea and Vietnam. At the end of the 20th century in South Korea, what was once a 'bravery story' that killed 'Aka (Communist)' began to be viewed as an event that 'killed civilians'. This difficulty in facing the reality of the home country's negative history resulted in divided public opinion. A Korean NGO, NAWAURI, has attempted to contribute to future peace by apologizing to the Vietnamese people, listening to the people who survived from the killings, and understanding victims' feelings.
&lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt;On the other hand, in Vietnam, based on the slogan 'Close the past and head towards the future', Vietnamese survivors can only mention the historical recognition of the war in a way that does not affect international relations. This slogan has not only been simply championed by the state but also become a national consciousness, so there is little movement to record war memories of the general people so as to convey them to posterity. The slogan suppresses the honest feelings of survivors of mass killings, who have been forced to live difficult lives.
&lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt;The national history of the Vietnam War, therefore, is a story of the brilliant triumph of the North Vietnamese army, or the National Liberation Front, who fought risking their lives. As a result, memories of mass killings that are unrelated to the victory would inevitably be unrecognized in Vietnamese national history. This means that when the state regulates memories and constitutes it as 'the history of so-and-so country', only favourable events are recorded, and some memories that do not promote nationalism are truncated. Memories of mass killings by the Korean army usually disappear with the death of the survivors, but ironically, the activities of the Korean NGO, which is revealing war memories of survivors in an attempt to ensure future peace, are contributing to the healing of the survivors and also to maintaining diverse war memories that are not subsumed by the state.
</p>

著者

伊藤 正子

出版者

京都大学大学院アジア・アフリカ地域研究研究科

雑誌

アジア・アフリカ地域研究 (ISSN:13462466)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.17, no.2, pp.258-286, 2018-03-31 (Released:2018-05-12)

参考文献数

21

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In Vietnam, people must belong to one of the 54 ethnic groups recognized by the state. In the agricultural hilly area in the north, nearly 100,000 people are self-proclaimed Ngai, who speak a kind of Hakka language. Though the state accommodated the new category ‘Ngai’ to pull them apart from China during the Chinese-Vietnamese War in 1979, the cadres in the rural area compelled the Ngai people to register themselves as Hoa, as they regard the people with Chinese-origin as Hoa. According to the Statistics Bureau of Vietnam, only around 1,000 people are recognized as Ngai. In this study, I consider the difficulty faced by one ethnic group to live in country A, which conflicts with country B, to which they originally belong. To this end, I clarify the life histories of the self-proclaiming Ngai. They are publicly regarded as reactionary in nature, but many Ngai cooperated with the Viet Minh and did not leave Vietnam even in 1978-79. As discriminatory policies were implemented without public knowledge, the Ngai faced severe hardships in the 20th century. Recently, however, the young Ngai are pioneering their way to a better life by going to work in China, using the new network that was established during the war.

著者

永山 敏廣 小林 麻紀 伊藤 正子 田村 康宏 塩田 寛子 友松 俊夫

出版者

公益社団法人 日本食品衛生学会

雑誌

食品衛生学雑誌 (ISSN:00156426)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.38, no.6, pp.464-469_1, 1997-12-05 (Released:2009-12-11)

参考文献数

14

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無農薬あるいは減農薬栽培農産物として東京都で市販されていた野菜類23品種114作物及び果実類7品種9作物について, 農薬の残留実態 (1988~1994年度) を調査した. 野菜類では9品種23作物からEPN, プロチオホスなどの有機リン系殺虫剤やTPN, プロシミドンなどの有機塩素系殺菌剤など, 13種類の農薬が検出された. また, 果実類では2種3作物から4種類の農薬が検出された. 食品衛生法の食品規格を超える検出例はなかった. 慣行栽培品に比較し, なす科作物で検出率及び検出量が低い傾向が認あられた. その他の作物では, 検出量はやや低かったが, 特に大きな差異は認められなかった.

著者

伊藤 正子 舟島 なをみ 野本 百合子 鈴木 美和

出版者

日本看護教育学学会

雑誌

看護教育学研究 (ISSN:09176314)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.15, no.1, pp.62-75, 2006

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本研究の目的は、患者の安全保証に向け看護師が講じている対策と実践を明らかにし、その特徴を考察することである。測定用具には、日々の実践の中、看護師が患者の安全保証に向けて何を実践しているかを問う自由回答式質問からなる質問紙を用い、郵送法により全国の病院に就業する看護師1056名に質問紙を配布した。回収された質問紙622のうち、自由回答式質問に回答した588名分の記述をBerelson,B.の内容分析の手法により分析した。その結果、対象者の記述は患者の安全保証に向け看護師が講じている対策と実践38カテゴリを形成した。この38カテゴリとは、【与薬・処置・検査などを確実に行うために最適な確認方法を選択すると共に、状況に応じて複数の確認方法を組み合わせて用いる】【可能な限りクライエントと直接関わることを通して個別状況を把握し、危険が予測される場合には頻繁に訪室し要点を捉えた観察を緻密に行う】などであった。Scott, W.Aの式によるカテゴリへの分類の一致率は76.7%,72.5%,71.3%であり、カテゴリが信頼性を確保していることを示した。考察の結果は、看護師の講じている安全保証対策と実践が8つの特徴を持つことを示唆した。これらの38の対策と実践、その特徴は、安全教育の系統的な知識の提供や、安全に関する実践を自己評価できるための指標として活用可能である。

著者

伊藤 正子 下條 尚志 小田 なら

出版者

京都大学

雑誌

基盤研究(B)

巻号頁・発行日

2016-04-01

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2017年度はハノイ、フエ、メコンデルタで華人と明郷についての調査を行った。まずハノイでは旧市街の元華人街を中心にインタビューを実施、短期間ではあったがしつこく何度も通ったかいがあり、水面下に残る華人ネットワークをたどって、1978年の中越関係悪化時に中国に戻らず、ベトナムに残っている人たちの証言を得ることができた。その結果、ベトナム人男性と結婚していた華人女性はベトナムに残ることができたが、それ以外の人々はほとんど残ることができず、ほぼ中国へ渡っていることがわかった。中部・南部からも難民となってベトナムから脱出した中国系住民は多いが、ハノイほど徹底して追い出されてはおらず、政治都市ハノイの厳格さと、北部から華人人口の大部分が出国したとされていた通説を確認することにもなった。さらに以前の教育状況や今は政府に接収されてしまっている会館の活動、華僑・華人大量出国の前後の状況など歴史を具体的に明らかにできた。ハノイに残った華人についての調査はこれまでないので貴重な資料を収集できたと言える。通常外部者は入れない、接収され小学校にされている元広東会館の建物内部も見ることができ幸運にも恵まれた。12月にはハノイ大のチン教授と分担者とともに、フエでインタビュー調査、フエ大学で華人に詳しい研究者と交流し文献資料収集を行った。フエは観光客で賑わうホイアンと同様、華人会館などの施設が揃っているにも関わらず、全く観光開発されていない。ホイアンやホーチミン市に比べ華人社会が衰退しつつあり、観光開発に関わるような人材も少ないことがわかった。行政側もフエには王宮関係の施設がたくさんあるために、ベトナム的でない華人施設に注目する必要がないと捉えているようだ。また阮朝に高官として仕えていた明郷の子孫が残っているのも古都の特徴で、抽象的にしか言われていない明郷のかつての活躍ぶりを具体的に明らかにできた。

著者

伊藤 正子

出版者

一般財団法人 アジア政経学会

雑誌

アジア研究 (ISSN:00449237)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.46, no.2, pp.51-86, 2000 (Released:2014-09-15)

著者

伊藤 正子

出版者

京都大学大学院アジア・アフリカ地域研究研究科

雑誌

アジア・アフリカ地域研究 = Asian and African area studies (ISSN:13462466)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.17, no.2, pp.258-286, 2018-03

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北部山間部省の農村に住む「ガイ」と自称する人たちの身分証明書の民族名欄には, 「ホア(華人)」と記されている. 「ガイ」という民族が, 一民族として認められているにもかかわらず, である. ベトナムに移住してきて最低3世代以上がたっていたかれらの中には, ベトミンの独立運動に協力する者も珍しくなかったが, 1978-79年に中越関係が悪化した際, 中国に起源をもつ者としてベトナムの排斥政策の対象となり, 公職から追われ, 中国に帰国する者が数多く出た. その後も, さまざまな差別政策の犠牲となってきたが, 21世紀に入り, 中国広西でのさとうきび伐採のための労働力需要を満たすため, 78-79年に中国へ渡った人々との間の親族ネットワークを利用して, 密出国出稼ぎにいくルートをつくりだした. この出稼ぎネットワークは, 他の少数民族や多数派のキン(ベト)人をもまきこみ, ベトナム北部全域に及ぶようになっている. 本稿ではかれらの個人史を通じて, ベトナムの排斥政策が, 中国との関係が切れていたガイの人々に中国とのネットワークを新たにつくらせた皮肉な歴史を描く.In Vietnam, people must belong to one of the 54 ethnic groups recognized by the state. In the agricultural hilly area in the north, nearly 100, 000 people are self-proclaimed Ngai, who speak a kind of Hakka language. Though the state accommodated the new category'Ngai´ to pull them apart from China during the Chinese-Vietnamese War in 1979, the cadres in the rural area compelled the Ngai people to register themselves as Hoa, as they regard the people with Chinese-origin as Hoa. According to the Statistics Bureau of Vietnam, only around 1, 000 people are recognized as Ngai. In this study, I consider the difficulty faced by one ethnic group to live in country A, which conflicts with country B, to which they originally belong. To this end, I clarify the life histories of the self-proclaiming Ngai. They are publicly regarded as reactionary in nature, but many Ngai cooperated with the Viet Minh and did not leave Vietnam even in 1978-79. As discriminatory policies were implemented without public knowledge, the Ngai faced severe hardships in the 20th century. Recently, however, the young Ngai are pioneering their way to a better life by going to work in China, using the new network that was established during the war.

著者

伊藤 正子

出版者

京都大学東南アジア研究所

雑誌

東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.48, no.3, pp.294-313, 2010-12-30

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Korean’s memories as heroic stories have been confused since Han-kyoreh magazine reported that Korean troops conducted mass killings. After 30 years, an ex-service Korean’s group visited the Ha My hamlet, Quang Nam Province, where slaughters occurred in 1968. They built a monument for the victims. But when it was completed, the group felt shocked about a poem on the massacre on the monument. After going back to Korea, they demanded revisions. The Vietnamese government, which was asked for revisions by the Korean Embassy, put pressure on the villagers, who finally covered the inscription. Vietnamese policy is to seal the past and look to the future as at present, the most important issue for the government is to procure development funds from other countries, and to maintain the legitimacy of the Communist Party through economic development. Therefore, the memories of the Ha My, whose villagers did not necessarily contribute to the Revolution, could not become an official memory. Further, those memories are not connected with nationalism. This point is the most different when comparing with the case between Korea or China and Japan. After the report by the Han-kyoreh, one Korean NGO started volunteer activities for Vietnamese survivors. Through those activities, some survivors have been healed, and for the sake of the Korean NGO, the memory of Ha My, which can never become official memory, is preserved in Vietnam.

著者

伊藤 正子

出版者

京都大学

雑誌

基盤研究(C)

巻号頁・発行日

2007

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韓国民主化後、タブーであったベトナム戦争中の韓国軍による民間人残虐事件に関し、進歩的新聞社や市民団体によって事実の掘り起しが行なわれたが、退役軍人会などからは強い反発も出た。本研究では、韓国側の戦争についての多様な語りを検討するとともに、ベトナム側では、当時の韓国軍駐屯地周辺各省において現地調査を行い、ベトナム側における国家から村までの各級の事件に対する語りを分析した。その結果、韓越双方とも、政治体制や外交方針、地域の違いなどによって、戦争の記憶の語り方に様々な相違があることが明らかになった。現ベトナム国家は被害国にもかかわらず、国家間関係を優先するあまり、虐殺の生き残りの人々の記憶の語りを抑圧しているのに対し、韓国の市民団体は世論が分裂する中でも、負の歴史を明るみに出して未来の平和のために生かすための努力を続け、ベトナムでは公定記憶にならない韓国軍の「負の過去」を記憶しようとしている。